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Volume III.
October, 1907
Number I
THE
MODERN LANGUAGE
REVIEW
A QVAR1ERLY JOURNAL DEVOTED TO THE STUDr
OF MEDIEVAL AND MODERN LITERATURE
AND PHILOLOi
JOHN G. ROBERTSON
ADriSORr BOARD
H. BR Alii
RRAVNttOl
KARL
C, H. HERFORD
!\ KER
RUN ICR
>RFILL
MBR
R. PR I Eh
T
AT TH!
Class nuiucr.
ncc mi.
THE MODERN LANGUAGE
REVIEW
VOLUME III.
I9O7-8
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE,
C. F. CLAY, Manager.
loirtOlt: FETTER LANE, E.C.
etinfcurri: 100, PRINCES 8TREET.
^■m
lrip>ig: F. A. BROCKHAU8.
Berlin: A. ASHER AND CO.
JUto lorfc: O. P. PUTNAM8 SONS.
Vowbig inH Cilnttta: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd.
[All rights reserved.]
THE
MODERN LANGUAGE
REVIEW
A QUARTERLY JOURNAL DEMOTED TO THE STUDY
OF MEDIEVAL AND MODERN LITERATURE
AND PHILOLOGY
EDITED BY
JOHN G. ROBERTSON
ADriSORT BOARD
H. BRADLEY
L. M. BRANDIN
E. G. W. BRAUNHOLTZ
KARL BREUL
E. DOWDEN
H. G. FIEDLER
J. FITZMAURICE-KELLY
W. W. GREG
C. H. HERFORD
W. P. KER
KUNO MEYER
W. R. MORFILL
A. S. NAPIER
R>. PRIEBSCH
W. VV. SKEAT
PAGET TOYNBEE
VOLUME
CAMBRIDGE :
at the University Press
1908
115863
CONTENTS.
ARTICLES. page
Brereton, J. Le Gay, Notes on the Text of Chapman's Plays . 56
Crawford, J. P. Wickbrsham, The Date of Composition of Lope de
Vega's Comedia 'La Arcadia' 40
Crosland, Jessie, The Satire in Heinrich Wittenweiler's ' Ring ' 356
Fiedler, H. G., 'Earth upon Earth' 218
Heberden, C. B., Dante's Lyrical Metres: His Theory and Practice 313
Heller, Otto, Bibliographical Notes on Charles Sealsfield . 360
Hutton, W. H., The Influence of Dante in Spanish Literature 105
Kastner, L. E., The Elizabethan Sonneteers and the French Poets 268
Kastner, L. E., The Scottish Sonneteers and the French Poets 1
Lewenz, Marie A., West Germanic ' I ' in Old English Saxon Dialects 278
Long, Percy W., Spenser and Lady Carey 257
Oliphant, E. H. C, Shakspere's Plays: An Examination, I. . . 337
Onions, C. Talbut, A Thirteenth Century Paternoster by an Anglo-
French Scribe 69
Parrott, T. M., The Date of Chapman's 'Bussy D'Ambois' . . 126
Ragg, Lonsdale, Dante and the 'Gospel of Barrabas' . . 157
Rennert, H. A, Notes on the Chronology of the Spanish Drama, II. 43
Smith, G. C. Moore, Notes on Some English University Plays 141
Smyth e, Barbara, The Connection between Words and Music in the
Songs of the Trobadors 329
Thomas, Walter, Milton's Heroic Line viewed from an Historical
Standpoint, V— X. . 16, 232
Tilley, Arthur, Rabelais and Geographical Discovery, II. Jacques
Cartier 209
Toynbee, Paget, The Inquisition and the 'Editio Princeps' of the
•Vita Nuova' 228
Wilson, J. Dover, The Missing Title of Thomas Lodge's Reply to
Gosson's ' School of Abuse ' 166
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES.
Barer, A. T., Fragment of an Anglo-Norman Life of Edward the
Confessor 374
Benbly, Edward, A Note on Bishop Hall's Satires, ' Virgideraiae,'
v. i. 65—72 169
Brereton, J. Le Gay, Notes on ' The Faire Maide of Bristow ' 73
Butler, A J., Dante, 'De Vulgari Eloquentia,' I. vii. ... 375
Derocquigny, J., A Possible Source of Chaucer, ' Canterbury Tales,'
A 4134 and D 415 72
Derocquigny, J., Shakespeare's 'Troilus and Cressida,' in. iii. 161—3 371
Derocquigny, J., 'Wayte What ' = ' Whatever' 72
vi Contents
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES cont. page
Hi JFfBB, Mark, Hotel on the 'Interlude of Wealth and Health' . M
Moore, E., The Almanac of • J&oob ben Machir l>en Tihbou' , . 376
Onions, C. Talbut, Ah ('nr.v.-rded Reading in * Piers Plowman* . 170
Onions, 0. Talblt, Middle English *Coveiao } 171
Partridge, A. Joanna, Shakespeare's * An tony and Cleopatra,' in.
xiii, 158—167 372
Smith, G. C. Moore, Charles Lamb, * Essays of Eli a , . . : |
Smith, G. C. Moore, Milton, 'Samson Agonistes,' 373 . . . 74
Smith, G. C. Moo he, 'Victoria/ 'Exchange Ware' and * Worke for
Cutlers' 373
Smnoarn, J. E., Dryden's i Parallel of Poetry and Painting' . . 75
Wkekley, Ernest, 'To Appoint' (Milton, 'Sanson Agonistes,' 373) 373
Williams, W. H., ' Irisdisiuir in the Interlude of Mohan the Eu-
augelyst' 3G9
Williams, \\\ II., Shakespearean a ('Twelfth Night,' L v. 150 and
I. v. 205) 171
REVIEWS.
Adams, A., Syntax of the Temporal Clause in Old English PrOtt
(h\ a Shearin) 392
Baldeusperger, W n Bibliographie critique de Goethe en France (J. G.
Robertson) . iifl
Baldeusperger, F., Goethe en France (J. G. Robertson) . . . VJ<'*
BucbttQHO| G«) Glasgow Quateroezitenarj Studies (W t Saunders) . 94
Oamlvidge I liai U -y of English Literature, The, I. Mini Steele Smith) 287
Oham K. and F. Sidgwiclc, Early English Lyrics (W. ft Ker) 395
Chapman, G., All Fooles and the Gentleman Usher, i*d. by T. M.
Parrott <.l. le Gay Breretou) 386
OonDO, G. 0#, A Grammar of the German Language (K. A. Williams: 187
hunt«* Alighieri, tai Vita Nuova, per eura di M. Barbi (P. H Wi.-k
steed) ♦ 183
Elton, O., Modern Studies (P. (J. Thomas) 297
Failing, K., Das Priainel bifi Bans Kosenplht (H. PriebHch) . . 189
Franncc, A M Vic tenia. A Latin Comedy, ed. by G, C. Hoove Smith
(Wolfgang Keller) 177
Goethe, .1. W. von, Faust. Erster Teil, ed. hy J. Gotbtil (A. EL
BoMMd) :57ii
Grandgeut, Q H., An Introduction to Vulgar Latin (L. P.ramliir
GtUnmere, F. B., The Popular Ballad (F, Sidgwick) . . . • :!!»'►
Ilollwjiy-Calthrop, II. (.'., Petrarch (Bagel Toynhee) .... 91
Huchon, R., George Crabl>e and His Times (A. Blyth Webster) . 173
lluchon. P., tJn Poet* Realiste Anglais, George Crabbe (A. Blyth
Webster) 173
Keats, J., Poetical Works, i-d. by II. Buxton Potman A. U. Waller) 86
Langloin, EL, Table dcs Noras Propros dans les Chansons de Q e atfl
(Raymond Weeks) .
Melton, W. F., The Rhetoric of J, Doone'a Vane (G. CL Horn Smith) 80
Miller, 1>. A., George Buchanan; A Memorial (W. Saunders) . , M
Monro, E. Hamilton, English Miracle Plays and Moralities (W. W. Greg) 396
Contents vii
REVIEWS cont. page
Oniond, T. S., English Metrists in the 18th and 19th Centuries (T. B.
Rudmose-Brown) 181
Padelford, F. M., Early Sixteenth Century Lyrics (F. Sidgwick) . 294
Queen, The, or the Excellency of her Sex, herausg. von W. Bang
(W. W. Greg) 292
Shirburn Ballads, The, ed. by A. Clark (A. E. H. Swaen) . . 76
Smith, Wentworth, The Hector of Germanie, ed. by L. W. Payne
(W. W. Greg) 293
Tilley, A., Francois Rabelais (H. Clouzot) 403
Vaughan, C. E., Types of Tragic Drama (J. G. Robertson) . 401
Vicente, Gil, Auto da Festa (Edgar Prestage) 88
Villani's Chronicle, transl. by R. E. Selfe (L. Ragg) .... 182
Walch, G., Anthologie des Poetes Francais Contemporains (F. Gohin) 86
Worp, J. A., Geschiedenis van hot Drama in Nederland (J. G. Robertson) 301
Wright, J., Historical German Grammar, I. (J. Steppat) . . 299
Wright, J., Old High German Primer (J. Steppat) .... 299
MINOR NOTICES.
Beowulf and the Finnesburh Fragment, ed. by C. G. Child . 303
Bibliotheca Romanica 200
Cambridge History of English Literature, The, Vol. n. . . 200
Chaucer's Prologue, Knight's Tale and Nun's Priest's Tale, ed. by
F. J. Mather 303
Cohen, G., Die Inszenierung im geistlichen Schauspiele des Mittel-
alters in Fraukreich 302
Dante Alighieri, La Vita Nuova e il Canzoniere (Edizione Vade
Mecum) 408
De Sanctis, F., Saggio critico sul Petrarca 198
Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters 305
Festschrift zur 49. Versammlung deutscher Philologen und Schulmanner 200
German Classical Writers, New Editions of, 305
Hart, J. M., The Development of Standard English Speech . . 199
Howell, A. G. F., Lives of St Francis of Assisi by Brother Thomas
of Celano 407
Journal of English and Germanic Philology, The .... 408
Malone Society, The 304
Malory's Book of Merlin and Book of Sir Balin, ed. by C. G. Child 303
Modern Language Review, The, October 1908 408
Montaigne's Essais, Phototype Reproduction of 305
Richter, H., George Eliot 304
Shakespeare in Hungary 200
Smith, C. A., Studies in English Syntax 199
Societa di Filologia Moderna 200
Toynbee, Paget, In the Footprints of Dante 303
Walter, E., Adolf Friedrich Graf von Schack als Cbersetzer . . 408
Wieland's Works, New Edition of 305
NEW PUBLICATIONS 98,201,306,409
Volume III
OCTOBER, 1907
NlJMBEE 1
THE SCOTTISH SONNETEERS AND THE
FRENCH POETS.
I PROPOSE, in the following article, to show that the Scottish Son*
rs of the beginning of the seventeenth century, more particularly
William Drummond of Hawthornden, were largely indebted to the
French poets of the second half of the sixteenth century. In his
llent edition of the Poermoi Drummond (1894) W. C. Ward has
pn«\ed that the Scottish poet had levied heavy loans on the Italian
poets — more particularly Marino. His * Notes' contain more than fifty
poems or fragments of poems by Petrarch, Tasso, Guarini and Marino,
which Drummond borrowed more or less directly. Long be for*' Ward
proved \\\ had been generally admitted that Drummond owed a
good deal to the Italian poets, though w ry few instances had actually
quoted. No one, I believe, has so far traced the influence of
French poetry on Drummond, and yet the result of the present investi-
gation, I venture to think, demonstrates dearly that it was almost as
considerable as that exercised by the Italian poets, with this difference
that it was exclusively confined, apparently, to one poet, namely
Phillippe Degportes, the author of Diane and other sonnet-collections,
and himself an inveterate plagiarist from the Italians and from the
Spanish poet Montemayor. It is well known, now, what a large number
of sonnets contained in the Elizabethan sonnet-cycles wtiv filched from
the author of Diane. The infatuation of contemporary English poets —
to whom mitst new be added Drummond— for the conceits and hyper-
boles of this purely court poet is really remarkable, and not a little
difficult to explain. One would naturally expect them to go to Ronsard
and Du Bel lay for their models rather than to the Abbe de Tirom It is
that the chief of the Plei.nle and his lieutenant were not negl
but they never enjoyed a tithe of Deeportee 1 popularity. The fact
not a very flattering testimony to the taste of the poeta
concerned. Once it had been established that Drummond was largely
bted to the Italian poeta, it. was not unreasonable, in view especially
m. U it, in. \
The Scottish Sonneteers and the French Poets
stain particulars in his biography, to conclude that he had also
borrowed from the French poets. We know that he sojourned for two
Off three years in France as a student of civil law, and that during his
stay there he devoted more of his time to the study of French authors
than to that of jurisprudence. In the lists of books read, which Drara-
nmnd was wont to draw up, we notice, for the years 1007-9* the names
of Rabelais, Ronsard, Du Bartas, Pbntus de Tyard and of a few Others*
to mention only the French authors. And a glance at the catalogue of
his complete library; which he bestowed Upon his Alma Mater the
University of Edinburgh, in lb'27, reveals the interesting fact that out
of a total of some 550 books and manuscripts, about 120 are written in
the French language. These details show plainly that Drunnnond's
reading in French was wide and varied, and that he must have had an
excellent knowledge of the language and literature of France,
Although Drummond was steeped in the poetry of foreign models,
it is necessary and only fair to point out that he rarely descends to
plagiarisms in the strict sense of the word ; he never copies in a servile
manner, with the original at his side, as did Lodge or Daniel He is
rather a skilful adapter than a translator, and s<> dexterous and ingenious
is the adaptation, in most cases, that it is no easy matter to trace it
back to its first source. Drummond read his models carefully, assimilated
them and then refashioned the substance according to his own mould.
This is more especially noticeable in his adaptations from Desportes.
Perhaps Drummond, who was a Scotchman and ther mny' by
nature, thought that this precaution was particularly advisable in
the case of Desportes, whose ' poetical writings,' as Lodge informs us,
rather naively in his Margarite of America, were 'ordinarily in every
man's hands/ Be this as it may, his adaptations of the French poets
sonnets are invariably superior to the original, in their more glowing
and sumptuous imagery, and in a more skilful staging of the incidents
leading up to the culminating thought. The Scottish poet also displays,
in his 'spiritual' pieces, a depth of philosophic thought which, absent
in his French model, constitutes the most striking characteristic of
his verse.
Before passing on to consider Drummond's relation to Desportes,
I may be permitted to add a few* further cases of borrowing from the
Italians to those already instanced by Ward. In the Poems, Sonnet iv
(' Fair is my yoke, though grievous be my pains ') is obviously merely a
variation of Petrarch's well-known 'Amor mi sprona in tin tempo ed
affrena/ Sonnet XV ('To hear my plaints, fair river crystalline ') is a
L. E. KASTNER
3
loose adaptation of Sannazaro's *Ecco ch' un altra volta, o piagge
apriehe/ The same is true of No. xvi, which is here quoted with the
Italian in parallel column, to shew how ingeniously Drurnmond fre-
quently ham] Irs his foreign material :
Cari scogH, dilette e fide arene,
Sweet brook, in whose clear crystal I
mine eyes
Have oft seeti great in labour of their
ten
Enamel I'd bank, whose shining gravel
bears
These sad characters of in v miseries ;
woods, whose mounting tops me-
nace the spheres;
Wild citizens, Amphions of the trees,
gloomv groves at hottest noons
which freeze,
Elysian shades, which Phcebus never
etftUft;
ft Jitary mountains, pleasant plains t
Embroid'retl meads that ocean- ways you
reach;
Hills, dales, springs, all that my sad
cry constrains
To take part of my plaints, and learn
woe's speech,
Will that rcmnrsi !<\ss fell e'er pity
show |
Of grace now answer if ye ought
kn«»
Che i miei duri lamenti udir solete;
Antri, die notte o dl mi rispondete,
Qaando de V order mio iiieta vi viene :
Folti boschetti, dolci valli awene,
Freache erbe, lieti fiori T ombre segrete ;
Strade, sol per mio ben riposte e
quote,
D 1 amorosi Ho&pir' gia calde e piene:
solitari colli, o verde riva,
Stanchi pur di voder gli atfanni miei,
Quando fia niai che riposato io viva?
O per tal grazia un dl veggia colei
Di cui vuol sempre Amor cV io pad]
e scriva,
Fermarsi al pi anger mio quant* io
vorrei ?
Sonnet Lii ('Fame, who with golden pens abroad dost range') is
modelled on the first stanza of a canzone of Tasso of which the opening
line is ' Fama, che i nomi gloriosi intorno. 1 In the spiritual poems the
sonnet For the Pamon (" If that the world doth in a maze remain '), in
which Christ is likened to a pelican, was apparently suggested by the
m of Tasso in blank verse on the same subject. Lastly in the
DIM Poems, there figures an Italian sonnet (' O chionie, parte de
la treccia d* OfO ') entitled by Druntmond 'Sonnet quun Poet Italien fit
pour un bracelet de rheveux, qui luy avuit este donne par sa Maistresse/
to which are appended three different translations by Drurnmond him-
Wanl did not succeed in identifying the author of this Italian
sonnet. After a good deal of search, I discovered that it was one of
Tebaldeo'fl { Opera d* Atnore di Messer Antonio Tebatdeo, Venezia, 1550,
No. 106). These three translations of Tebaldeo s sonnet, especially the
one bearing the superscription ' Paraphrast really Translated/ are most
t hey shew how the Scottish poet could handle the foreign
f er, knead and mould it ( till it bore quite a different aspect and was
well nigh unrecognisfible.
1—2
The Scottish Sonneteers and the French Poets
We will now proceed to consider Drummond's dependence on
Desportes. To start with the Poems, Sonnet xi ('Lamp of In-awn s
crystal hall that brings the hours') is manifestly suggested by the
fourth sonnet of Cleonice, one of Desportes* various sonnet-collections
( l Dune douleur poignaute ay ant lame blessee *% In writing Sonnet x i u
(' sacred blush, inipurpling cheeks' pun.* skies') Druiumoml MeZ&S to
have had in mind Desportes* * Beaux naeux crespes et blonds nonchalant -
ment epars 1 ((Ettvres, ed. Miehiels, p, 105). In Sonnet xx the Scottish
poet paraphrases Sonnet xxxni of the First Book of Diane (GSuvres,
p. 2(1). Though the resemblance in particulars is slight, the substance
is evidently borrowed :
All other beauties, howsoever they shine
In [ugH more bright than is the golden
ore,
Or cheeks more fair than fairest
1 1 tine,
Or hands liko hers who comes the SOD
before -,
Match 'd with that heavenly hue, and
shape divine,
With those dear stars which my weak
thoughts adore,
Look bnt like shadows, or if they be
more,
It is iu that, that they are like to thine.
Who sees those eyes, their force and
doth not prove,
Who gazeth on the dimple of that chin,
And finds not Venus' ton intrench'd
therein,
Or hath not sense, or knows not what
is love
T<> see thee had Narcissus had the
grace,
He sure had died with wond'ring on
thy fiufe
Si tost qtristl plus matin ma Diane
sMveille
(O Dieux! jugez in suis a
son lever,
Et vny tout le phis beau -qui se puisse
tTOUTOt
Depuis les Indiens jusqu'ou Phtebus
s.)iiuuoille.
Ce n'&st rien que le teint dc I'Aurore
vermeille,
i ii quo de voir, aux longues
nuicts d'hyver,
Parmj le firmament mille feux arriver,
Et nest vray que le del cache plus de
UlLTVtilio.
Je k vois quelquefois, s'elle se vent
mirer,
Es perdue, estonnee, et long-tans de-
meuror
Admiran t ses beautez, dont mesnie elle
est ravic :
Et ceitttidant (chestif !) immobile et
{Mureux,
Je pense au beau Narcis de soy- mesme
amoureux,
si ant qiTun sort pared met to fin
Sonnet xxiv, except for the concluding lines in which the motive is
changed, is also an adaptation, this time from one of the religious com-
positions of Desportes {(Euvres, p, 509) :
In minds pure glass when I myself
behold,
And vively see how ray best days are
spent,
What clouds of care above my head are
rollU
What coming harms which I can not
prevent :
Qu&ud, miroir de moy-mesme, en moy
je me regarde,
Je voy com me le tans m'est aans fruict
eacoule,
Tandis que, de jeunesse et d'amour
uttble,
Ce monde en ses destours m'amuse et
me retards
L. E. KASTNER
My begun course I, wearied, do repeot,
And would embrace what reason oft
bath tolil ;
But scarce thus think I, when love hath
oontroll'd
All the best reasons reason could in-
vent, etc.
La beaute de mes ana, com me un
songe fuyarde,
lie laisse en sVn volant le poil entre-
mesk\
Le teint i>alle et flestrt, le cceur triste
et geld,
Qui pour tons beaux pensers la repen-
tance garde, etc.
Another of the religious sonnets of Desportefl (CEuvres, p, 507) is
janiphrasrcl in Hon.net XXXII of the Poems:
\\ erost with all mishapi be ray poor
life,
If one short day 1 never spent in mirth.
If ray spright with itself holds* lasting
r row's death is but new sorrow's
birth;
If this vain world be but a sable stage
Where slave-born man plays to the
.
If youth be toss'd with love, with weak-
age,
Si j'ay no-ins de pouvoir, plus j'ay
de nognoiwiam
si in i \ii est an but immobile aux
rualheurs,
Si mon fan ne nourrist dans les flots
de mes pleura,
Si la tin d'un travail d'un autre est la
naimanrrn
Si Hen uu'en des tombeaux uuict et
jour je ne pense,
Si je n'aime quo Tombre et les noires
couleurs,
Si le jour me dcsplaist, si mes fieres
douleun
If knowledge serve to hold our thoughts Au repos de la nuict croissent leur
in wars; violence,
If time can close the hundred mouths
of fame,
8i sans s^avoir pourquoy je tie fais
que pleurer,
And i lid long since past, like Si du nionde inconstant Ton ne peut
that to
If virtue only be an idle name,
if 1, when I vvas born, was born to
y seek I to prolong these loath-
some days?
fairest rose in shortest time
oaye.
sasseurer,
Si e'est un ocean de misere et de DC
Si je n'espere ailleurs ny salut ny
aecours,
O mort ! n'nrreste plus, romps le til de
mes jours,
Et meuitria quaat et moy tant de morts
UlllUtlUM
XVI is modelled, with certain modificatlODfl in the phra-
seology, on the twelfth sonnet of Lea Amours £Hipp6tyt6 {(Euvre$ t
p IS
hath not seen Into her Ba0foa Coluy qui ira point vi'u le pi-in tans
bed gracrcnx,
raing'agoddessznUdly 1 ijuand I onfall) au ciel sa ricbesse
[in
Of her, of Whose |MI» blood hrst sprang Retuplissaut Pair d'odeurs, les herbea
de roses,
Lull'd in a slumber bj a inyrtle shade; Les cuurs <1 affections et de larmes lea
IX.
bath not seen that sleeping white Cehry qui n f a point veu par un tans
and red furious.
Kak€ look so pale, which she La tuurmeute cesser et la mer appaisee,
did
In that Ionian hill, to ease her woes, Et qui ne scait, quaud Vame est du
.
The Scottish Sonneteers and the French Poets
Which only lives by nectar kisses fed ; Comme on gfenft s'esjouyr de la clarte
des cieux.
Corae but and see my lady sweetly Qu'il s T arreste pour voir la celeste
sleep, huBJin
The sighing rubies of those heavenly Des yeux de ma deesse, une Venus
lips, premiere ;
The (upids which breast's golden apple* Mais que dy-je? ah! moo Dieu! qu'il
keep, ne s'arreste pas;
Those eyes which shine in midst of S'il s'arreste a la voir, pour une saison
their eclipse, neuve,
And he them all shall see, perhaps, Un tans calme; une vie, il pourroit
and prow faire espreuve
She waking but persuades, now forceth De glacons, de tempeste et de mille
love, trespas.
Of the pieces in the Second Part of the Poems, the opening lines of
Sonnet IX are borrowed from a sonnet of Diane (GStwres, p. 15):
Thy
Sweet Spring, thou turn'st with all thy Voicy du gay printans Hieureux advene-
eoodly train,
f head with fla
with flow'rs: retire:
ment,
flflmfwrj thy mantle bright Qui fait que Thyver morne a regret se
The zephyrs curl the green locks of the Deja la petite herbe, au gr6 du doux
I >l?un, zephyre,
The clouds for joy in pearls weep down Navre* de eon amour, branle tout douce*
their showrs.
ment.
The next sonnet (No. X) is also adapted, for the most part, from
yet another sonnet of Diane (QSuvres, p. 20):
What doth it serve to see Sun's burning
face,
And skies enamell'd with both the Indies'
gold,
Or moon at night in jetty chariot roll\l,
And all the glory of that starry place ?
What doth it serve earth's beauty to
behold,
The mountains' pride, the meadows*
flow'ry grace,
The stately comeliness of forests old,
The ipatrfc of floods, which would tli- jh
selves embrace? etc.
Las ! que me sort de voir ces belles
plaints
Pie hies de fruits, d'arbrisseaui et do
fleurs,
Dc voir tea prez bigarrez de couleurs,
agent vif des bruy antes Fontaines?
* Yst autant d'eau pour reverdir lues
[>eines,
D T huile a ma braise, a mes larmes d'hu-
meurs,
Ne vovuit point eelle pour qui je rueurs,
Oettt fottl le jour; de cent mnrts in-
humaines,
Las! que me sert d T estre loin de see
yeux
Pour mon salut, si je porte en tons lieux
De ses regards les sagettes men rtri ores?
But it is in the Flowers of Sion or Spiritual Poems (1623) that the
dependence of Drummond oo Desportes ia most conspicuous. The
BOimete contained in this collection, several of which had already
appeared with certain alterations under the title of Urania, have hitherto
been held to constitute Drummc-nd's most original work in that form
of composition. In his Introductory Memoir, Ward says ' Nearly all
L. E. KASTNER
the pieces of this volume [The Flowers of Sion] appear to be original :
a very few translation* front the Italian of Marino are in perfect consent
with the prevailing tone of the book/ This view is n«> longer tenable;
at tefl f the sonnets of the Flowers of Sion are either adaptations
or paraphrases from the French poet s works, mostly from the Sonnets
fuels, which form part of his (Euvres Chrestiennes, The opening
sonnet is a free adaptation of the second sonnet in Desportes'
collection:
Triumphant arches, statues crowrfd with
baya
Proud obelisks, tombs of the vastest
frame,
Colosses, brazeu Atlases of fame,
Fanes vainly builded to vain idols'
1 1 raise •
«, which insatiate minds in blood
do r
From the cross-stars unto the Arctic
team,
Alas! and what wo write to keep our
name,
Like spiders 1 cauls are made the sport
of days:
All only constant is in constant change,
What done is, is undone, and when uti-
Into some other figure doth it range;
Thus moves the restless world beneath
the moon :
Wherefore, my mind, above time,
0Q, place,
ud steps not reach'd by
nature trace.
Si 1a nourse annuelle en serpent re-
toof&ee
Devance uti trait volant par le ciel
emp
Si la plus longue vie eat moins qu'une
journee,
Une heure, une minute, en vers Peternite*;
Que songes-tu, mm ame, en la terre
enchain i
QtM] oppast tient ici ton destr arrest^?
Faveur, thresors, grandeurs, ne sont que
Viinite,
Trotnpans des fols mortels la race in-
forturu'e.
Fuim que Fheur souverain ailleurs s©
doit ehercher,
II faut de ces gluaux ton plumage
arracher
Et vuller dansle ciel d'une Mgere traicte.
La ae trouve le bien atfnvnchi de
souci,
La foy, Pamour nana feinte et la beaute
parfaiete
Qu't ctafl yetxx, sans profit, tu vas
client Kin t ici.
The amplification in the ennmeration of the things that are the
sport of time and mark the instability of mortal glory was probably
suggested by an Italian sonnet of Caatiglionr :
Suporbi colli, e ?d line,
I numc sol di Koma aneor tenete,
Ahi che reliquie niiserande avete
Di taut' auiii e pellegrine !
Colossi archi teatri opre divine
nfal jiompe gloriose i II
In poco 08110V pnr converse iwt
E fatte al vulgo vil favolu al fine etc
The sonnet entitled iVo Trust in Time is again an adaptation from
Kin-res, p. 507):
how the flower which ling'ringly
doth f;»
La vie est une fleur espineuse et i>oi-
gnaute,
The Scottish Sonneteers and the French Poets
The morning's darling late, the summer's
queen.
Spoil d of that juice which kept it fresh
and green,
As high as it did raise, bows low the
head :
Right so my life, contentments being
dead.
Or in their contraries but only seen,
With swifter speed declines than erst it
spread,
And, blasted, scarce now shows what it
hath been.
As doth the pilgrim therefore, whom the
night
By darkness woidd imprison on his way,
Think on thy home, my soul, and think
aright
Of what yet rests thee of life's wasting
day:
Thy sun posts westward, passed is thy
morn,
Belle ati lever dn jour, seiche en son
occiiit nt ;
uioiiis que de la neige en l'este
plus ardent,
Cast une nef rompue an fort do la
tourmente.
Uheur du moode n'est rien qu'unc
roue in cons tan to,
D'un laKnir < ; tern el in on tan t et descen-
dant ;
Honneur, plueir, pro net, lee c sprits dee-
hordant,
Tout est vent, eonge et nue et folie
evident e.
Las ! c T est dont jo me plains, moy qui
voy eommeneer
II a teste ft hc mealer, et mes jours se
DM
Dont jay mis les plus beaux en ces
vain en fum* •
Et le frnict que je cueitle, en que je
voy sortir
Des heures de ma vie, ticks! si nial
And twice it is not given thee to l>e C'est houte, ennuy, regret, dommage et
1u.ni.
repent ir.
Another of Desportes — the third of the Sonnets Spirituels — afforded
the substance for the following sonnet of the Flowers of Sioni
Too long I followed have on fond desire,
And too long pantod on deluding streams,
Too long refreshment sought in burning
tire,
Run after joys which to my soul were
blames.
Ah I when 1 had what most I did
ad u lire,
And prov'd of life's delights the last
extremes,
I found all but a rose hedged with a
briar,
A nought, a thought, a show of golden
dreams.
Henceforth on thee, mine only good,
I think,
For only thou canst grant what I do
crave ;
Thy nails mv pens shall l>e, thy
ink,
Thy winding sheet my paper, study
gl a vo ;
And till that soul from body parted
be,
No hope I have, hut only only thee.
Puis que le miel d'amour, si eoinble
d'amcrtutne,
N 'altera plus mmi MBOT eotnme il fit
autrefois ;
Puis qu« du ruonde faux je mesprise las
lois,
Monstrous qu'un feu plus saint main-
tenant nous allume.
Seigneur, d'un de tes cloux je voux
faire ma plume,
Mon en ere de ton sang, mon papier de
tn <•:
Mon subject de ta gloire, et lea chants
de ma voix
Pe ta inort, qui la mort eternelle
sume.
Le feu de ton amour, dans mon ame
Soil la sain to fureur dont je seray
poussc,
Et noil dun Ajiollon rombrageuso folie.
Cet amemr par la fby mon esprit
ravira,
Et, s'il te plaist, Seigneur, au ciel Tele-
vera
Tout vif, oomme saiuct Paid ou le pro*
phete Elie.
L. E. KASTNER
The sonnet Amazement at the Incarnation of God is translated from
the seventh sonnet of Desportes' Sonnets Spiritnels (CEuvres, p. 504),
which the French poet himself had imitated frond the Italian of
Francesco Coppetta de' Beccttti (Lot a gV abissi i fomlamenti).
It might be supposed at first sight that the Scottish poet's model was
also Coppetta, but a glance at the three compositions shows at once
that he was not following the Italian prototype :
To spread the azure canopy of heaven,
And make it twinkle with those apangs
of gold,
To stay this weighty mass of earth so
even,
Thtt it nhnuld all, and nought should it
uphold ;
To give strange motions to the planets
an,
Qr Jove to make so meek, or Mars so
To. temper what is nioist, dry, hot and
Of all their jars that sweet accords are
given,
Lord, to thy wisdom nought is, nor thy
might ;
But that thou shonldst, thy glory laid
■:de.
Come meanly in mortality to bide,
And die for those deserved eternal plight,
A wonder is so far above our wit,
That angels stand aniaz'd to muse on
it.
Sur des ahysmes creux les fondemens
poser
De la terre pesante, immobile et feconde,
►Semer dVistres le ciel, d'un mot ereer le
moede,
La uier, les vens, la foudre a son gre
maistriser,
De eontrarietez tant d'accords com-
poser,
La matiere diftbrme orner de forme
: ide,
Et pur ta prevoyance, en vnerveilles pro-
font lr.
Voir tout, conduire tout, et de tout dia-
ler,
Seigneur, c'est peu de chose a ta
majesto haute;
IGaia que toy, ereateur, il fait pleu
la faute
De ceux qui t'ofteosoycnt en eroix estre
pendu,
Jiw|u a m haut secret mon vol no pent
s'cstendre ;
Les anges ny le ciel ne le seauroyent
com prendre ;
Appreihs-le-nous, Seigneur, qui Tas seul
entendu !
Another imitation from Desportes is the sonnet Far the Magdalene;
nders with certain modifications the fifteenth sonnet of the Sonnets
Is :
These eyes, dear Lord, onoe brandona of De foy, d'espoir, d'amour et de douleur
eon ib lee,
Celle que les pecheurs dor
ir utter,
Seigneur! riot 08 jour a tes pies se
jetter,
Peu craignant le mospris de tou^e uuo
Sefl viiY, sources de feu, d'ou PAtn-nir
h ]Viub|«<:
Souloit dedam lefl occurs tant de 1
blueter.
ii source d'eau, ne font que
dogouUT
Frail bat they had to
keen,
Which tbeti nwn heart, then others set
Their traitorous black before thee here
hing deeds the fair
atr
elves which
shadow deep,
: ng serpents in gilt curia which
10
The Scottish Sonneteers and the French Poets
To touch thy sacred feet do now aspire. I/amertume et Fennuy de son aroe
troublee.
In seas of care behold a sinking bark, De see pleura, 6 Seigneur! tea priea
elle arrosa,
By winds of sharp remorse unto thee Lea parfuma d'odeurs, les seieha, les
driven,
O ! let me not expos'd be ruin's mark j
My faults contest, Lord, say they are
forgiven.
Thus sigh'd to Jesus the Bethanian
fair,
His tear- wet feet still drying with her
hair.
baisa,
De sa tiouvellc amour monstrant la vehe^-
men
O bien-henreuse femme! *j Dieu tous-
jours clement!
pleur ! eomr heureux ! qui n'eut pas
seulement
Pardon de sou erreur, raais en eut re-
compense*
In another of the Flowers of Stan Drummond adapted one of
Deflportefl* love-poems — N<>. lxxjii of Les Amours (fHippolyte — to the
service of religion. The paraphrase, at the beginning, is a very close
one:
As when it happ'netb that some lovely Cora me quand il advient qu'une place
town est forcee
Unto a barbarous besieger falls, Par un cruel assaut du soldat ftirieux,
Who there by sword and flame himself Tout est mis au pillage, ou voit en mille
itistals, iieux
And, cruel, it in tears and blr)od doth Feux sur feux allumez, mort sur mort
drown; amassee.
Her beauty spoil VI, her citizens made
thralls,
II is spite yet so cannot her all throw
down,
Mais si ne pent sa gloire estre taut
rabaiss^e,
Qu'uu arc, une colonne, un portail
glorieux
But that some statue, arch, fane of N'escbappent la fureur du feu victo-
renuwn
Yet lurks unmaim'd within her weeping
walls ;
So, after all the spoil, disgrace, and
wrack,
That time, the world, and death could
bring coinbin'd,
Amidst that mass of ruins they did
make,
Safe and all scarless yet remains my
mind :
Fn>m this so high transcending rap-
ture springs,
That I, all else defaced, not flmrj
Icings,
Et ne restent entiers quand la flarame
est passee.
Ainsi durant les raaux que j*ay taut
mppoyti
A la honte d' Amour et de vos eraautez,
Depuis que par vos yeux mon ame eat
reten uu ;
En de-pit du malheur contre moy
conjure"
Mon coeur inviolable est toujours de-
meure\
Et ma foy jusqu'icy ferrae s'est main-
tooi,
To the above loans levied on Desportes by Drummond may be
added vet one more from the Posthumous Poems; the fourth sonnet of
those addressed to Galatea is likewise a paraphrase from the French of
the author of Diane ((Etnres, p. 25):
If it be love to wake out all the night, Si c*est aimer que porter bas la vue,
And watchful eyes drive out in dewy Que parler bas, que soupirer souvant,
moans,
L. E. KA3TNER
11
Que s^garer solitaire en rdvaot,
BrftM d'uu feu qui point ne ditninue;
Si c'est aimer que tie peiudre en la
nue,
Seuier aur Peau, jetter sea eria au vaiit,
Chercher la nuicfc par le aoleil lev; nit,
Et le Boleil quant la timet est venue ;
Si c T est aimer que de ne s'auuer pas,
Hair sa vie, embraaser aoo treapas,
Tous lea atnuurs lont cuiapez en mon
arue ;
Main nnnobstant, si me puia-je louer
Qu'il n T est prison, ny torture, ny flame,
Qui mes dtSsira me soeust fair avouer.
And when the sun brings to the world
his light,
To waste the day in tears and bitter
rns;
love to dim weak reason's beam
With clouds of strange desire, and make
the iuincl
In hellish agonies a heav'n to dm
Still seeking comforts where hut griefs
we find;
If it be love to stain with wanton
thought
A spotless chastity, and make it try
More furious flunfifl than his wobae
running wrought
That bfUea bull where he e&tomb'd
did fry;
Then sure is love the causer of sueh
woes,
Be ye our lovers, or our mortal foes 1
In spite o# his acquaintance with the works of the other French
poets of the second half of the sixteenth century, Druminond does not
appear to have been directly influenced by them. In thti Miswllumes
there is a piece bearing the title Pht/liis f on the Death of her Spttrrow,
A poem with the same title, but bearing no direct resemblance to it,
occurs in the Jeux Rustiques of Du Bellay of which the Scottish p^et is
known bo have possessed a copy. Thus we may legitimately conjecture
that he got the idea from the French poet, though he may of course
bad in mind Catullus rather than Du Bellay.
Drum mood of Hawthornden was not the only Scottish poet of the
time who borrowed from the French poets- His friend and contemporary
William Alexander of Meustrie, later Earl of Stirling, though to a lesser
degree, is likewise indebted to foreign models. He had travelled ex-
tensively on the continent in his youth as tutor to the Earl of Argyle,
ami was well acquainted with foreign literatures. In 1604 he published,
under the title of Aurora, a series of sonnets, madrigals, sestinas and
elegies to a lady whom he had loved and lost. Although Alexander's
obviously merely a Petrarchan mosaic, he mingles his
irs and materials so cunningly that it is always difficult to trace
them back bo their original source. He appears to have acted on a
deliberate plan in order to escape detection, yet anyone who is at all
well acquainted with the Italian and French Petiarohiste, can see at
that the sonnets of Au TOT a are only patchwork made up of conceits
called here and there from the Italian and French poets, and skilfully
put t In spite of the precautions taken by Alexander, I think
12 The Scottish Sonneteers and the French Poets
I have succeeded in detecting a certain number of mure or less direct
Imitations from Ronsard and Du Bel lay.
Sonnet [II of Aurora is clearly suggested by No, lxxiy of I'Qlive:
That subtill Greeke who for t'aduance
his art,
Shap'd beau tit's goddesae with so sweet
a grace,
And with a learned pensill limn'd her
face ;
Till nil the world admir'd the workman's
part.
Of BEQch whoa Fame did most accoin-
plish'd call
The naked snowes he seuerally per-
eeined,
Then drew th r idcea which his soul con-
cerned,
Of that which was most exquisite in all:
But had thy forme his facte first
pos-
If worldly knowledge could so high
attaine,
Thim mightst haue spared the curimi*
painters p;mie,
And him more then all the
rest.
if he had all thy perfections noted,
The painter with his picture straight
had doted.
Si le pinceau pouuoit montrer aux
yeuk
Ce que le ciel, lea Dieux, et la Nature
Ont peint en \**\i% plus viuaute
printing
Ne vireut onq'rfe Grece les nyeulx.
Toy donq'atuant, dont L'gbU trop curieux
Preut seulement des beautez nouriture,
Fiehe ta velie en cete portraiture,
Dont la beaute plairoit aux plus beaux
Dieux.
Mais si la vine et immortelle image
Ne te deplait, seule qui le dotnmage
De tnaladie, ou du temps ne doit
mire:
Voy sea eem, oy son diuiu scauoir,
Qui mieulx au vif Tesprit te fera voir,
Que le visage Appelle n'eust syeu
jieiudre.
Sonnet XXXV is a free paraphrase of No. XXVIII of the same French
collection:
When I behold that face for which I
pin'd,
And did my selfe so long in vaine
amiuy,
My toung not able to vnfold my ioy,
A wond'ring silence onely Bhowe* my
mind :
But when ugaine thou dust extend thy
rigour,
And wilt Dot dajgne bo grace me with
thy sight.
Thou kilst my comfort, and so spoil'st
my might,
That scarce my corps retaines the v it, ill
vigour.
Thy presence thus a great contentment
brings,
And is my soules inestimable treasure:
Ce que ie Ben', la langue ne refuse
Ynus decouurir, quand suis de vous
absent,
Mais tout soudain que pres de moy
vous sent,
Elle deuient et Dinette et confuse.
Ainsij Tespoir me promect, et in'abuse:
Moins pres ie suis, quand plus ie suis
pn sent:
(Je qui me nuist, c'e»t ee qui in 'est
plaiaent :
Ie quier' eel a, que trouner ie recuse.
Ioyeux la nuit, le iour triste ie suis;
Fay en dormant ce qu'en veillant
poursuis :
L. E. KASTNER
13
Bat 6, I drowne in th' ocean of dis-
pleasure,
When I in absence thinke vpon those
things.
Thus would to God that I had seene
thee neuer,
Or would to God that I might see 1 1 in-
citer.
Men bien est fauli, mon mal est
Mii table.
D'vne ine plain', et deffiuilt n'est en
elle:
Fay' done q ? Amour, pour m'estre
charitable,
Breue ma vie, ou ma unit tfteroelle.
The next sonnet of Aurora (No. xxxvi) affords an interesting clue,
only is the substance manifestly taken from the third sonnet of
rOKm, hut Alexander commits the indiscretion of apostrophising by
name the French poets native river ! By omitting to change the name
he gives his whole CM6 away :
witness thou what was
gpotlesse part,
Whilst thou Amard to we thy X ymphes
so fa ire,
A 8 loth to part thence where they did
repair*,
Still luurnVring did thy plaints t*each
BtODQ hit;
Then did mine eyes belike them to
my hart,
As ■OORii] i old all those, though
rare,
And gaz'd vj>on her beauties image
there,
ie furnish 'd Cupid muiy
a dart:
Ami as deuoted only rata her,
They did disdaine for to bestow their
light,
For to lie antertam'd with any wight,
umIv that which made them first
to erre.
famous riuer, through the ocean
glide,
And tell myloue how constant I abide,
my Loyre fameux, qui ta petite source
EiihVs dt! maintz gros fleuues et
ruysaeaiu,
Et qui do Ioi ng coules tea eleres eaux
En FOcdan d'vue assez vine course:
Ton chef royal hardiiaent bien hault
pouflae,
Et apporoy entre tons les plus beaux.
Conn up vn thaureau sur les menuz
fczoup&ux,
Quoy que le Pau enuieux s'en cour-
Uomm&ndfl doncq'aux gentiles Naiades
Sortir debon tain beaux i>,i\,D-
humid* s
Auecques toy lour fleuue patera el,
Pour saluer de ioyeuses aiiuades
Celle qui t'a, et tes filles liquides,
D&fi6 de ce bruyt cterncl.
Other sonnets of Aurora betray a careful study of RonsarrFy Amours.
(' I saw six gallant nymphs, I saw but one ') is a reflex of * Je
nymphe entre cent damoiselles' — No. cxm of Amours i.
N<>. \xv ( 4 Cleare niouing crista]], pure as the Sunne beanies') is a
loose rendering of Xo. LXXV (* Je parangonne a vos yeux oe crystal ') of
EVench sonnet-cycle. The opening lines of Sonnet XLIII are also
borrow <l from Bonaard {Amours, No. xvi). The same applies to
Sunruts xcrv and xcix which present ■ poraphnae of the opening lines
of Sonnet \u of Amours n and of Bonnet OU of Amours I respectively.
xviu ('I hope, I tV'uvr, resolv'd, and yet 1 doubt '), judging by
the phraseology, is founded on Ronsards ' Jespere et crain, je ine tais-
14
The Scottish Sonneteers and the French Poets
et suppHe {Amour* xn), and not directly on Petrarch's 'Pace non trovo,
e non ho da far guerra/
From Desportes, Alexander does not seem to have borrowed much ;
Sonnet lxxxv ('Some yet not borne surveying lines of mine') and
Sonnet en (* When as that lovely tent of beau tie dies') read like remin-
iscences of Sunnefc Lxn of the Amours de Cteonice C Je verray par lea
ans, vengeurs de m on mart ire '), and of the famous sonnet of Ronsard to
Helene de Surgeres (' Quand vous serez bien vieille, au soir, a la
chandL'llo). In Sonnet U there can be little doubt that we have a
paraphrase of some stanzas in Diane (QSuvres. p. 83), entitled Songe:
I dreanul, the nymph that ore my
fancie raignes,
Came to a part whereas I paused alone ;
Then said, 4 Wli^t uocJs yon iu such
sort to mone ?
Haue I not power to recompense your
r Lines 1
coniure you by that loyall lone,
Which you profeB Be, to cast those griefes
apart,
It '» long, deare lone, since that you had
my hart,
Yet I was coy your coustancie to proue,
But hauing had a proofe, Tie now be
free:
I am the eeeho that your sighes re-
BGUlnU.
Your woes are mine, I suffer in your
wounds,
Your p—ionn all they sympathize in
me';
Thus whilst for kin dn esse both began
to weepe,
My happinesse euauuah'd with the sleepe.
Celle que j'aime taut, lasse d'estre
Est venue en songeant la nuiet me
consoler :
Sea yen* estoient rians, doiix estoit
»on parler
Bt nulle et mi He amoura yoloient k
leutour delle.
Prease' de ma douleur, j'ay pris la
hardiesse
De me pluindre a hauts cris de sou
OQ ar endurcy*
Et dun ml larmoyaut luy deniauder
BMI
Et que mort ou pitie* mist fin a ma
triatesse.
Ouvrant oe beau coral qui les batsers
attire.
Me dist ce deux propos: Cesse de
Boupirer,
Et de tea ycux meurtris tant do krmes
tirer,
Celle qui t'a blesse peut guarir ton
mart ire.
O douce illusion ! o plaisante merveille !
Mais com bien peu durable est Theur
d'un amoureux.
Voulant baiser sea yeux, helasl moy
malheureux ]
Pen a pen douceraeut je sens que je
m'eVeille, etc.
For the sake of completeness, it may be recalled that seven of
Alexander llontgomerie's sonnets have been proved to be almost literal
translations from the Amours of Ronsard, The credit of this interesting
discovery belongs to 0- Hoffmann {Englische Studien, XX ).
To these Scottish sonneteers, as well as to more than one of their
English brethren, may be applied, not inaptly, now that the day of
L. E. KASTNER 15
reckoning has come, the following lines from the fifteenth sonnet of
Sidney's Astrophel and Stella :
You that do dictionary's method bring
Into your rhymes running in rattling rows;
You that poor Petrarch's long deceased woes,
With newborn sighs and denizened wit do sing:
You take wrong ways! Those far-fet helps be such
As do bewray a want of inward touch;
And sure at length, stolen goods do come to light.
Although the perfection and beauty of the sonnets of Drummond —
by far the greatest of the poets concerned — are unquestionable, even he
can lay no claim to originality in that poetic form. He is impregnated
with Italian sentiment and Petrarchan conceits ; there is hardly an idea
or simile in his sonnets that could not be paralleled in Petrarch or in
his Italian and French disciples. The same is true of the sonnets of
William Alexander and of those of Montgomerie, neither of whom
approach Drummond in poetic expression. In whatever way we look at
the matter, the methods of these Scottish poets do betray a ' want of
inward touch/ and must in future affect considerably the estimate of
their poetic talent.
L. E. Kastner.
MILTON'S HEROIC LINE VIEWED FROM AN
HISTORICAL STANDPOINT.
Several critics dealing with the subject of English versification,
and especially T. Newton, T, Sheridan, and Sir S. Egerton I
have maintained that Milton practically obeyed no rule in his verse.
This, of course, as a preliminary step in the discussion, calls for a
definition of metrical regularity. Contemporary metrists would now
have the blank heroic line consist of five iambuses, the first of which, as
in the corresponding rhymed measure, may be replaced by a trochee or a
spondee'. In that case the most important element of the metre is the
five > separated by unaccented syllables from each other, whereas
Milton, as a matter of fact, admits several accents in succession and
lines having more than five stresses. We must therefore examine
whether the present tlnni-v of heroic verse tallies with that of the older
poets and of Milton himself.
It will be well to remember the demonstration given by M. J. Mothrre
of the French origin of the early English heroic line 4 , and to take into
account the rules of the French decasyllabic which we expounded in our
first section. In that old mediaeval nirtre the poet was only bound to
consider the number of syllables and the fixed position of the caesura.
If, indeed, in France, and still more in England, we notice an iambic or
rising rhythm in this measure — since, as we pointed out before, there ia
1 Continued from vol. 11, p. 315.
8 Cf. Sir 8. E. Bruise*, The Poetical Works of J. Mtiton, London, pp. 454, etc.
1 1 believe that Milton's principle was to introduce into his line every variety of metrical
foot which is Id be found in the Latin poetry, especially in the lyrics of Horace/
* Thus A, Spiers in his Trent he on Fntihxh Versi that ion , Paris, 1S74, p. 84, says :
* Iambics of 5 feet, called the Heroic measure, form the principal metre in toe language/
and Dr J. Angus in fall Handbook of the Kngluh Ttuuju*\ London, p.. 350 : * This verse (the
iambic of five feet) it* the heroic measure of English metre.... It constitutes without rhyme
our blank verse.../
* See J. Mothere, Let Thiories du Vert Mroique a right it, etc. Paris, 1686.
WALTER THOMAS
17
a tendency to accent every other syllable in the line — this has merely
followed as a matter of frraree from the nature of the language and &ot in
consequence of any fundamental law of versification, So mm-h is evident
v fact that all early English nietrists, like < lascoigne
in his Csrtayns notes of Instruction concerning the Making of Verse (1 575),
William Webbe in his lh.«<*nrse on English Puetrie, ami even Sir Philip
Sidney (though he givey it but a passing mention) in his A point fie for
Poetrit* published in 1595 1 insist on the counting of syllables as the
main principle of the heroic verse 2 , Shakespeare, too, in As you Like it,
1C i, 11. 31, 82, when Orlando enters with 'Good day and hap-
piness, dear Rosalind I 1 lets Jaqaee exclaim l Nay, then Qod be wi' ym,
an you talk in blank verse/ thus giving us his conception of that metre
as a regular dec&sytlable 1 ; and some ISO years later Pope sets up the same
dard * ben, speaking of an accumulation of monosyllables, he says in
his J Ism, L 347: 'And ten low words nil creep in one
dull line.'
Wnh regard to Hilton's rerae we have a reliable witness to his
opinion in the preface he added on the subject to his Paradise Lost
where he chiefly draws attention to two elements of the measure, one
fated, the number n\ >y]hihles, the other variable, the shifting caesuras 4 .
A men reference Id lines of his {e.g. P. L n II, U21 ; in, 715; vui. 527)
containing more than five stresses will suffice to prove how little he
heeded only accents in his verse. But, on the other hand, all these
present more nor less than ten syllables, and we can
range through both epics without finding in this respect any departure
fi^qi^he traditional rules of the measure.
In fael. trojh in Paradise Lost and in Paradise Regained there is no
DOe "t any line falling, short of or exceeding the prescribed syllabic
bounds. \\ e J,, not disoover a single case of a missing syllable, such as
1 See a reprint of this work, Cambridge, 1*91, p. GO: *Of versifying there are two
Luncient, the other Moderns, the Auncient marked the quantise of each
xiitahle, and according to that framed bin verse ; the Moderne, observing onely number
(with some regard of the aoeeot)*'
p cit,, pp. 14 — 15. This alom to show what a mistake it
is to Bay with Mr Bridges [JiiUciCi Prosody, etc., 18 ( J4, p, 71) : 'fb* syllabic liberty, so
far from beiu^ new, i| fuitntl in English verBe from the earliest times.' and how doubtful
>ta his assertion (p. 63) that * Shakespeare, whose early verse may be described as
fftdnally cann* to writ- a verse dependent on » trees.'
• J tain also in 1589 declares thai tar of tenne Billables is very stately
and heroicall .. thus, " I serve at ease and govern all with woe." '
■ Mr liridges admits as much {op. cit. y p. o*9) when he writes with reference to
Coleridge's ChriMtdbil i ' We cannot count by stresses any raore than we can in Milton's
blank verse/ aud on p. 68, 'In Milton's verse the chief metrical rule is the number of
syllable*,*
M. L. E. III. 2
18
Milton's Hemic Line
now and then occurs in Shakespeare ■, Some critics, indeed, think Milton
has allowed a few lines of more than eleven syllables, that is, has mixed
a few alexandrines with his other verse, as Dryden did a little later. Thus
Mr J. A. Symonds* quotes P.R. t in, 256: 'The one winding, the other
straight, and left between/ where the original edition reads ' Th' one '
and ' th' other * making the line into a regular decasyllabic Other cases
too have been mentioned, such as: l Imbued, bring to their sweet
no satiety' (P.L., vin, 216), For solitude sometimes is best society 1
(P. L.. IX, 249), 'Such solitude before choicest society' (P.R. 1,804),
'Irresolute, unhardy, unadventurous ' (P. P., in, 24-3); but it is easy to
eee that by reading simply satiie)ty f soci{e)ty, irres(o)htte y and unad-
vent(u)rou8 we reduce them without the slightest difficulty, and in
accordance with many a precedent, to the common type. These are
extreme and isolated examples. But take twenty lines at haphazard,
say at the beginning of the eleventh book of Paradise Lost, and all are
found to comply with the syllabic principle, if we agree to pronounce
after the standard of the poets time karli'st, regeN'rate, Spirt, and &*
ancient Again a verse like P. L„ iv T 531 : ' Some wandering Spirit uf
Heaven by fountain -side/ in which some detect as many as 13 syllables,
is readily proved a decosyllable* when the proper contractions are made.
Tha same applies, of course, to such lines as P. L. y E, 733 : II, 851, where
otmOttfl shortenings restore the regularity of the metre. By allowing
for the different stress on brigpd* in the seventeenth century we even
read P.L., 1 1, 532: 'With rapid wheels, or fronted brigads form,' as a
normal heroic line, instead of ending it with an accentual spondee, and
a rational observance of the pronunciation of the past will similarly
vindicate Milton's claim to metrical correctness.
Indeed, it is a remarkable fact that the epic poet discards many so-
called licences familiar to his predecessors. Perhaps the beat known of
these is the extra syllable before the caesura allowed in early French
heroics, though not counted in the measure. This Milton made 086 of
in a dramatic work like his Cbmitt, eg., 'And crumble all thy sim
Why, prithee, Shepherd — ■' (1. 615), 'Root-bound, that Bed A|»ol(lo),
Fool, do not boast* (1. 662). But in Paradise Lost and Paradise
Regained Milton is very sparing of it, and in almost every case where it
1 Cf. E, A. Abbott, ojh ciL, pp. 411-20.
1 Set- Fortnightly Rfttfftt, July— Dec. 1671 > pp. 771 and 774.
* That this was Htill the recognised scheme of the Hue as late as Dr Johnson's time is
obvious from the In Iter's remark at the close of his Life of CuwUy : * Cowley was,
I believe, the first poet tint mfngM Alexandrines at pleasure with the KMMUM heroic of
ten ty liable*, *
WALTER THOMAS
19
has been assumed, it can be explained away by some contraction or
some elision, as in P. L., I, 202: 'Created hugest (or perhaps hugst)
that swim the ocean stream,' or in P. L. t vill, 316 : 'Submiss he reared
and (>t perhaps tne'nd) Whom thou sough t'st I am.' It would seem
as if the poetj ID ftccordanoti with the Italian practice which had pro-
scribed the epic caesura, hardly cared to admit any in his own ?esraa
Sucl. hfl P. L, vu, 385; vin, 316, 591 ; xi, 297, 336, 772; P. P.,
Uf, 107, 125, 238, 340 are at best dubious. Wry few indeed like : ' Thy
QOOdoilCOP(mon) 3 and shall be honoured ever' (P. £., VIII, 649), or "But
why should I k glo(ry), who of his own* (P. P., in, 134), are
i in, and still rarer is an instance such as P. L., iv, 345 : ' Gambolled
before (them), th'unwieldy etephant/ where the extra syllable forms a
separate word, and w hi rover the author does use this licence, he is
< ireful bo make it as little conspicuous as possible by means of an
important break in the sentence which draws off our attention, Milton
may thus be said to have practically given up a metrical liberty of
which the playwrights, and Shakespeare 1 among them, had often availed
themsel
The same remark applies, though in a less degree, to the feminine
ending of the line so frequent in the Elizabethan writers. If, indeed, we
Contract at the close of the decasyllabic words which Milton elsewhere uses
QOIil i acted, the number of these, especially in the first books of Paixtdiae
would dwindle down to a very small figure. Thus out of 798 lines
in Book i, only six (J* L t L 38, 102, 157, 174, 606, 753) are certainly,
and one (1 166) possibly, hypermetrical J in Book III. out of 742 lines,
only three (P. L, m, 203, 290, 806), with one (I. 576) doubtful instance.
The later books and Paradise Pr<jttut,<l contain a larger proportion,
but fairer by far than C&mua, where ono line in every twelve has a
feminine ending, or than the Elizabethan plays. The tenth book of
Poradiae Lost has as many as 47 in 1104 lines, among which are those
i T L, v 7 si 87 I 987) closing with an unaccented monosyllable. The
twelfth bonk has eight certain hypercatalectic lines (PL., xn, 65, 114,
W9, 247. 261, 25$ W8, 518) and one doubtful instance (P. £., xn, 85)
. i of 649, whereas in PortK&w Eegainsd the first book) out
of 502 lines, contains 14 with a feminine ending, one of which (P P., I,
ith a monosyllabic word, and the third book, out of 443, has
ith a feminine ending, two of which endings (P. R. t ill, 372, 440)
an- i I monosyllables.
1 Bee Shakespeare's Macbeth and his later dramas.
a,— %
20
Milton's Heroic Line
On the other hand, Milton did not write a single epic line closing
with two unstressed syllables after the regular accent on the truth. In
the only instance of the kind quoted by Professor Schipper, P. 72., Ill,
82: 'Great Benefactors of mankind, Deliverers, 1 the last word must
contracted into Delivrers 1 as it is in similar oases (fi.g* t P. It.. I, 302;
P. L. f vtll, 216 ; IX, 249 and see above). Nor does the poet here revert
to a practice he adopted in his Vomits and probably copied from Fletcher,
that of giving the extra syllable a kind of secondary stress, wlm-h has a
retarding effect on the 76186, Ifl tit: 'CoXDfi not tOO near: you fall on
wagl stakes Ms. ' (Gom* $ 1, 481), * Bore a bright golden Bower, but not in
this soil ' (Com,, 1. &3S). Thus Milton, when he wrote Pttnuiise L>st
and Pttrtul '* m RflgWJBtftf, esehevved the metrical freedom prevalent in the
earlier drama and even gave up soon small irregularities of his own in
order to preserve the strict type of heroic line which he found alone
suited to an epic poem.
We see now what a mistake it is to fancy he smmd from the
regular standard of the decasyllabic in his later works. The mistake,
however, is probably due t<< the taet that some readers fail to notice the
elisions intended by the author. Milton, adopting the well-known
Italian practice, frequently ebdes final vowels. This he does so felicit-
ously that it marks him out among English poets and gives fresh
suppleness to his metre. Thus he often ruts off a the be ft >re t he « opening
syllable of the next word or perhaps rather, as they do in Italy, merges
it into the following vowel so as to make but one syllable of the two.
To this Professor Massun occasionally demurs 1 , but it stands confirmed
by the typographical custom of the seventeenth century, by the use erf
contemporary poets like John Dry den and by the consensus of almost
all competent judges who have studied the subject 1 . Yet Milton follows
his Italian models in seldom allowing an elision except between un-
accented vowels. He prefers a hiatus to a harsh blending of open sounds.
Thus in the seventh bonk of Pirnffh.se Lost in 640 lines we notice only
IS eases (P.i, TO, 76, 186, 309, 335, 390, 398, 418, 481, 151-4%
533-34, 541) where the happens to be elided before a stressed vowel.
As for to t so frequently elided in the dramatists, Milton does not favour
its elision. Thus in the first book of Paradise Lost it gives rise to a
1 Notice the contracted use of the word in P. L., ft, 451 ; xn, 149, 479.
2 See D. Masson, Tlie Poriicai Work* trfJ* Milton, 1898, vol. in, pp. 814-15.
3 See Wm Cowperft letter to Unwin, Oct. 31st, 1779 : * The practice of cutting short
a tin' is warranted by Milton, who, of all English poets that ever lived, had certainly the
ftnait ear,' For instance in earlier poets, cf. Abbutt t op. cit. t pp. 344-45, and J, Sohipper,
op. tit., tz, p. 104.
WALTER THOMAS
21
hiatus nine times {P. L, t i. 49, 67, 81, 122, 155, 373. 505, 608, 719) in
798 lines, while it is only thrice elided (P, L, I, 523-24, 74!*} 1 and not
once in the third book* Milton scarcely eve* allows the elision of
to before an accented vowel and in both poemfi we have only coma
across four instances of the kind {P. L, v, 570; vi, 814; X, 594; P. R t II,
82). Ones more we may notice with what care the poet avoids fusing
stressed syllables and thus eschews all harshness in his versification.
But eases also occur where vowels, both in print and in the actual
}irununci;uinn, cannot be merely cut off and where the merging of two
Is just suggested above, is the only possible solution to be arrived
at. This is what happens with words ending in -y> which letter blends
into one syllable with the following vowel. Of course, a good many
rn «rities, and Professor Masson among them-, maintain the con-
trary and detect trisyllabic variations in such lines. But we cannot
accept their views when we consider that the instances of vowels
_:ing into each other (even independently of the -y endings) are
nunn rous as to be obviously not irregularities but normal examples
of the decasyllabic type, that such a blending is actually preserved in
popular speech which is closer to the poet's pronunciation than the
deliberate articulation of the higher classes to-day, and that Milton,
whose ear was confessedly most delicate, would not have been likely to
perpetrate such ugly hiatuses as Professor Uasson credits him with
in P. /,,, ni t 402 465; \ i, 499; vm, 616. Here again it is mostly
Unstressed rowels that blend 4 . In a small number of cases one of
these ifl accented (erf. P. L. t in, 728; vn, 446; ix, 494). It may be
so in P, /,., \ j. 632 and xi f 767, though in the latter instance we may
burden for htrden s and in the former an extra syllable before the
ii" ineattf an impossibility.
lould the question arise what becomes of the final -t/, whether
CUt off or merged, v ih« j latter solution is the correct one,
Milt' know, was a close student of Italian literature and would
rv likely to imitate his foreign models in this respect; and, be-
sides, no elision is hinted at with regard to the above quotations in
the early editions, and the fusion of the vowels, as we observed before,
totally takes place (e.g., in Many m) in common speech, The same
• three cssefi it is not to that is elided, but thti following vowel may
i before the indefinite article ai Id /'♦ L.,
» Milton prefers the hiatus in P.R., m, 152.
, op. eij., vol. di, }►. 220, inatanoea 13, 19, 20,
* * So strictly, bat Enoch more i<> pity uaoUne.'
4 For this reaaon in J'.Ii., in, 117: * Glory he requires, and glory he receives/ we
I the vowela between the first two words.
22 Milton s Heroic Line
*%\A*ti*tinn extend* to other vowel endings such as -ow in P. L. t I, 558 :
'Ah'//tt*U ntv\ doubt and fear and sorrow and pain' (c£ also P. L. y n, 518 ;
f, f$V$\ X, 7J7 ; XI, 757 ; xn, 613; P. i?., 1, 140), the -w being treated
Mk* a v/w**J, a* in the instance from Lycidas, L 80, which we men-
t'vwA in mxA'um IV of this paper (tA* world put for <Ae toorW) 1 , and
m in ('UnwAr'n poems where, however, -we, which stands for the present
//*//, nun, of counte, be quite easily elided before a vowel Such elisions
W Mior« frwjuent in Milton than in contemporary writers, and here
fttfain, ft* wu noticed in the case of the and to, they seldom take place
imftirn ii «tr«N*«d syllable'.
( )im* of Urn most frequent instances of elision occurs with the ending
It I a nr la, *till Hounded in the seventeenth century as at the present
ilwy )n KrmiKh, e.g. in P. L., I, 402: 'His temple right against the
U»Mpr ofdod/ or in P. L. t II, 626 : 'Abominabl', unutterabl', and worse '
lni»\ vf, P, L, IV, 596; viu, 135; XI, 306), though in a few places (as
in /'. /,., IV, 843; P. R, I, 256; IV, 573) the line may be scanned
lightly by allowing an extra syllable before the caesura. But Milton
liuvur follows the practice of many Elizabethan dramatists of cutting
nhnrt -Id before a consonant (e.g. making a disyllable of ' gentlemen ') s .
Other endings simply melt into the next vowel, as so in P. L. f v, 628:
■ For we have also our evening and our morn ' (and cf. P. L. IX, 1082 ;
K, 203; XII, 611), or -ue in P. L., vn, 236: 'And vital virtuelnfused
ami vital warmth ' (and cf. P. L. t iv, 848; vi, 703 and perhaps x, 372),
or thtttt' in P. L. t III, 3: 'May I express thee unblamed? since God is
light.'
The question may also be raised whether the poet does not occa-
sionally admit aphacresis or the cutting off of a vowel at the beginning
of a word. This we recognise in cases where popular language still
jawi'ven the right to do so, and where it is necessary to make the sense
of a line intelligible. Thus Professor Masson, referring to P. P., u, 234 :
' I Mhall let jmhh No advantage, and his strength as oft assay/ scoffs
at 1 h»» idea of tvading nadvantage*, as if that were the suggestion of
thottt* who find the above decasyllable perfectly regular, while they
only Kontond for the very common combination no'dvantage*. Still, if
1 MttiL /,«!«{/. UevUtr, u, p. 806. Cf. the constant use of no* for ne was in Chaucer' a
i'tthUdmry To)?*.
* \»\ *t»t> |\ /,., v, 614 ; vni, 135 ; ix, 10S2.
* Cf. N, A. Abbott, op. cit., pp. 346-47, and J. Schipper, op. ct'f., u, p. 106.
* Vt, liku uurtaiitwa in E. A. Abbott, op. cif., p. 344.
* Nat) Mtt*»tm, op. cii. % vol. in, p. 222.
* CI. to. A, Abbott, op. cit. t p. 344.
WALTER THOMAS
23
we leave aside instances that can be explained by the more usual
elisions {e.g. P, L., I, 470; IX, 110; P. iJ., m T 120) or blending of
vowels, aphaeresis is by no means frequent in the two epics and does
not occur mora than some twenty times altogether. As a rule
find it in such familiar forms as bet (P t £.., IV, 758; X, 795) thoust
(!\ I., x, 19*; xi, 347 ; P, R„ ill, 390), I've (P. ii\, u, 245); perhaps
we may add tove in P. L,, J, 749, and I'gttinst m P, L., IX, 931. The
other examples we meet with are chiefly aphaeresis after a prunoun
Q P. L. t v, 107 and in IX, 152): 4 He (o)ffected ; Man he inside, and
far him built ' (or again in P. L t x, 149, 567, 758, 766 ; P. A, n, 245),
Bad after the verb to be (e.g. P. L. t ix, 570, 74U; xi, 888), Lastly we
h t\f another instance of it after no in P. L. t v, 407, one aftai
in P. I., x, 403; l Little inferior, by my (a)dventure hard, 1 and one
(though possibly it may be explained by a blending of vowels) after
though in P. /,., ix, 291!'. The fact itself appears to us incontro-
ible, whatever some critics nia\ say; it is vouched for by popular
pronunciation to this day, by the use of earlier poets, and is alone
Deeded bo restore harmony in lines which would otherwise impress
the reader as harsh and dissonant. As in the case of elision, to which
it is closely related, aphaeresis mostly takes place between unaeeonted
syllables. It is rare, too, between the same vowels (e.g. in P. L. t IV, 758 ;
DC, 1082; x, 5i*7), and Milton here again aims at avoiding or toning
down ;o iv asperity in a concourse of sounds.
Afore seldom still dors aphaeresis occur with a word beginning by
an Bflpil&te /*, Wo notice it only after pronouns, as in P. L. y XI, 347 i
tins preeminence thou hast (— thousii lost, brought down 9 / and
after fa, though kfve is as probable as thorn in /*. Z., i, 524-25. 749,
end \. 604 Indeed, if we consider that Milton's contemporary Cowley
always prints the elided to as t* in his Ihvidvis (e.g. (envhuiu, (have
in Book l), and that Milton himself does the, it would seem
our poet preferred cutting off the first syllable of have, as people
still do ii and aa lie BUrelj meant with virtue th in P. L,, x, 372:
1 Thine now is all this World ; thy virtue hath won.' These cases are not
m his printed text by any special rigiL In eome others, probably
!, more or less obsolete, be takes care to make
BtffiiOQ of a VOWel perfectly clear. This lie does when he roit-
whom into (tfhottf, as in P. £., It, 74ti : 'TwIumh thus the
IV rtrrss trf Hell-ate replii d ' Ului c£ P. L. t u, 96-s; VI, 814j XI, 453),
Ei E. A. Abbott, qp. ffit., p. 844, md J. Behipper, «■>/». rffc* vol. n, p. 104.
1 So the line Htamls in the original edit i
24
Milton's Heroic Line
and when he means i„ the to bo pronounced i th' as in P. /,,, i, 2*24 :
1 In billows, leave i 1 th* midst a horrid vale ' (and c£ P. L. t xi, 432),
aftvr a fashion which was no longer so iainiliar to the later generation
as to Englishmen of an earlier age*. Such iostaxtooa of course tend to
prove both that Milton belonged to the Elizabethan school and, by
n of bheir extreme rarity so far as his epic poem faoemed,
that he arrived in Paradise Lost and Paradise Regained at the utmost
metrical regularity.
Indeed, if all this is duly taken into account, his epic lines will
always be found to have ten sounded syllables counted in the measure.
Whenever some of these lines appear rather longer, it is because they
have an extra syllable (left out of the metre) before the caesura or after
the last accent — and we know how seldom the poet allowed anything of
the kind — or because an unstressed syllable is dropped by contraction,
blending of vowels, elision 3 or aphaeresis. A tew lines on the other
hand, like P. £., xr, 4ti(i : 'To whom thus Michael — Death thou hast
Been,' may seem too short, but the distinct pronunciation of two sepa-
rate vowels now usually melted into a diphthong (Micha-el)> corrects
the modern reader's mistake. The latter phenomenon seldom occurs
in the English language of the seventeenth century as compared with
that of the twentieth, and we readily see why so many more lines in
Milton strike us as exceeding the traditional limits. If, therefore,
we are willing to comply with the rules of heroic verse as ascer-
tained by the study of history and literature combined, and not
merely by the simple device of counting the syllables in a line, we
shall not find in either of Milton's great epics a single exception to
his deliberate use of the decasf/fltdnc measure, This rule, which he
never once transgresses, we may now pro&OUIlOe an essential (or •
the essential) principle of his heroic verse. It will, however; receive
a still dealer demonstration when we discuss tin- so-called trisyllabic
feet which a number of critics have BO confidently ascribed to, and
discovered in, our poet's works. And we may note that Mil tons
reversion to a strict standard of verification is all the more signifi-
cant and more laudable after the Elizabethan dramatists had set the
1 For this contraction cf. E. A. Abbott, op. eft., p. |45, and J. Schipper, op. cit. t n,
p. 114.
a This was fully understood by Wm Cowper, who iu a letter to th© Rev. Walter Bagot
(Aug. 31, \1%\\) wrote: * ...the unaequaintedness of modem ears with the divine harmony
of Milton's n umbers and the principles upon which he constructed them, is the cause of
the quarrel that they have with elisions in blank verse. ...In v:iin should JOB or I tell
them... that for this majesty it {i.e. his verse) is greatly indebted to those elisions. In
their ears they are discord and dissonance ; they leugtheu the line beyond its due limits/
WALTER THOMAS
25
example of admitting into their plays incomplete and hypereatalectic
lines 1 . Through insisting on absolute correctness from the metn i 'a
point of view, Milton added to the dignity of his epic measure and
deserved well of English literature.
YI.
At the present time English poets use but two kinds of metrical
feet : a trisyllabic foot composed of one stressed joined to two un-
»ed syllables and a disyllabic foot composed of a stressed and an
ttnatitaaod syllable* The question we have to consider is whether both
kinds of feel an- to be nut with in the heroic line or one only,
specially confining ourselves, of course, to Milton's practice in Paradise
Lost and Paradise lutjitittetl. If we go back to the traditional struc-
of the line, when combined with the customary five accents, we
always find ten syllables and none but disyllabic feet ,J . It was, indeed,
in accordance with the nature of things that a decaeyllable having a
fixed stress on the tenth counted syllable and another compulsory
s sharply defined by the accompanying caesura, on the fourth
or frequently on the sixth syllabi--, should discourage the rise of
liabic feet and readily divide itself into five feet of two syllables
Hence recent ltietrists, remarking tin- pretty constant ocenr-
of five accents in the decasy liable, have declared it to be formed
of five iambuses.
Snob ftfl accentual rule was, however, unknown to seventeenth
sry critics who merely emphasized the fact of the U\\ ?R<<>>arv
counted syllables. In this respect no hard and fast tradition bound
ami KiltOQ fully availed himself of the freedom thus granted
to English writera. Had he wished to admit iambuses only into his
Line, nothing would have been easier^ as will be seen by quite a number
of in among others, l\ /... in, 28, 105, 205, 525; v, 140;
vii, tJOl; \, L080; P, IL, \\ B6), But, apart from traditional reasons,
others prevented his adopting this method, A regular and
inuoua iambic rhythm (as even a slight acquaintance with Pope's
works will show) proves inexpressibly tediottS and could not satisfy
Milt - ars. The latter, following both his English
1 Oft I 85,
1 Thw is confirraeii Knpjlish verse by Geo, Gascoigne's statement : 4 We use
uone other order but a foote of two sillables.' [NoUt of Instruction in 1 iijtish Ven§ t I
26
Milton's Heroic L
his foreign models, was intent on varying his style and the harmony
of his nirtiv. Neither the example of the Elizabethan dramatists, Mr
that of Dante or of Tasso, favoured accentual monotony, and Milton
resolved to walk in their steps. He would, moreover, by too strict
insistence on an iambic measure, have been forced to reject convenient
polysyllables or to change the accent occasionally in a tongue which
puts a special emphasis on correct accentuation. Consequently, both for
the sake of variety and of personal convenience, in view of apt phrasing.
Mi! tun was induced bo admit diverse feet into his heroic line,
He thus very often allows a trochee instead of an iambus. But
the fact that English words either have but one stress or have lesser
MS separated from each other and from the principal one by at
OHe unaccented syllable makes the actual spondee a very rare
phenomenon, except in the case of two successive monosyllables, on
each of which the voice happens to dwell for a while. This, to our
mind t never occurs without a caesura between such monosyllables, and
we therefore regard the accentual ipondeefl (that is, feet formed of two
successive stressed syllables) which Dr Masson quotes 1 either as ordinary
iambuses or as feroeheea, barring these: ' Say, / Muse: their names then
known, who first, who Li»t ( P. L. f I, 376), ' Productive in herb, / plant
and nobler birth p (P. L. t ix, 111), and perhaps, too: l Hail, / Sim of the
Most High, heir of both Worlds 1 (P. R. } iv, 633), where there is an
important break in the lines.
Of the pyrrhie, a foot composed of two successive unstressed
syllables, we may say we have found no certain example in Milton's
epic poems. Unless it immediately follows an iambus or pre*
a trochee, it implies three successive unaccented syllables, which is
contrary to the nature of the English tongue, and forms a four-stressed
line which, as we shall see a little later, seems opposed to the poet's
constant practice. Dr Masson a , indeed, gives the following instances:
( Me, me only, just object of his ire' (P. Z., x, 936), and 'Surnamed
Peripatetics, and the sect' (P. R. } iv, 279); but in the former case it
would appear obvious to make -jeet 6f into an iambus by emphasizing
6f, while in the latter the proper name, like many similar polysyllables,
admits of a slight stress at the beginning (Ptrip(ttetic.s\ Parallel quota-
tions abound in earlier writers 1 and vouch for the accuracy of the above
explanation in Milton. Anyhow — and we will investigate the matter
1 Cf. D. Masson, op. cit., vol. RL p. *2l8 t from whose instances (given on p. 2IG) we
quote those be numbers as 7, 21 and 43.
5 Cf, D. Mansou, ap. cit. t vol, in, p. 217.
* Cf. E. A. Abbott, op. cit. t pp. 333-37.
WALTER THOMAS
27
more closely in our next section — what he most frequently allows is the
substitution of a trochee for an iambus. The trochee is very common
at tin outset and helps to make a word stand out from the rest. The
first foot is its usual place, e.g., * Thousand celestial Ardours where he
Stood' (P. i., v, 240), (and cf. F, L H vn, 187-88; ix p 1002; xi, 166 J
XII, 354; P. R, r, 130-31, etc. etc.). And a caesura marking, as it
were, a fresh start in the line, Milton often places a trochee after it,
q P. L, r x, 1030; 'I have in view, catling to mind with heed' (and
cf P. Z., ih 239 ; vi, 20 : vn, 444 ; xii, 468 ; ' P. &, I, 280, etc. etc.). In
accordance with a custom equally prevalent in Italian v er.se 1 , he prefers
to put a brdehefl after the final or the middle break of the measniv.
Milton goes further and admits occasionally two separate trochees
which, from their very position, do not greatly affect the iambic rhythm.
\\V thus find in P. £., IV, 601, 'They to their grassy couch, these to
their nests Were slunk/ The change is less marked owing to this
device, and the rem fcppeara ampler when the v<>i<e begins anew with
SB accent. We note very few instances of it without a caesura or a
pause, and chiefly in Paradise Regained, e.g., 'No, let them serve
Their enemies who serve idols with God* (P. R. f III, 432), (and cf.
PL, m, 616; P. R, I, 357; il, 154, 405; in, 217, 443)* As a rule
the j airs separate placed in the line tor his two trochees, and
should one of these in the first fool be followed by a caesura the
nd foot will contain an iambus, with but rare exceptions (such as
P. Z., vn, 364, 518; vill, 22u\ and perhaps P.P., il, 426). He would
therefore B6em to keep them, as far as possil.de, divided from each other
by regular feet, so as not to reverse the rising measure,
But this, although his usual gn&ctioe^ is not invariably adhered to.
Both in Para ft and Paradise Regained Milton at times admits
podtiti licence! familiar to the great Italian masfcem Thus he now
and again allows a double trochee fco begin a line m in P. L. t II, 880;
'With impetuous recoil and jarring sound' (and cf. P. Z. T in, 586;
50, S74; vi. ;H; vn, 518, 638; Vlii, 2W and perhaps, 808] X, 205,
ffl ::77 ; 1\ R, 1. 857 ; il, 24:] ; iv, 597 >, or to follow the caesura,
in P. £., vi f 866: * Burnt after them UJ the bottomless pit* (and
c£ P, /.., vr t 906] vu 7 122: X, 17s, 2(12; P. & t i, 139, 361; n, 171,
405, 428; m, 88; i\\ 889), mow instances of the latter kind
occurring in Paradise Regained than in Paradise Last. Other lines
wiiieh srrni equally to the point may be differently scanned (e.g.
1 Out of the first '21 tinea MM Lil/enita, nine be^in with a food
1 In «uch ca*es the trochee usually coir. OQfJ j^nce of the caesura,
. '!- 1 tin fourth or the sixth counted syllable in the line.
28
Milton* s Heroic 1
in 61ft j v, 117; P. //., in, 200) Qf beat different [e.g.
r i \,mi; viii, 826*478; i\, nr>7; xn, 164; P.B* in, 217)
I nil nilli n-nttiry pronunciation. This double tr* tehee
Wi h i v ooly met with in the first and second or in the third and
fourth feet, nerer in tin seeond nod third 1 . The fifth foot of M Hum's
dh tin- solo exception of I\ L. t in, 715 and V, 411, which
OOntftill SOTOO accents, is always formed Of ail iambus, even when there
is a break in the verso after the ninth syllable, as in P, L., II, 810:
I'-iK 1 1 n > 1 1 , U lifhor, 1 ton warn thee, shun His deadly arrow' (and
c£ /\ /... m, 678, 864; m, 880,848; vn p &14; P.R, i, 378; iv, 562}
And in 1.1m (our lines quoted by PfcofeeSQI Masson 5 as ending with a
H\Hmdw </ J /,, i, 1 22. :t7U ; 1\ &, iv, 423, 888), we only detect a fine]
iambus which enables the tenth sounded syllable to stand out clearly
horn tile n i
Though the linos beginning with a double trochee aze but few in
number, (ewer still are fcheas which have only two iambuses left. In
Milton's optica we have only notified the following: 'In' their triple
degP ions to which' {P. /,,, v, 750), 'Burnt after them j to the
bdttomlev pit' (P, & n vi, 866), 'Prfaaatl thus to his Son / audibly
spake' (1\ L t \u t 518), 'In' the SWe£l of thy face / thou shah
bread * (P. L t x, 205), * With them from bliss / to' the bdttoinless
Deep 1 <1\1L, i t 861)i * Light from above, / from the Fountain of
Light' {P, It, iv t 288X a,| d perhaps we may add; 'A'nd with these
WQtds Ins temptation pursued' {P„ R, u, 405), where tin
won I of the line might, however, be stressed instead of the first.
Professor Wanton' produces still further instances (P. L, I, 21, 122;
i\\ v;n, 865; vi, 912, /'. &, in, 443; iv, 279, 423), which we, for our
part, Should h< inclined fcO scan differe&tly. Again he describes as
containing but MM nimbus*: 'Say, Muse, their names then known,
who first, who hist' (1\ L. t I, 374J), 'Me, me only, just object of His
ire' {1\ L t X. 986), * After toity days fasting, had remained ' (IK Jt,
It, 24:?), and 1\ £., vr, 888 Bod P. It, u t 405 quoted above. To us the
first of these lines appears perfectly regular, and in the next two we only
discover a double trochee at the beginning, Lastly, Professor il
E&e&fciO&S ft &, l\\ 033: 'Hail, Son of the Most High, heir of both
worlds/ as innocent of even one iambus, whereas we find a troche.- or
1 Line 610 in P. L„ ix : 'Me thus, though importune perhaps, to come f would seem to
he ati exception, but the modem pronunciation importune WOW restore iambuses ami
appears perfectly legitimate dfiipite P.B., n, 404.
■ Cf. D, UMMOtL op. cit. t vol. III, p. 217,
• Op. eft., p. 218,
WALTER THOMAS
29
a spondee in the first foot and a trochee after tb a putting an
emphasis on the, High, heir and worlds 1 .
[ndeed, not only do we contend that Milton never allows more than
three ea in his epic line, we also maintain that he never placea
feheae three Bide by side. It may seem as if the following instances:
Shoots invisible virtue eon to the Deep' (<P, L., in, 586), and 'On a
sunbeam, swift as a shooting star' (P. L., IV, .">iii. Contradict QUI
ho Hut it must be remembered that if we give invisftU four
syllables and blend the final vowel of virtue with een, the third foot
is an iambus, and in the second decasyllable sunbeam may well be
:ited an the final component, a^ is so often the case in Milton-. Of
cuurs< \ a lm» starting with throe sneeossiv< 1 rochoes would wholly tail
to convey an iambic rhythm, and this certainly acted as a deterrent on
0O€ of the most careful English poets, preventing the occurrence in his
epics of such a fault against, the metre.
We may now sum up the above considerations as follows. Milton
m-v.-r allows his line to fall short of or to exceed ten counted
syllables, He almost always includes at least three iambuses in the
heroic deoaeyilable. To these assertions, however, many critics demur,
and Professor Masson, who insists on the deliberate pronunciation of
each word, fancies he can detect quite a number of trisyllabic feet
died trisyllabic variations) in the poets verse. The fallacy
which underlies this contention, is that of believing that an English
r of the seventeenth century can be read exactly as one of our
1 ithout allowing for the contractions in common use
at the time. If, however, the student will comply with the ruk
that prevailed in I6G0, as we showed in a previous discus*
sum he will rind no difficulty in bringing back each line <>f Milton's
D syllables, and will at once see how erroneous and inconsistent
every other scansion proves.
Again, we must not forget that while, on the one hand, the deca-
syllable by its very nature favours the use of disyllabic feet, on the
r hand both the anapaestic and the dactylic rhythm was practically
unknown to English epic and dramatic poetry under Elizabeth and
James I 3 . Consequently Milton was hardly likely to adopt, in the
st form of i metre which had till then been almost
1 Cf. E. A. Abbott, op. eft., pp. B8&-86, for instances of accented thr and in Milton
himself note P. L., I, 10 : ■ H* trusted to nave equalled thi Most High/ and cf, also ft I. t
in, 369.
* See for tliis point the preceding section but one.
• Cf. J. Mothert, op. eit. f pp. 12-03, and J, Sebippof, op. cit,, vol. i, pp. '237-38.
30
Milton's Heroic Line
exclusively confined to popular songs and ballads. Professor Masson,
boweyer, holds ppoeite views to these 1 , and we shall have to examine
the liriis he quotes in support of his theory. It is interesting to note
his admission that all his quotations ran be made to conform to the
regular type by means of such contractions and elisions as we have
already shown to be usual in Milton 8 . Of course, he ridicules the
contrary opinion by the fanciful way in which he supposes it to meet
the necessities of the ease. Thus in Counts, 1. U02 : ' But for that
damned magician, let him be girt; he imagines magician fee be reduced
td tnagish, whereas the last syllable is tepidly sounded, but not counted
in the line, and in P. K, n, 234, instead of his nadvantage we should
quite naturally read no Ulvantage, or again in P L, II, 1021-22: 4 So
h< wiih difficulty and labour hard Moved on. With difficulty and labour
he/ instead of his absurd diffikty we should pronounce diff f culty r by no
means offending even the most fastidious earn. Having premised this
much, we shall proceed with the critical examination of the instances
he gives to prove his views, taking them one by one in the order in
which he brings them forward 8 . In P. Z., i, 202 : ' Created hugest
that swim the ocean stream,' we note an extra syllable, in hug -(est)
before the caesura, in P. L., II, 91 we read tort ring for torturing, in
P. L, t I, 248 reasn for reason, in P. L., n T 2C1 we discover in er(il)
an extra syllable before the caesura, in P. i., ir, 564 we would blend
glory and t in P. Z., II, 844 contract imme<tsrahfy, in P L, It, 877 elide
T/iintricate, in P Z,, IL 878 read irn for iron, in P Z., iv, 251 make
an epic caesura of on(ly\ in P. Z. r IV, 802 blend fancy, and, in P Z M
IV, 848 Virtue in, in P Z, v, 455 make diet into a monosyllable, in
P Z,, V, 576 elide t' other, in P L, vn, 835 til 1 Earth, in P /,., vn T 44t>
blend together starry eyes, in P. Z., vn, 533 elide th* air, in P L., IX, 429
purpl\ azure, in P. Z., IX, 764 contract eat'n, in P L. t x, 203 blend
also and, in P Z., x, 478 fiercely opposed, in P, Z„ x, 702 note an
epic caesura in beget (me)? I, in P L>, x, 768 blend justly is, in
P. Z,, x, 906 adversary, his, in P Z., XI, 336 only; his, in P &, xi, 458
contract pi(e)ty f in P.L., XI, 563 resimnt for resonant, in P. Z., xu, 62
Malicious, in P. Z, xu, 203 pt7f r for /wMai', in P. Z., xu, 340 blend
c%! Ait, in P Z., xu, 370 hereditary, omd, in P. Z., xu, 383 contract
1 Cf, D, Mitsson, op. eft., vol, hi, pp. 220-23.
* Cf, o/>. fliti p. Si; * AU these might be rectitied into Decasy Unities by supposing
elisions, slurs or contracted utterances... .There could be no more absurd error.'
8 See op. cit., vol. i:r, pp. 220-21.
WALTER THOMAS
31
cap tal t in P. R t I, 858 elide Templ\ and, in P. R t I, 350 contract
Knmi/ng, in P. R. t II, 5 author ty t in P. B,, II, 44 elide M Earth, in
P. R t II, 82 fttny, in P. R, IL 124 contract Powrs, or perhaps FcrtV,
in P. P M II, 289 blend Only in, in P. P. r in, 120 read with aphaeresis
glory he 'xavts for & . in P. P., Ill, 323 contract flyng, in P. J?.,
in, 325 oercame, in P, R, IV, 243 blend Citfor, in P. P., IV, 270
elide A 1 arsetml, in P P., IV, 280 read Epivure(an) with an extra syllable
before the caesura (odt an epic caesura) W contract it into Epicurean* in
P. P., IV, 553 blend thee am!.
Again, Professor Masson quotes the following lines as containing
twu trisyllabic feet: * Wallowing unwieldy, enormous in their gait 1
£., vii. 411), * Where obvious duty erewhile appeared unsought*
{I'.L., x, 10ti), 'If sorrow unfeigned and humiliation meek?' (P. L. t
X, 1092), * Though ravenous, taught to abstain from what they brought 1
(P. R t II, 269), ' The one winding, the other straight, and left between *
(P. R. Ill, 256), *Aiin at the highest, without the highest attained*
(PR, iv, i
Taking these several instances in due succession, we prefef to
read l WalTwing and unwieldy, mormons, obvious as a disyllabic and
duty ere white, sorrow unfeigned and humiliation with a contraction as
foiu sylhM's, ntr'notts and t'abstain, Tli one and th* other 1 , hiylt(est)
in the first case with an extra syllable before the caesura and in the
second hvjh'st with a contraction, and we fail to detect any harshness in
nii
Thus the above lines all revert easily to the regular type of the
decasyllabic. We have also noted a few, not mentioned by Professor
Maason, which seem abnormal, but can be shown to conform to the
usual rule of the They are the following: 'And where the
! of Blue through midst of Heaven* (P.£w, III, 358), ' Earth and
Bidet! of God with cedars crowned ' (/\ L, \ , 260), ' Because thou
hast hearkened to the voice of thy wife' (P. /,., x, 1 1>S), ■ Unhid; and
thou shalt est the herb of the field' (P. A., X, 204), 'The savour of
ah from all things there that live' (P. £ ., x. 269),
In the first two quotations, it We 00tntl»ct Birr and Softfll, and
in tlie last, it W8 contract savour into satfV, we find the normal deea-
ydlabic m* i, too, in the fourth line, if we elide th f herk The third
1 ' ! md the Stoic severe ' (P.U., jv, 280), It would be hard here to eon tract
. L 7<>7, and in P Jt., tv, 300, it is diavllnl
* The line ahowa the elisions in the first edition of P. J?,
32
Milton s Heroic Line
line is perhaps the most apparently irregular in either epic poem, probably
because it is an attempt to p ro p prr e the very won Is of Scripture 1 . Yet
even here perfect regularity is restored if we read thoti'st fur thou fiast
and elide the voice into tfi voice 1 (cf, in Milton's Lt/cidas, 1. 80, tk* world
for the world)
After a careful scrutiny of the verse in both Parodist Lost and
Paradise Regained, we have thus discovered no other feet than di-
syllabic ones formed of a stressed and of an unstressed syllable. In
the m xt Beotiofi we shall, indeed, give instances of a few accentual
spondees, but, as a rule, Milton may be said to have used either
iambuses or trochees, mixing them together so that we seldom meet
with two, and never with three, consecutive trochees. Thus he is
careful both to preserve the iambic rhythm of the whole and to add
the zest of pleasing variety. But above all, if we except the com-
paratively rare cases of extra syllables not counted in the measure,
his epic line always and every whore consists of ten sounded syllables
and no more.
VIL
Our enquiry into the metrical feet used by Milton has shown us
that he mainly favoured the iambus and the trochee. But it still
remains an open question whether the older English poets had the same
conception of metrical feet as our later contemporaries. Throughout
the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries literary critics chiefly
insisted on the regular number of counted syllables in the line and seem
to have paid little attention to stresses. In recent times, however,
writers have emphasized the importance of accents and regard it more
or less as a matter of indifference how many unstressed syllables are to
be allowed in the heroic measure. But since we are merely concerned
with Milton's versification, it is well to point out that in his day blank
verse was restricted to ten syllables only, set to an iambic rhythm, and
did not obey a hard and fast rule with regard to accentuation, A curious
instance which bears out this contention is to be found in John Bonnes
poetry. His decasyllabic is perfectly correct, if we are content only to
1 This, in a different case, Prof. M&sson has quite well recogmied. See op, cit.,.
p. 223 : * Milton te quoting feoia Scripture and it is his habit then to compel the metre to.
adopt the literal text.*
3 The elision is marked in the print of the first edituti.
WALTER THOMAS
33
count syllables, whereas his deliberate disregard of the stresses often
l« ids to results which jar on a delicate ear.
We must, therefore, in Milton, too, be prepared for greater freedom
in the use of accents. But to avoid Donne's harshness, he does observe
certain principles with respect to the accents of his line, It is well
known that the ten-syllable metre having a strong final stem and
another on the fourth or the sixth syllable naturally tends to adopt the
iambic beat. This the poet duly noticed, and hence in his epic-versifi-
cation he always admits five stresses at least.
Here, however, we are again met by a stout denial on the part of
9L Professor Masson 1 quotes a few instances with four
accents only and Mr Bridges 51 appear* of the same Opinion. Turning to
the former 1 * quotations, we aotioe at once that he takes no account
whatever of slight stresses falling either on some less important word
such as a conjunction or an adverb, or on a prefix or a suffix, though we
above (pp, 810-1 1 ) that these stresses really exist. Thus in P. Z,, HI,
719: r Numberless, as thou Beesfc, and how they oiove/ we should
(inlyput boom emphasis ana*; in i J .i., iv t 74: ' Infinite wrath and
inlinito (impair/ on fchfi ending of infinite when it is repeated, in P. L, y
' On a sunheaiiK swift, as a shooting star/ on the initial pre-
position Qti, in P. L. t V1 T Ku'b' : 4 Burnt after iliein to the bottomless pit/
on t<> standing for «p tn, in P, L. y vm, 299 : 'To the Garden of Bliss, thy
d/ on To*, in P. L,, IX, 791 : * Greedily she ingorged without
restraint/ on the pronoun she which specially recalls our attention to
Eve, in P. A. ? x, 205: ' In the sweat of thy face thou sfa< eat bread,'
0Q the first }iiv|M>sition /fij so t too, in P, i?., I, 8flli 'With them from
bliss to the bottomless Deep 1 >ai td t in P. K, II, 171 : 'And made him
bow to the gods of tail wivee/ on the pre yoei tion to which immediately
follows the caesura, in P. R tJ n, 405: 'And with these words his
temptation purened/on Mb placed in an equally emphatic position, in
P. it, in, 432: 'Their enomirs who serve idols with (iod/on the last
Mr of Snemids, in P. R., IV, 289: 'Light from above, from the
ji frtutt which oomefl just after the caeeura, and in
I' I: iv 507 : 'In the bosom of bliss, and light of light/ on the initial
position In.
f, IX Matron, ojk cit., vol. in, p. '21*1: * Iu a good many of the liuea only four
can be counted.,.. In three lines,..! can detect bnt three. 1 We examine
ait these in the order in which the critic hus quoted them.
Robert Bridges, Mitton'* Protodv, 1HH, pp. 17-19.
* Here and in P. H, , i\\ 697 1 Mr Bridges himself lays a stress on the initial To and In
(see B r.. p. 87).
M. L. R. in. 3
34
Milton's Heroic Line
Passing on to the lines mentioned by Mr Bridges 1 we should accent
in P. L., I, 498 : 'And in luxurious cities, where the noise/ And which
begins the line, in P. /,., l t 74 : 'As from the centre thrice to the utmost
pole/ .4s which occupies B similar position in the verse; in P. L, t I, 84;
'Served only to* discover sights of woe/ to which here marks the purpose;
in P. L., vni, 404: 'Still glorious before whom awake I stood/ k>
with a stress on the first syllable 3 ; in P. L>, vi, 599: ( Nor served it bd*
relax their serried files/ fef with an accent before the verb ; in P. Z„ l t
61 : 'A dungeon horrible*, on all sides round/ horrible with tiW it»
(a£ above p. 311), which brings out the full force of the adjective: in
P. Z., I, 124: 'Sole reigning holds the tyranny of Heaven, 1 tf/rantn)
with a concluding stress, it nnly on account of the hiatus, and in P. L» t
1, G3 : * No light, but rather darkness visible/ most certainly visible with
a double .stress from its very posit it m at the end of the line.
The same critics even discover in Milton lines with but three accents.
As such Professor Masson quotes: 'Created thee in the image of God*
(P. /,„ vii, 527), l In the visions of God : it was a hill* (P. L., xr, 377).
'Surnamed Peripatetics, and the sect 7 (P P., rv, 279), and Mr Rob.
Bridges: ' His ministers of vengeance and pursuit' (P. L.> l, 170), 'The
sojourners of Goshen who beheld 1 (P. L., 1, 309), 'Transfix us to the
bottom of this gulf (P.Z., r 329),
Let us examine these six quotations somewhat more closely. In
example 1 we notice a stress 09 thee and a slighter stress on in which
follows the caesura. In 2 we recognize (with Mr Bridges) an accent on
the initial In and another secondary one on was. In 3 we would
Pa IjuitHics or rather Peripatetics with a double accent and would slightly
stress and. As for the remaining instances, in 4 and 5 we. detect a
minor accent on the last syllable of ministers, and sojourners and another
on d/nd and who. And in 6 we would slightly emphasize to and 6f t as
earlier poets used to do frequently 3 for purposes of versification.
Should the fetter proof, however, fail to carry conviction, we may
refer to instances in point borrowed from Milton himself. It is a patent
fact that he often gives a stress to the invariable particle of compound
verba, e.g. to on in P. L, r n, 804; "Grim Death, my son and foe, who
sets them on' (and cf. P, Z., n, 073, P. & $ in, -J71 l to m as in P. i.,
vn t 566; c Open ye Heavens, your living doors! let in* (and cf. P. Z.,
1 Mr Bridges recognizee the existence of a minor stress, but thinks it can be safely
neglected.
* See above p. 314 and in Mr Bridges himself, op. eft*, pp. 55-56.
* Cf. E. A. Abbott, op, cif., pp. 335-38.
WALTER THOMAS
35
x, 94) or to out as in* P. K, i, 334: ' What happens new; feme also finds
us out/
If a strong accent is allotted to such words in these cases, why need
we be (surprised to find them slightly stressed elsewhere, with a different
grammatical function ? Nay , even at the end of the line we occasionally
find these in P. P., lit, 32: 'Of Macedonian Philip had ere these'; then
in P. Z., v, 514: 'Obedient? Can we want obedience then 1 ; where in
P. L„ v, 340: 'In Pontus or the Punic coast, or where'; pronouns
like urn in P. /,., n, 239: 'Of new subjection ; with what eyes wold we/
like / in P. £., xi, 703: '0 vision* ill foreseen! Better had 1/ or who
in P. /,., x, 121 : * So dreadful to thee I That thou art naked who Hath
(find b£ P £., v, 398) and the adverb not in P. Z., X, 918:
*I beg and clasp thy Knees; bereave me not* (and of. P L<> v, 548).
Again we ask if such words are granted a strong accent when they play
an important part in the sentence, why should they not take a
• Ian stress under different circumstances? Notice, too, that the
sai ii<- monosyllables sometimes become prominent through standing at
uning of a line and being cut off from what follows by a sharply
marked caesura tike Till in P. L, t 1,347: 'Till, as a signal given, the
uplifted spear/ and o£ Thtmgh (P L. f 1, 394), For (P. X., n, 54), Or (PJL,
818), AnA(P< L, n. 798)> But and Ih (P. L t in, 808-9), Sow
(P £ ,. l\. 237) and Fd (P. />., v, 826> Here, of course, these words
01 bat be powerfully accented and it is therefore unquestionable
that they can legitimately be Btre&Bad in epic verse. Now, too, we are
entitled to lay dm weight on the opinion of critics, such as Dr Abbott,
who regard it rious defect in the heroic metre if it should happen
i^in with more than one un i syllable 1 , BO as to make the iambic
rhythm uncertain at the \*vy outset. This will imply the accentuation
in P L> f li, 503: ' As ii' (which might induce us to accord), 1 of so
in P L t i, U44, of far in P L t in, 88, of not in P L, t vi, S98, erf Or in
1072, of mfj in P. R. t in, 205, etc. We may therefore conclude
Milton requires ten counted syllables and no fewer than five accents
up an epic line.
This Belf-imposed law of the poet's is, indeed, stricter, as far as
«ts are concerned, than the practice of his predecessors warranted.
who introduced the decasyllabic into English literature
B satisfied with a four-stressed line, if we may holieve Professor
tLbbott v op. eft B| p. 330:
1 the first foot (in Shakeapeare) almost always has
3—2
36
Milton s Heroic Line
Brink \ OH0 of the best authorities on the subject. The well-known
h quoted by George OadCOlgne 1 as an instance of other feet than
throe of t wu .syllables; * No wight in this world, that wealth can attaviu
[JnleKwe hr brieve that all is but vayne/ also shows ten sylhibl 60 with
but four J0Otttt» Lastly, according to Dr Abbott's 3 account, the Eliza-
bethan dramatists oHm remain content with the same number of str-
in their blank verse and occasionally drop one stress (or even a whole
foot) it its plftoe «an bo supplied by a gesture of the actor or if a new
i expressed in the latter half of the line, This T of course, helped
I-. tncmld tli« metre to the very thought it had to convey. But Milton,
when he wrote his epic works, n inn meed the liberties of the playwrights
mxl boib wilb n-ganl to the accent and r,.» the syllables which make up
i In iim anon tended to greater regularity.
We need not .suppose, however, that all the stiesMH in his deca-
hvlbibie line are equally strong and indeed the divergent virus put forth
in* we naw ftboTO pi 88) in th ine i|iu»tatmns, Mich as P. L. t
is BS0; vtn, 2!»!»; and P. P., IV, 597, go to prove as much. There are
UKiially three or four strong accents, as in a corresponding proae s< nteiKv,
I l>;ii BteZtd out in the heroic met re, Tlu-se ue clearly heard in recitation
ami rest eliierly on nouns; adjectives, verbs or pronouns. A lighter
stress tails, in aeeonlanee with the older aae of the language Mtal the
practice of the earlier poets, on the ending of polysyllables and on short
and less important words. Far from being overpowered by the weightier
accents*, they can be cleverly used by the poets for purposes of wfliflfliofl
and are constantly employed after this fashion in English versihVjit jnn.
It is of some interest to note how Milton turns tie «g weaker siresaes
to account. Thus in 912 lines in the sixth book of Paradise Lost we
find 864 in which, for the sake of the nude, such comparatively insig-
nificant terms are accented* The secondary stress is then principally
placed on connecting words in the sentence, and, if we take tleae in
the order of frequency, on and, on the propositions o/ f to t in, from and
on the conjunctions as and or. A curious fact is that Milton, when
he repeats the same conjunction, as in the case of or... or, R0r...ft0t*
usually emphasizes one of them only*, e.g. 'In Pontus or the Punic
coast, or where ' (P. L H V, 340), (and cf. i J , h n vni, 318; x, 107 ), ' Nor
1 See B. Ten Brink, Chaucer's Sprache tmd Yer*kun*t % 1884, p. 183.
1 Geo, Gascoigne (in Professor Arber's English Reprints), Certatjne Notes of Instruction
in Einjlish Verse (1575), p. 34.
s CL E. A. Abbott, Op. cit„, pp, 413-17.
1 The poet accents both, howeTer, in P. L. t xi, 102 : * Or in behalf of Man, or to invade.*
WALTER THOMAS
37
number nor example with him wrought' (P. L. f v, 901), (and cf. P. Z. t
VII, 253V Articles are more rarely stressed and a indeed never, except
perhaps in P. /?., I, 70. But the definite article the does at times receive
an accent, as in P. L., I, 756: 'At Pandemonium, the high capital' (and
of i\L. % ii 219; iv, 592; vn p 448, 469, 550; x, 278; xn, 389 J P. R t
I, 24.3; iv, 688), Only, as these instances show, it is almost always
when the article has more or less a demonstrative force. So, too, the
sign of the infinitive to is fairly often stressed when it implies purpose,
e.g. ■ Receive him coming t/> receive from us* (P. £., v, 781), (and cf.
P. Z., vii 222 ; viii, 412, 632 ; xi, 339 ; P. R. t 1, 101 ; HI, 247 ; iv, 308),
These words with seruiidary accents occupy various places in the
line, but do nut, as a ride, occur consecutively. We may also notice
bom the above example* that such weak stresses, except through some
slip on the part of the poet, are riot found at the beginning or at the
of the \erse. Indeed, the tenth sounded syllable in Milton's epic
a ays takes gi strong accent (a canon sometimes violated by the
Elizabethan dramatists), and lefts important words, such as then, these,
who, etc., are only placed (here when they play a somewhat prominent
part in the sentence. The weaker stresses, therefore, mostly appear
in the second or the fourth foot of the heroic metre and serve as a kind
* • t foil to the mote emphatic aooentfl which they enclose.
This alone would surh'ee to show what a careful writer Milton is.
Notice, too, bow seldom he allows two consecutive stresses without an
reniog pause 1 . He usually requires an interruption brought about
by a break in the sentence, by ft full stop or the dose of a paragraph.
always BO between strong accents, as in P. £., Hi, 400: * Not so on
Man: him, through their malice fallen/ and cf P, L„ iv, 985; v, ')2\ \
TO, 2iy\ ; ix, 553; xn, 420; P. R. t ii, 91. Minor accents are also
Iv not consecutive. In the case of a light and a strong stress
wring on each other the poet interposes a pause, if not an actual
between them as in /\ /,., vin, 682: 'Whatever pure / tin mi
and cf. P. L t in, t>21 ; v, 257; ix, 172; xi. 89ft
With regard, therefore, to the accentual spondee, that is, a foot formed
of bfl take it that not only does it seldom
iHt except a small number of lines where two consecutive accents occur without
a marked break in the n&N at tb»- traAitionil plant formerly reserved for the regular
• •ii-n.iullv tirnl them on the fourth tind fifth syllables afl in /'. / .,
% prodigious height 1 (and of. P. L., r, 5I>2 j n, B3
' \i, 00), or \o«± frequently still on the t^ixth and seventh syllables,
after him the third part of Heaven's sons' (and cf, P. L. in,
in. 135).
Milton's Heroic Line
HflPttr in Milton, owing to its infrequency in the English language,
btjt that it i I on in 1 in his epic poems without an intermediary
Ebvfng thus Hiocrtlilliod the poet's practice with refer ihe
M/iull-ht, nttttbcff of accents be admits and thw position in ku heroic
*<• must now DOtlOQ the liberties he takes in such matters. His
From the usual role as stated above, is the adoption of
a few more »Livsh«-h p uhI in im>st cases of six, lor his blank verse. He
nemlly places these accents together at the beginning or at
i ml of the metre which is made to have three um MS in
I / IV, 7 fc 22 : 'The (5ml that mide botb sky, air t earth, and Heavm.'
J( linn \h nut o 111 some of his verses {e.g. P. L. f vi f 44;
IX, 47H; P, /^., IV, 6B8)) it would seem to be because they may be
WMHinad vrith but livo stresses or because, as in P. L. t ix, 111: l Pro-
ductive m Wrb, plant, and nobler birth/ or in P. L.» IX, 200; 'This
(lardiii, si ill to tend plant, herb and flower/ the fifth and the seventh
syllable respectively may receive an accent as coming after the tradi-
tional [xwtition of the caesura. As a rule, however, the fact remains
that UiltQQ prefers grouping at hast three nouns, adjectives or verbs
(e.g. in P.JC, n, 893; n\ 115; vn, 212, 502-3; P. &, l, 474; m, 75),
whicli he sepamtes from each other by some sort of pause.
Such sj\ stn ssrd lines are comparatively frequent in the epic
we find eight of them in a total number of 1189 verses
in the ninth book ot Paradise Lost (11. Ill, 113, 118, 806, 335, 473,
730, 889). Those with seven or eight accents are much rarer. Of
i In former, KB OUT opinion', there are only three, e.g.: 'The cumbrous
elrments Earth, Flood, Air, Fire' (P. £., Ill, 715), ' Of srns. . whereby
they hear, see, smell, touch, taste' (P. L, v, 411), 'I mean of taste,
Hight, smell, herbs, fruits, and iluwers 1 (P* L. f VIII, 527), and the latter
are re pre s en ted bj a single specimen*, TOt: 'Rocks, caves, likes, fens,
bogs, d£ns, ami shades of tk-ath * (/ J . L. t II, 621). They all, however,
lune this ill emmon that each is composed of ten sounded syllables
and has at least four distinct caesuras. Some metrists indeed, as for
1 Fur thia reason we fail to see oonsecutive accents in such lines as P. L., XI, 231, 624»
702, 755, which some critics (see G. Conway, A Treating on Vt-rsifimtiotu LETS, p. 38)
lei (unity in Milton's epic, We should in these quotations emphasize not the nouns,
but the adjectives and verba, $ t § 4 scanning P. L,, n. 7M2, thus: ■ Thy ling'riQR or with oue
stroke df this dart ' or perhaps ' with one stroke of this dart * (see the previous note).
J Prof. Masson (np. ctt. f fol, in\ p, 2 ISM quotes P. ft. y iv\ 633, as a line of seven accents*
We can only detect five, or perhaps si*, in it.
* The two other Hues, P. £., i, 37H, and P. R., iv, 423, which Prof, Masson (op. fit
-vol. in, p. 219) regards as having eight stresses seem to as to contain merely five.
WALTER THOMAS
39
instance G. Conway, insist on reducing these lines to five accents by
leaving a few of the nouns unstressed. This to us seems an inad-
missible contention. To take a case in point, P. £.. in, 715 contains
an enumeration of the four elements, and there is no reason why the
first and third should be considered of less account than the second
and fourth, A similar argument holds good in the other cases, and it
therefore appears that Milton willingly allows more than five accents
in his epic metre provided they are separated from each other by an
unstressed syllable or a strongly marked caesura,
iShould the question be raised why the poet departs at times from
his usual rule.it would be hard to give a satisfactory answer. Milton
seems to admit a six-stressed line for the sake of metrical variety,
though he remains true to the syllabic principle of his verse and
takes care that one-half of the measure should be perfectly regular.
Perhaps, too, he adopted such hexameters, if we may so term them,
in imitation of the grand alexandrine which so aptly concludes the
Spenserian stanza. They already occur in the works of Beveral
sixteenth century poets 1 , and the increased number of accents and
caesuras lengthens the line for the ear and adds to its harmony
and impressivvness* Applied, as they usually are, to an enumera-
tion, tla-y forcibly bring out its several terms and heighten the
cumulative effect
With regard to stresses, therefore, Milton adopts no hard and last
rule. Whereas his epic metre must contain ten sounded syllables, the
is may 1"' variously distributed in the line. Seldom, indeed, do
we find i five decasyllabics stressed in the same manner.
Now the einphagifl foUi quite regularly on every other syllable and
get a perfect iambic rhythm, now it rests on the initial syllable
Of the measure or on the one after the caesura, or again, when the
pauses are shifted, it can occupy almost any place in the heroic line.
And, jf the thought expressed requires them, we may meet with as
-even, or even oight accents. The poet's sway over words is
absolute. He disposes them at will, and in his poems they stand
grouped or isolated, in accordance with his hidden purpose, like the
ti»rs that make up some vast forest.
Walter Thomas.
Something similar 1b shown by E> A. Abbott, op. cit. t pp. 3ir7 ta
THE DATE OF COMPOSITION OF LOPE DE
VEGA'S COMEDIA, 'LA ARCADIA.'
Lope de Vega's mmedia, La Arcadia, was first published in t
Trezena parte de las O&modioM de Lope de Vega Garpio, Madrid, 1680.
It is well known that, tins n -media lias the same argument as his pastoral
romance, La Arcadia, first published in 1598 (Madrid, L. Sanchez), in
which he celebrated the luve-atfairs of his patron, D. Antonio, Duke of
Alba. However, not all the incidents of the pastoral romance were
included in the comedia, the comic scenes in which Cardenio plays a
part, being especially developed in the latter.
Opinions as to the probable date of composition of this play have
differed widely. Sr Memmdez y Pelayo in his introduction to this play,
published in the Spanish Academy's edition of Lope de Vega, thinks it
is not likely that it belongs to the first half of Lope's dramatic career,
since the title does not appear in either of the lists of his plays, published
by Lope in El Peregrin**, in 1604 and 1618 1 . Schack 3 , speaking of
Lope's pastoral play's, says * Unter den weiiigen, die seinen apateren
Jahren angehoren, glanzt La An-mita durch die schone Klarheit des
Style und durch den Reia d©J? Xatiir- und Emptindiingsgemalde;' On
the other hand, Chorley 3 , judging from the fact that the play has no
true ftgura del donai/re } a feature introduced into the comedia by Lope
at least before 1602, thinks that La Arcadia was among the earliest
pieces of the author, but that it was retouched to its present form before
its publication in 1620,
In the prologue to this Porte Trezena, Lope complains bitterly that
«in persons had committed his plays to memory, in the theatre, and
then had sold incorrect versions of them to other theatrical managers.
4 To this must be added the stealing of comedias by those whom the
vulgar call, the one Mettiuriila, and the other Oram Mcmoria : who, with
the ft - which they learn, mingle an infinity of their own barbarous
1 Ohms tit Lope <h' V$f&, puliliahed by the Spanish Academy, vol, v; p. btv.
* Getchichti* ier toamktitehen Literatur und Kvm$ in SjpantM, vol, it, p. 381.
1 H, A. Eennert, Life of Lope tie Vnja, p. ttfi.
J. P. WICKERSHAM CRAWFORD
41
lines, whereby they earn a living, selling them to the villages and to
distant theatrical managers: base people these, without a calling, and
many of whom have been jail-birds. I should like to rid myself of the
care of publishing them (i.e. these plays), but I cannot, for they print
them with my name, while they are the work of the pel tidu-poets of
whom I have spoken 1 / He makes a similar complaint in his dedication
of La Arcadia to I)r Qregorio Ldpee Madera. 'Espexo, outre otras
cosas, que qaien ha eecri&o 6 impg&ao (si bien en tan di&tintafl y altaa
materias) se dolera de los que escribe n, y que ahora tendra remedin lo
que tantas veces se ha intentadn. d« ska-rando de los tratros anofi hombres
que riven, s<_- siisteiitan y visten de hurtar A los autores las comedias,
diciendo que laa bomaa de memoria de scilo oirlas, y que este no es hmto,
reepeoto de que el representaate las vende al pueblo, y que se pued&D
\alrr de bu Enamoria, que es lo misrno que decir que un larlron no lo as
porque Be vale de su cntendimiento, dandn trazas, haeiendo Haves,
ranpieodo rejas, tingiendo personas, cartas, firmas y diferemVs habitos.
DO Bdlo Bfl en dfiAo de toe autores, porque andan perdidns y
empenados, pero, lo que es mas de snitir, de log ingenios que las escriben,
porque yo he hecho diligencia para saber de uno de e\stos, llamado el de
la grm memoria, si era verdad que la tenia; y he hallado, leyendu sus
traslados, que para un verso mfo, hay iniimtus suyos, llenos de locuras,
disparates * ; ignorancias, bastantes d quitaf la honra y opinion al mayor
ingetiio en nuestra naci6n y las extranjeras, donde ya se leen con tanto
gusto 1 .'
Chrisfcrfbal Suarez de Figueroa givea ai more definite information in
ird t<> this practice, so strongly condemned by Lope, in his Plaza
U de totffis <y'enci<is y ttrfes, published at Madrid in 1615*. He
■ ise en Madrid al presente un Rtaiteebo grandemente
Dorioaa Llamase Luis Remirez de Arellano, hijo de nobles padres,
rural de Villaescusa de Hani. Kstf t«>ma dr inoiimria una eoinedia
ra de ii«> irezee que la oye, sin disorepar tin punto en tra*;a y versos,
Aplica »1 primer dia a la disposicion; el seguudo a la variedad de la
oompoeicion; el tercero a la ptuitualidad de las ooplaa. Deate modo
oaienda i la memoria las oomediafi que quiere. Kn particular tomo
assi la Duma Bob", el Principe Perfeto, y la Arcadia, sin otras. Estando
lo la del Golan de la Mmnbriila que repreeenfcabe Staohea,
1 Ibnt., p * Obra* & Lops & IV /,;, vol. v, pp. 707-8.
i. of Madrid, 1615, DiMtUW lviii, De Ion Proff**ore* iff Msmorin, M, 2&f, The
relation of this parage of the Flora Umvenal to lope's complaint In the dedication of
rcadia t was first mentioned by J. K. Seideniann, Zur Qt$tkickU deft *pan-
Ztit. m BuUter/Ur titerarUche UnterhaltmHfi MflJi ^ u - W«
42
Lope de Vegas Co media, 'La Arcadia'
eomeneo* este autor A cortar el argumento y a interrumpir el razonado,
tan al descubierto, que obligo* le preguntassen de que procedia semejante
aceleraeion y truneantieuto ; y respondio publieaiiicnte, que de estar
delaute (y sefml/>le) quien en tres dias tomaba de menioria qualquier
eimiedia, J que de temor no le usurpasse aquella, la recitaba tan mal.
Alborotfise con esto el teatro, y pidieron fcodofi hiziesse pausa, y en fin
hasta que se sal in del Luis Remirez, no hubo reniedio de que se passase
adelante.' H« -re we have the account of the affair from an eye-witness,
arid it surely adds an interesting detail to the history of the Spanish
stage.
We learn from Figuerou's account, that four of Lope's plays, La
Bit ma Boha, El Principe Per/do, La Arcadia and El Galan de la
MemhrUla, had been produced at Madrid shortly before 1615, the date
of the publication of the- Plaza Universal. For all of these plays, except
the Arcadia, we have autograph manuscripts, the dates of which confirm
Figueroa's statement. La Dama Boba was completed! on April 28 t 1613,
El Principe Per/eta on December 23, 1614, and El Galan tie la Mettt-
hriUa on April 20 t 1615. The censura for the Plaza Universal was
signed on April 4, 1612, and the a probation, May 1, 1612, but the toss
was not signed until August 12, 1615 1 . We must infer that Figuero
had his book ready for print in 1612, but for some reason, the publication
was delayed, and that he inserted the above passage after April 20, 1615,
when El Galan de la Membrilla was completed. Since Figueroa
mentioned La Dama Boba and EI Principe Perfeto in the order in
which they were written, it may not be too rash to infer that La
Arcadia was written and acted between El Prinape Perfeto and El
Galan de hi Membrilhi v that is, between December 23, 1614, and April
20. 161 1 It is true that La Arcadia shows certain characteristics of
Lope's early style, but it seems hardly likely that a play of so little
intrinsic merit should have continued in favour for so long a time as
thirteen years, supposing that after 1602, Lope substituted the figara
del donayre for the simple and rustico. However, just as we know that
in a number of eomedias written after 1602, Lope omitted the fhjnra
del dotuiyre, so it has never Ineti proved that he gave up entirely the
use of the simple and r&Afeo after 1602. In the absence of such proof,
the evidence seems to favour the early part of the year 1615 as the date
of the em 1 1 position of La Arcadia.
J. R WlCKERSHAM CRAWFORD.
1 H, A. Keuaert, Life of Lope de Ve<j*i, p* 472.
NOTES ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE
SPANISH DRAMA.
n. 1
Hermano El Francisco*—?
Represented by Gaapar de Porres before May 7, 1605. It is a com^iu divin«.
Cat Bib. Naa, No. 1483.
Hennosa Alfreda fLa>— Lope do Vega.
Represented by (iaspar do Porres before March 20, 1601. Printed in Lope's
Gomtdia*) Part xiv t [017.
Hennosa fea (La).— Lope de \Y
I • resented by Cristobal de Avcndano in Valencia before April 26, 168&
Printed in Lop- - . Part xaiv, 1*341.
•Hennosa Florinda (La).— ?
media in the possession of Jer6nimo Amelia in li;i'*.
Hermoso Peligro (El).— ?
Represented by Andrea de la Vega, May 16, 1634.
Hennosnra La de Raquel.— Ltiia Wle/ de Guevara.
Bepmantod by Roque de PSgaera bete* Feb. 12, 1G30. Printed in Flor
de / 'f^ Quiu ta Parte, Madrid, 1615.
•Heroe (El) de Portugal.— Perhaps El Bt§ Dan S&auHtOI f Portvgvm mm h
by .hum Bautiata de Villegas.
Represented by Bartolome Romero before Sept. 21, 1(540.
Hija La de Marte. I
Represented by Andres de la Vega, Oct. 27, 1625.
Hijo 'El) de las Batallas - Jacinto Cordero.
Re] i>y Pedro Valdee before March 28, 1628. Published in Valencia in
volume of which Duraa possessed a fragment. See Barrera, p. 100.
•Hijo (El) de la Sierra.— /
i in the poaoeottJon of Jerdoimo Amelia in TG26.
Hombre pobre (El).— I
Represented by Roque de Figueroa, before March 28, 1628, and on Oct. 11, 1633.
Perhaps this is CklderoQfi Hombi (*jdot4 Trazas t printed in Part II,
1687.
•Honra hurtada (La).— /
Represented by J unit de Morale**, before March 13, 1614.
Hortelano El' de Tordesillas.— Luis de Belraonte y Bermudez.
entea by Pedro de la Rosa, May 4 T 1639. Printed only as a smf(a.
Ignontute discreto (El).—?
Represented by Antonio de Prado, Nov, 22, 1628. There is a MS. cotnedia
with the same title in the Bib, Nac See Cutdfogo, No. 1567, where it is
ascribed to Adrian Guerrero,
1 Continued from vol, h, p. 341.
44 Notes on the Chronology of the Spanish Drama
♦Industria (La> contra el Foder.— Oalderon,
A cornedia in the possession uf Jerouimo Amelia in 1628. It whs first printed
at Huesea, in 1634,
Infante (El) de Aragon. — Andres de Clara mo nte.
Represented by Cristobal de Avendatio before the Queen, in Oct. 1622. Bchflcfr,
XavJittitye, p, 07. Printed as a §M*Uau
Infantes (Loa) de Lara,— ?
Represented by Pedro Yaldes, June 8, 1625. There are at least three plays upon
this subject, one W Juan de la Cueva, Velarde's Tnt,j t .-tlot de &$ StBU
Infantes de Lfim r published In L615, and Lu|K3 de Vega's El Bastardo
madams Bnifthfld on April 27., 1612.
Inglea (El) de mas valer,— ?
In presented by Cristobal dc Avendairo, May 13, 1623.
♦Ingratitud por Amor. -Guillen de Castro.
A corned in in hi of Jerooimo Amelia, in 1628 in Valencia. It was
published by me (Philadelphia, 18&9) from an undated MS. in the Biblioteca
X.u ional.
Intento castigado El. I
RoproECQ ted by Tenia* Fernandez, Nov, 30, 1634. Barrera notes an anonymous
El /uteres ca*tigado M
Ir y quedarse, — ?
Eteproeonted by AreodaOo before the Queen, liettreeo Oct. 5, 1622, and Feb. 5,
1623. Schick, ffadtirtoft p. o7. MS. in Bib. Xac. (copy), Cat., No. 1635.
Jamas. — ?
Represented by Tomas Fernandez, Sept, 17, 1637.
Jndia (La — I
Represented by Roqnc de FigiiLroa l>ofore Mar. 28, 1628. This may be either
Lag pace* efe los Reyes v JutOa $U T<Jedo fay tope de Vega, Part vit, 1617,
09 Meseua'.s Judia it rafafo, written in 1625. See my article in the /
llixp a n i»f Hf\ \ ol . vn, Paris, 1 1 * >< i
Juegos (Los) de la Aldea — t
R epres e n ted by Etoque de Figuerna, Feb. 12, 1630.
♦Jnhtoo (El) Primera y Segunda Parte.— ?
Two nomedjaa in the possession of Jerouimo Amelia in 1628,
Juicios (Los) del Oleic— 1
Repp «ni el by ttartolome Romero in the Salon, Dee. 1633. It is probably
Montalban's L» que won Juirio* M (Y< <V-, printed anonymously in DiferetiteA,
xxx, 1630.
Juliano Apostata.— Juan Yelez de Guevara.
Comedia represented before 1637. Sanchea-Arjona, p 311.. Printed as a
titelta. See Cat. Bib. Nae., Xo. 1698.
Labrador ventures o (El)*— Lope de \
Be presented by A vend a no before the 'Queen, between Oct. 5, 1622, and Feb, 5,
1628, Schick, Nachirdg^ p. 67. Printed in fH/erente*, xxvni, Huesea, 1634.
♦La de los lindos Cabellos,— D. Antonio de M
In the possession nf Jerdniruo Amelia in lb'28.
Ladron fiei [El),—?
^presented by Roque de Figueroa, before Feb. 28, 1631.
Lagrimas (Las) de David.— /-' Rbu mm cwwsMilftHWJFelipe God
represented by Juan Martinez, Nov. 1635, and by Adrian Lopez, Feb, 2, 1653.
Published as audio.
HUGO A. ItENNERT
45
Lavandera (La) de Italia.— ?
Oomedla rapraeM t t ed before 1637. Sanchez- Arjona, p. 31 1. Perhaps this is La
Lavandera dt NapoUa t by Rojas Zorrilla, Coello and Guevara, printed in
&eo CIVj 1666, though Calderon and MontflJban rare there declared to
\te the joint authors with Rojas,
Lazarillo de Tonnes.— Lope de Vega; written before 1618.
Represented by Juan tie Morales, May 21, 1623.
•Libertad (La) restaurada.— ?
Co media in the possession of Jerontmo Amelia in i
Loca (La^ del Oielo. — Diego de VilJegas? Rajas Zorrilla f
Beummted by Manuel Vallejo, Feb. 9, 162a In the MS. No. 1897 of the Bib.
it is called £a hooa del. (hda } Santa Pftfapia, and is ascribed to
Villegas; Sr. Paz v Melia hm the &orrwbr mm mm an autograph, with licenses
of 1623. Al Ms attributed to Rojas Zorrilla.
Lope de Almeida. -A** PinyonM rf* j /A £opd & f
W c r efl a - — Calderon.
Represented by Pedro de la Rosa, July IB, 1636. Printed in I 'idderoii, ConmUas,
Part n, 1637. The play also bean the title Vengane con Fiwgoi/ Agua.
Lo que obliga la Palabra.— .
ftopi e o ented by Antonio de Prado, Sept. 24, 1628.
Lo que puede una Sospecha. — Mira de Mescua.
Rep by Alonso de Ohm Jan. 23, 1636. Printed in Eseogida$ %
tv,
Lo que puede la Limoaua. — '?
resented by Antonio de Prado, Nov. 15, 1628. Can this he Lope's El
Triunfo /A 2o Limoma mentioned in the first edition of his Peregrin* en *u
An <i)?
Luis Perez el Gallego. - Calderon.
Re] l»v Antonio de Prado, Dee. 21, 1628. Printed in Calderon's
CamadiiHy Pari vm, \r>*\ m
MacabeoB (Lot). — Rojas Zorrilla I
R ep r esen ted by Felipe Sanchez de Eeheverria, Sept 1623. MS. in Rib. Nac*
p I'.!., \... i:»7S».
Macfas. — Lo}>o de Vega. Porfiar hati las el Eaamor<id<*\.
Represented by Pedro de la Rosa in the Retire, June 20, 1636. Printed in
LofN ftiof, Part ixnt, 1638.
Maestro (El) de la Fortuna,— i
nted by Pedro de la Rosa, June 5, 1636.
•Maravillas Lasi de Babilonia,— Uuillen de Castro.
nted by Pedro Valdes, before July II, 1086, Printed in Flor de la
Jam d, lo% mayores Ingenio* de Espaitt. Mai hid, 1652.
Marido (B) de su Hermana, ram Verdad.
Mariscal (EL) Oleverin (sic).— /
Represented by Francisco Lopez, June 8, 1632. This is probably Mnntalbnus
El Maritcal printed in Diferent**, xxv. Zaragoza, 1632, and ■?
tainly acted before Nov. 1832. Ptfrez Pentor, tfuevoi Da4o§ t p,
Marques del Vasto iEl). Luis Vekv da Guevara,
Represented by Cristobal de Ayenda&o, May 14, 1634. Printed as a *»
Martires Los Japones.— ?
Rej v Pedro Rodriguez and others, before May 22, 1602, Tins is proUibly
Low I del Japan, of which there is a MS. copy (dated
Lisbon, 1617) in the Bib. Nac., Cat. No, 2034. Now printed in the Academy's
edition of Lopa* vol. v.
46 XAes on the Chronology of die Spanish Drama
Mas constant* Muger (La).— Montalbam
Kepresented by Manuel Yallejo, April 3, 1033. First published in the auti
Has impropio El) Verdugo, — Rojaa Zorrilla.
Represented by Trnnas Fernandez, in the Ketiro, Feb, 12, 1637. First printed in
Of Kojaa, Part n, I64R.
Mas injusta (La; Venganza. — D. Joan de Vclasco y Guzman?
[tujIfW lllrn by Toinas Fernandez in the Retiro, June I G, 1637. Its alter-
native title is La Perdida dr Btpa$\o\ and it had been represented before the
Queen prior, to Fob. B, L638. : .tr<iij*\ p. tfti.
•Mas merece quien mas ama.- Antonio HurUdo de Meudoza.
Represented I a before the Queen between Oct •:*, 1090 and
Feb. f*, 1623, Bchj , p. 67. Printed in Dace Contediat nuevas
de Lope de Vega Oargio p oiroe autaret, Seguuda Parte, Barcelona, 1630.
•Mas puede Amor que la Puerza.— ?
Oonadia re prese nted before 1687. Sanchez- Arjona, p. 31 1.
Mas puede Amor que la Muerte. — Montalban.
Rep nez, June 5, 1081, and by Luis Loj»ez t Jan. 30, 1633.
Printed only M ax
•Mas vale bolando— /
die in the poeaeaaion of Jerdniuio Amelia in I
Mas vale fingir que Amar {E&mfaane lain de Mescua,
RepreoeDtoQ by Juan jfartinei, July :>, 1081. Pri n ted only as a xuelta.
•Mayor (El; de la casa de Austria,—?
Cotneaia renie ao nto d before L087. Hanehez-Arjoua, p. 311.
•Medicis (Los) [de Fl or encia].— Jimenez de Enciso.
i otnedia In *bt poaeosrion of JerVmiiuo Amelia in l'_ s
Medico (El) de su Honxa,- -Lope do Vega? Oalderonl
I:. : b) Antonio de Prado, Oct, 8, 1628 ; and by Juan Martinez, June 10,
1086. 'I'll*' r< lii with tli is title printed in Oomeduu de Lope de I
ftt \\\u \*\ifrttt'fttjttttt*') y Barcelona, 1688, ie by Up It waa nepraeeiitgin
bj ivendano, who iras in Madrid in L6al~l€S3, and the play was parol
produced during that period. The fb«t representation wns therefore, ilmoet
iiiliinly, ol Lopes play. The second reprcseii l»eeti
Calderoni play <>f the same title, which is a recast of Lopefa o media, and
waw Bret printed in rol it of 1 lieu, Madrid, 1037.
Major Amlgo (El
Feb. I, I086L Thin play is probably El tncjor
dattjffG el mueffa V Fofttmai de J r«tra r a^chlicd to Behxionte, Rojas
Eornlla and Calderoa according to Hartsenbuach sta**,
\ol |i , p. v>i>\} y it. was written before Deo, 25, HMO. It ia not Likely, therefore,
that Cjilili -i-.-n, then too d, bad n hand in it. It wan first printed in
Moretofa play El mejor Amigo i 1 perhape not
Ims oouiudered how ne he wm not born til] 1616, though it is, of course,
possible that it may have been written in L680. See, however, the Cat i
of the Bib, \a. , nV lmik.
•Major (H] Consejo.
DomedSa In the poanaaakiQ of Jertfnimo Amelia in 1080.
Mejor Testigo ;E1). I
Repreeanted h\ Juan de Morales, Aug, i<>, 18S& It is wrongly ascribed
Caldi into Forte of Colderon, Madrid, i 1
of] ribed to him.
Mentiroaa Verdad iLa\ i d Maride d<- su ffer m mex J uan BaotSeU de Villegas,
B tor ea eote d bj Juan da Konkej Juno b\ L088. Mated in /hrWnths,
ZanigiitA, 1080 It had turn, i> I Feb. 5, II
been represented : Queen' by Avondafin. s-haek, X-trltr ■
fllYJO A. RENNERT
47
Merecer para alcanzar (fa Fortune nwecida). — Moreto.
Represented by Bartolome Romero, Dec. 8, 1637. Printed in Etcogxdat, XLIII,
1678,
Meritos con poca Dicha.— ?
b< ; by Cristobal de Avendaiko, 'segundo dia de Paseua de Resurreecion/
L6S3.
*Milagro (El) por los Celos fa Don Al< -pe de Vega.
Represented by Andrew de la Vega, before Nov. 23, 163:2. It o iy as
According to the closing verses the alternative title is La exveUnto
primera pirte), MS. in Bib. Nac. t Bee
Cat 1 ; now printed in the Academy 1 ** edition of Lope^ vol. x.
*Milagrosa La; Eleccion de Pio V. — Morcto.
Represented by Jumi <n- Morales before the Queen, bctw^rs L6SS and
Feb. 6, I023. (Schack, Nachtrttjfa p. GG.) Printed in E*cogida&, XXXIX,
1678.
MilagTos Los) del Desprecio.— Lope de Vega.
Represented by Jeronirna de Burgos, before Dec. 24, 1632. Printed in
P :irt .\xvii [ ixtr t wog ante), Barcelona, I633L It occurs as a suelta ascribed
bo Mnntalban, with the title Diablo* ton lot Jfttf'araa
Mirad a quien alabais. — Lope de Vega.
Represented bv Francisco Lopes, June 83, 1 1}32. Printed in Lope's Comedian,
Part xvi, 169!.
♦Monco.— ?
UOmedia in the possession of Jeronimo Ainella in 1628,
♦Monstruo (El) de los Jardines.— Cakicrou.
Rep Album Caballero in Seville, in I6ii7, Sanchez- Arjona, p. 445.
Muted in 1672.
*Montescos y Capeletes.— (Lob BanJ << 7 VrnvnOj Montescos y Capetete*).
i rilla.
Ete] Bartolome Romero, before Aug, 3, HUG. Printed
♦Morica garrida La
resented before October 5, 1623. Printed in BacogidOM, vu, 1654.
Muchos Indicios sin Culpa
llu presented by Juan aiartines, Sept 27, L68& Wrongly ascribed to Calde run,
see hia QuwUa Parte, 1694.
Mudarse sin mudarse.— ?
Represented by Manuel Vallejo, April 14, 1*533.
•Mudo (El) y la Oodiciosa. — I
Uomeai* re pres e n ted before HJ37. Sanchez- Arjono, p. 311.
♦Muerte (La) de Froilan.— Alvam Cubillo dc It is an ^
ented by Alonso de Olmedo, before Mar. 85, 1087. Published itl m
Tb<; by Hereto and M &1
•Mufiecas (Lasj de Marcela.— Alraro CubtU _ >n.
A play bearing this title was in the possession of Tomae Fernandas, ibeatrieal
dm Printed in the author^ ffltcn fe fa* JTusai, lfl
Nieto (El) de su Padre.— Guillen de ( ta
t de Villcgas, before Jan. 1623. Printed in
! (!58.
Ni bablar ni callar — I
resented by Juan Martinez, Aug, 2, 163L
-Rojas
in the
-Juan Boutxata do VHlegas. Also called Lo* Jfermanos
48 Notes on the Chronology of the Spanish Drama
Niflo Diablo (El).— Lope de Vega,
Represented by Lorenzo Hurtado, Oct. 5, 1631. MS. copy in Bib. Nac, Cat.
No. 2808. " Published as a suelta,
*No casarse en duda,— ?
This play was in the possession of Toinas Fernandez, theatrical manager, Nov, 1 4
1637. Sanchez- A rjona, p. 310.
Noche de san Juan (La).— Lope de Vega,
Represented by Cristobal de Avendafn>, in Valencia, bofbn April 26, i»
Written in 1031 in three days ; published in Loptfa Cont'dia^ Part xxi, lfj3, r i.
No disgracieis las Mujeres. -
Represented by Tom&fl Fernandez, July 1, 1637. There is a play La Obligacion
a &X| Mujeres, by Luis Velez de (Guevara.
No es Reinar como Vivir (sic).— Mescuai
Represented by Andres do la. Vega. Nov. 17, 162. r >. This is probably Xu hoi
reinar como rt'nV, by Mira de Mesciia. Printed in Escogidas, xni, 1660.
No hay Amigo para Amigo (X«i$ CMai se vuelven Zemrar).— Rojas Zomlla,
Represented by Pedro de la Boat in the Retiro, June 28, 1636; and by
Tomas Fernandez, July 1, 1636 and June 27, 1637. Printed in the
tdiai "1 Rojaa, Part i, 1640,
No son Iob Tiempos unos.— 7
Represented by Domingo Bui bin, July 13, 1623.
♦No soys vos mi vida para Labrador.— ?
Comedia in the powwiiioB of Jerouimo Amelia in 1628.
Nue^o (El) en Madrid.—?
Represented by Juan Martinez, Dec. 25, 1035. There is an anonymous El nu
The comedia El Xttrm en la Corte was represent
before 1637. SancheA-Arjona, p. 311.
♦Nuevos (Los) Martires de Argel.
Comedia in the possession of Jeronimo Amelia in 162s.
Nunea nmcho cuesta poeo — Probably Lope de Ve-_ o&t6 poco>
Rep roaon t ed by Andrea de la Vega, Oct. 88, 102& Lope's play was published in
his Part xxn, Zaragoza, 163U. There is a comedia by AJarcon, Lm Pee/ta$
vrwileffiodo^ with the secondary title Nwwa muoho OOftf poco t printed in
Part n of his Cmuedias, Madrid, 1634. It is entirely different from Lope's
play.
Obligar con el Valor.— ?
Represented by Juan .Martinez, Aug. 12, 1635.
Obligar por defender.—/
Represented by Juan Martinez, June 6, 163 L
fender con las Pinezas.— Jerommo de Villayzan.
Kt presented by Manuel Vaftejo, Feb. 5, 1632, and on Nov. 13, 1633. Printed in.
DifiretUe*) xxx, Zaragoza, 1636.
Ofensas Las) sin Agravio.— f
Represented by Juan Martinez, Dec. 2, 1635.
Olimpa y Venus (sic).— Is Montalban's Oiimpa y Vireao.
Represented by Roque ile Fi^ueroa, Sept. 11, 1633; and by Juan Martinez,
May 2, 16:55, Printed in the Comedia* of M-mtalbaii, vol. I, 1635.
♦OOa podrida de Amor. — ?
Comedia represented before 1637. Sanchez -Arjona, p. 311.
♦Padre Mampassa. — ?
A play in the possession of Tomas Fernandez, theatrical manager, Nov. 1, 1637.
Sanchez- Arjona, p. 310.
HUGO A. RENNERT
49
4 1686. Printed in Alan
Palabras y Plumas. — Timo de Molina.
Represented bf Feraau Sanchez de Vargas, Sept, 14, 1623. Printed in Ti r
The sutna tie priviUgio is dated March 12, 1626.
•Palacio (El) confuso.— Lope de Vega?
Oomedie in the posseatton of Jerooimo Amelia in 1628. This play, attributed
[xjpe, Ma fiiet printed ?it Hueaca iu 1634.
Paloma (La) de Toledo.— I^pe de Vega.
Sep by Tomas Fernandez on the Sunday following St Michael's day,
1625, Printed in I Efueeca, V
Paredes (Las) oyen.— Alamo.
Represented by Tomae Fernandez, July
Part i, I6S8.
Peligrar en los Remedios.— Rojas Zorrilla.
ffoproae nted by Roque de Figueroa, for whom the plav was written, on April fi,
1630. The autograph Ms. dated Dec 9t, L6B4, is in the Bib, Nac, I
No. gfiftS.
Penas del Amor—?
Represented by Juan tontines, lime S, 1635.
Perdida La de Espafia.— See JA« (Za) injmta Wnmnsa.
Perdon El) castigado.— I
Rnpnmjiited by liartolome EtomerO| Nov. ^2, 1637.
Perfecta Casada {La ■— Alvaro Cubillo de Aragon,
It beers khe alternative title Prud*rti9) eoMi y Ion
Bepweentcd by Alouso de Olxnedo, before Jan. t'\, 1636L Printed in Ewogidasy
xii, 1078 kt Bib. Nac, No, 8688.
Persiles y Sigismunda, — (JEToffarM para perderse.) — Rajas Zorrilla,
Rej by Lois Uopes, Jan. 81, 1633. Printed in Diferente* % xxix,
Valencia, 1630; and ixx, Zeragota, 1636.
Pincella (La) de Francia (sic).— Lope de Vega,
It is Lopefa La PohcgIIq oU Frwicia.
R ep r ese nted by Juan Martinez, Deo. 25, 1636. It is an early play, menti
in the first edition of the (1604), aud probably now lost
•Platicante El de Amor,-?
Oomedia in the possession of Jeronimo Amelia in 1028.
Pleito El por la Honra (y ' —Lope de Vega.
Rspteeented tlm by Pedro de la Rt*sa between June 12, and July 2,
L68& It is the Beoood Dart of I. opes La ti , and was
nrinted in Doe? i'ouedtat tauivas de Lope de Ycga y o//w, BegUnda Parte,
Barcelona, 1600.
Pobreza no es Vileza. — Lose de Vega,
Represented by Antonio n» Pi ida, Jtdv 89, 1626.
Poder El en el Desprecio
Ef Poder §n et Discrete 1
hum de Morales, June 30, L030.
i
Police na (La
Re] du Moral* -., before May, H>25.
Poncella (La) de Francia. See PinoeUa [La
♦Portento i El de Milan,-?
[no Amelia in 168&
M. L. It. Ill,
Printed in Lopes i
The autograph of I
Not
vn on
th< Chi / of the Spanish Drama
Premto (El) del bien hablar Lope de Vep.
Itnpnwnted ' I '•"■' ' San Lorenzo el Beal, before Nov. 18, 1
, IjOpe'a ( I'art xxi, 1635.
Prtno y Pttomena (ale), Guillen de 'astro? Rojas Zorrilla?
lij Juan Martinez, Jan, 10, 1636; by Pedro de la Rosa in the
rdo, Feb. 2, ir»37 t and by Tomas Fernandez
i, i i , Kcb 17 1687. There are two plays entitled Prttgne y
-. printed in Part I of his Comedias,
, is Zorrilla, printed in hie Comedias, Part i, 1640.
PrtmU Juaiiii Lit
ga, April 1<, l
nil Don Carlos ■■/. de Enriaof Montalk
Amelia in 1628. Mnutalban's play was
a appeared as a tuetta without i
•Principe ;E1) ignorante,— '
.,.,, tlt<1 f by Avondano before the Queen, between Oct & L6S9 and Feb. &
i,i t -, 'ST. It in mentioned by HedeL Pajaido and
fjuerta, who ascribe it to Lope de Vega. It umy be Et Pnneipe inocente
.,1 in the HHM
Prtscioii dichoaa (La).— ?
H I by EVdru de is Rosa, Mar. £4, I(>3fi; June 8, 1636 and Feb I l\
h
Profeta falsa (S). -AY Prqfito fatto Jfofoma,}— Rojas ZmTilLu
Represented by Juan Mart: B, 1685. Printed in tii< <of Rojas,
Purl ». J,,] "-
•ProBpeta (La) Fortwxa de Rui Lopez de Avaloa* — Saluatio del Poyo. See La
advrrmi Ford
i\< I '<< May :, 1006, Printed in Pu
• <Ji<t.i Jt> Lap* A) Vi •//" y OlrOJ 4ltfmtj Barcelona, 1612.
•Prudente (B
ilia in the possession <>t .feronimti Amelia ID I
Puonte (La) de Mantible.— Caldeiw.
l, before Nov. SkS* 1633, Printed in Calderon.
diai, Part u H ; - {,:
•Purgatorio [BU de San Patricio. -Galdea
(oiti.Jt.i m the poassesiaa oTJerfoimo Amelia in 1628,
first printed in \iVM\.
Calderon's play was
Querer por solo querer. — IK Antonio Burtado de Meudosa,
Represented bv Juan de Morales, May n, L62& Aounling to Salva* (Cat,
(, p. 64 1 ft *t*W#« by Juan de la Cuesta, 1623. It is also
in tisoyii*'** \\M. I*J6$L
Quien agravia no se olvida. — f
Represented h\ Antonio de lYado at Shrovetide, 162&
Qoien esta contento es Bey
w Represented by Manuel \ xy 12, t«»
•Quien macho vine.— t
.media in the possesion of Jeiv clla in 16*31
•Quien no se aventura.— Guillen de lustra
Represented bv Arendano before the Queen, between Oct* &, 1622 and Fek 5
162a (Sofia ^soh Printed ui "
Etpttiote* nerve 4 eerie**, I
Itepreeenled by Pfedro Vaklea. June 3> 1633.
HUGO A. RENNERT
51
•Rayo El) de Andalucia 6 el Oenizaro de Espana.— Aiwa Ouhillo de Aragon.
Keotioo mtalban, in his Para Todat (1032), Printed in Snano at las
H8. anon, iu Bib. NftC., Cat,, N<X 1381, where it is also called
El bte Andalut </ el CasUUano Mudat
•Rayo (El) de Palestine — Antonio Enrique/. Gurnet
In the poaaocuion of Tomaa Fernandez, t hea trical manager, NoTi 1, l©7. First
mentiom-d in bbe author*a Samson /Tajorotot L61 iheZ'Arjona, p. 310,
Reinar despues de Morir.— | [Ma ImbcU Castro; La Garza de Portugal.) Luis
presented by Adrian Lop&S, .fan. B, lti. r >3. Printed in LiiboPj 1052.
Remedio :E1) esta en la Mano.— I
Represented by Felipe Sanchea Sept* 1623. See Sal va, i, p. Gil,
♦Rey Angel El
Repreeei Cristobal de ArendaHo before the Queen in Hot. L633.
M_k. lit the poaooMion <>t Jerdnimo Amelia in 10128. Perhaps this i.s
El I: f Sing ' <l> stfeUia of Juan Antonio de aiojioa. See Bik Nao, 1
No, i
Rey Bamba El;. Lope de Vega.
Represented by Antonio de rrado, Jan. % l6Sb\ Printed in L604
•Rey El don Alfonso el Sabio
Oomew to the possessiuu <>t Jerouimo Amelia in 1628.
Rey El Don Juan en Madrid.— ?
lio da Prado, Dec 28* 1631.
Rey El en Mantillas.—?
Re presen ted by Domingo Balbin, July 6, 1623.
•Rey El por Fuerza.— ?
Represented by Bartolome Romero, before Aug. 3, L640,
•Rogar con el propio Bien
Ootnedi* r epr e sen ted before 1637. Sanchez- Arjona, p. 311.
•Romera La de Santiago.— Tirao de Molina.
Represented by Vallejo before the Queen ' an 1 Fell. 5, 1623,
Ita&k Printed in t n, Madrid, IflTu
Ruisenores ( Lob ). — 1
Represented by RoQUa da PlguefOB) Dec. I, 1633, and by Juan Martinez,
M tv n, L63& Probably L toal todoi awfaajloraaj printed in Part
\\ printed in 1621.
Saber del Bien y del Mai-t 3alderoR,
Tbia ia Oelderon'fl Saber dH Mai t/ dH Bitm.
Repreeented by Roquede Pigueroa^ before Mar Printe I in Caldermrs
Fart 1, I-
Saber veneer y vencerse.— ?
Represented by Juan Martinez, on the Queen «»f Hungary's birthday, 1635
Sav.nas (Las
perhaps /:"/ Hcbo 4a la by Juan GoeJlo A
Re] by Touias Fernandez, .bun 24, 1637. Printed in Steoffida^ xi,
•San Bruno. - 1
Represented by Avendafio before the Queen, between Oct 5, 1622 and Feb. 6,
1(523 fie)
•San Francisco Javier.—?
red before 1637. Beach , p. 311.
4—2
52 Notes on the Chronology of the Spanish Drama
San Pedro de Alcantara.— ( El IHj M-.iitalban.
Represented by Tomas Fernandas, Nov, '•, 1634 and by Adrian Lopes, Jaa
1653. Printed in Montalbaus Pari i, I63&
Santa Isabel, Reina de Portugal.— R<>j as SSorriUai
mected by Juan Martinet, Baft 1h, 1631, Printed in Diferentes, xxxi,
Barcelona. 16!
•San Jorge.— ?
Corned ia m the possession of Jeronimo Amelia in 1628. Patau thifl is A7
Oituiiru /'/^>, #a» */on/<j by Alejandro Ajboreda, See Bib, N
Nm. 546. Oj mora probably, El nwtir wtfimtt mi Ilmm^ Am Jurge. Bib.
Nat., Cat, No, Wad
San Julian. — ?
Represented by Tonms Fernandez., June 90, 1636. Perhaps this is Loptfi £V
Salwr pop no Saber *t Vida de San Julian de Aleald de I /enures, printed in
Ins Pttrt xx in, L626j or Lojie's San Julian de Cmnca y mentioned in the
Peregrino (1604).
Santa Taes.— Rojaa Zorrillal
Represented by Antonio de Prado, Aug. 5, 1626. In a MS. in the Bib. Xac,
Cat., No. 303£ t it is ascribed to Kolas (bom 1607) ; in the same Cat.,
No. 9037, a play with the same title, but entirely different, is attributed to
Z irate, but the latter could not have written the above play, produced in
169a
Segunda (La) de Escanderbeg,— Luis Velez ds Guevara!
Represented by Antonio do Prado, Jan. 17, 1 G29".
There seem to be two plays on the subject of Rjfianrtirfrog, as the above title
indicates. 1 n Di/e rentes, XXVHI, Hue sea, 1634, Et Principe Escanderbeg is
ascribed to Luis Velez de Guevara. In Part xxvih, of Lop* de Vega tj otrm
favtramgnh f\ Xuragoza, 1639, the play is ascribed (wrongly) to Lope de
Vega. In Escogidm, XLV, 1679, we find: El gran 1 toto $ Principe
attributed in the text to Luis Velez de Guevara, and in the
Index to Belinonte. There is also a ttuifa I ►earing this latter title ascribed
to Rehnonte. Barren* (p. -467, col. 2, note) referring to El gran Jurge Ctutrioto
m Principe Escancferbcc, says ; *Esta se atribuye mas cotnuumente i Rehnonte.
l*a de Luis Velez parece ser : El Prim-ipe. Esdaro, y if asanas de Eseander-
beg, y puede tenerse por segunda parte/ Our oomodia would then be
(iuev&ra's.
♦Segundo (El) Sol de Espafia— ?
Coined ia in the possession off Jeronimo Amelia in 1628.
♦Selva (La) de Amor.—?
Rep rose utetl by Vtillejo before the Queen, between Oct. fi, 1622 and Feb. 5,
L68& (Sohaok.) Perhaps this is La SisHtf eft A mer // Afeftj by Rojas Zoirilla,
in Etcogidas, xxxil, L66&
Helva confusa (La).— Lope tie Vega,
Represented by Juan Aeacio, July 21, 1623. Printed in Part xxvn vstntea-
g<wt<<}, of Lope, Barcelona, 1633, as Lope's. Schaok Bay* it is not his. The
autograph of Culderon's play with the same title is in the Rib. Nac.,Cat, No.
8071| signed, but undated, ltartzenbuseh does not mention this coinedut in
his edition <•( < 'alderon, nor is it recorded by Vera Tussis in the I'm/-
Quinta Porta of Calderon, either among his plays or aiming t boss that had
been wrongly ascrilicd to him. It is a recast of Lopefa play,
Selvas y Bosojies de Amor.— Lope de Vega.
Represented by Manual Vallejo, Kay 7, 1623. Priuted in Lope's Comedtas^
T.irt xxi v/h
♦Semejaaza (La) engattosa.— ?
Coiucdia in the possession of Jeroniino Amelia in 1628.
RENNERT
Printed in Eecogidae^
Sefiora La) y la Criada.— Oaldemn.
Represented ibel de Avendafto, Nov, BO, [63&
xi.vi, ltf79.
Seftor (El) de Noches Buenas (£0" Enrique de Rin€on) t ^A\v&ro Oubillo de
An
Represented by BoqiM da Figuaro*, April 22, 1635. Printed in Fhf A ^*
higetnozd' &paAa, Madrid, 1658, and
ribed to Meodook Ban-era, p. 704j ooL 2.
Sepultura La) de Dofla lues de Castro.—?
Represented by Juan Martinez, Aug. 3<>, 1636.
Serallonga it ji AY Ca fa/an Serraffonga y ftradei de 8a p eel WW) by Luis
um dfl Quevara, Etojaa Zorrilla and Antonio Ooello.
Represented by Anionic da Prado, J***. 10, 1636, Printed in Difercnte* % xxx,
Zertgata, 163
♦Serrana (La) de Arravalle.— ?
Comedia in the n onnennfa o of Jer6&imo Amelia in 1628.
Serrana (La) de la Vera.— ?
Bepmented by Juan de Morales, Jnm 14, 1688, There are two comedias
ring this title, one by Lope de Vega, and the other by Luis Velez de
Both were written before I
Si el Caballo bos an muerto.— Luis Velez de Guevara
Represented I •>■ aioneo dfl <> bo fore Jan. 26, 1638, Barrora adds to
the title the second rate of the ballad (Duran, No. 981) ; #«/»»>/, /
tUo, It also hears the alternative title El Blazon de loe Afendoza*.
Printed only as a wmdi
Siempre ayuda la Verdad.— lirao de Molina!
presented by Juan Bautista Valenciano ra March, L683. Printed in Tirso'a
u. Madrid, 1687. tt ie generally stated that Tine* wrote this play is
ootiaboratioo with Alan
Sierras (Laa de Valvarena
Beprasetited by Pedro de la Rosa in the Pardo, Jan. 1-t, 1637.
8i no vieran las Mugeres. Lope de Vega.
Kepi Luis Lopei at Aimnjues, May 1, 1633 :
Oct 5, L63& Printed in La Vega del /'<
in Part v "I Lope, published at Seville*
Sin Peligro no hay Fineza
by Luis Lopez, J 13,
Sin Secreto no ay Amor -Lope de \
de Figueroa, 1689. Autograph MS. Brit Mus,
play, Baltimore, i -
Sirena La de N a poles.— ?
Repi de Morales before May, lt;ii."» ; in the possession of
i ■! I , i 1 1 1 i « j ■ a de Napole*, Felxjx i
/•;/ Mtmatruo di t taetara. That
may he a Sirena is. perhaps, not impossible. Diego de
ria is too late,
•Sisne El de Alexandria.—?
issesaion of Jeronirao Amelia in 1628.
•Sitio Eli de Breda. -Calderon.
Voi n of Jeroiiimo Amelia in HJ28 ; it was first x>rinted
in 1636 in Part t <>f the I of Calderon.
and by Juan Martinez,
1637, and according to
54 iMfjj ofthi Spanish Dr
Sufrir mas nor Quorer ma*.— Jeroniino de Villavzau.
EUprteei > de U Vrgi, bofw
and by Bajtalom EtaagftfO, the King. Printed in
r**!**, XXV, Zarsgosa, 1632. It appears that Villayaui died IB the
ML- ^*e UalUrdo, £W
Tamerlan El Lull Veka tie Guerara.
Rep 16,1635. It also appeared under the title
La nueva 7r%* </# /><«*, • ynta Tcuaoria* if« Persia. Printed in Qifereniesy
Xxxm, Valencia, :
Tan to hagas quanto pannes . - /.<i 7WuN<m feopttfti.)— Lope de \
Represented by ToeeM rVrnandes in San Lorenzo el Heal, before Nov. 18, 1625.
baa bom aeoribed u> born 1618), but fche date of this
represent. >n. That it was written by
Jacinto Gordon* (bom 1606 n likely. [< ifl pfobabl^ by Lope
^'ega, to whom I .ui also inclined to attribute it. See my /..'
, |t, 534.
Tener 6 no tener.— ?
Represented by Alonso de Ohnedo Wicire Jan. 23, 1636.
Tierra en Medio.— f
Represented by Tmnaa Fernandei on St John's day, 1625.
Comedia in the possession of Jeroniino Amelia iu 1638* Can this be Am Tirso
de E*paw* by Lope de Yoga I
sabe.-?
Represented by Roque de Figueroa, fc 1633.
Tone La del Orbe.— It is La arati Tom M Orb*, Amadit de Orecia by Pedro
Rosete Hlfto.
Represented by Antonio de Pradu, Nov. 36, 1634.
•Trabajos Los) de Job.— Ffetipe
Represented befo re M*r» '■ peg Date*, p. 265. Printed in
fhfermte*, XXXI, Barcelona, HJ38,
Tragedia Xa de la Reina de Escocia,— I
Represented by AntOOk de Prado. at Shrov 1'erhaps this is La
Bdaarda by I 1 legos. Published as a nwfra (?).
Traicion La leal—?
Represented by Pedro de la Rosa in the Retire before M.uvh 3, 1637.
Trajano (El).—?
Represented by Crist, thai de Avetklano, May 21, 1634.
•Trances de Honor.—?
Comedia in the possession of Jeroniino Amelia in 1628.
*Tran*f ormaciones.— ?
t in the possession of Jeroniino Amelia in 1628. Jeroniino de Villayzan
wrote a oomedia entitled 7Vn/ - or (see Mow).
Transform aciones de Amor. — Jeronlmo de Villayzan.
Represented by Juan Bauttsta de VlUsgssv before January, 1623. It was
printed in IftMX See Bib. a, WO, 331U
Tratar m&l nor querer bien.— *
Rlipesmtlal by Andres de la Vega, Sept. 9, 1625.
•Trato <E1) en la Aldea.— ?
Represented before March 5, 1602. Sueros Dittos^ p. 64. See Bib N u ,, Cat.,
No. 3314.
♦Tres (Los) Consejos,- I
Comedia in the possession of Jeronimo Amelia in 1628.
HUGO A. RENNERT
55
♦Tres (Las) persoiias de Dios.— if
Represented by Bartolome Comoro before Aug. 3, li>40. Jfatesoi Ztatoftj p. 324.
♦Valiente (EL) Nardo Antonio.
media in ttie possession of Jeronimo Amelia in L628. Perhaps this is Lope
de \ mta, BandoUro. In the list of Amelia's plays it is
I bo Mira de Ms&GUft, bill I have not even noted the ascriptions in
this list as they are mostly emmeotie,
Valiente (El) Negro en Flandes,— Andres de Ciaramonte.
Re; by .J n-ui de Morales, Sept 13, 1688, sod again Wore July 15, 1637.
First printed in Diferentu^ xxxi, Barcelona, 1638.
Valor y necesitad.— I
Eh •[■ by Bartotome Romero in the Salon, Madrid, January 14, 1636,
•Vencedor (El) vencido en el Toraeo,— 1
Bepj by Juan de Mi dee before the Queen between Oct. 5. 1622 and
5, 1623. (Sohaok.) Is this perhaps M w s n oadi of U.Juan de
Ochoa of Seville ? There us a MS. copy of the latter play in the Bib. Nac.,
Oat, Ko. 345
•Venganza (La) de Tamar — Tireo de Molina.
Comedia in the possession of Jerdriinio Amelia in 1628. It was first printed in
1634.
Venganza (La) y el Amor. — Don Diego de Villegas.
Represented by Manm-l Vallejo, Feb. 6 t lt;^:i. Printed only as a 910 J
♦Ventura (La) por el Pie,
Et oproseo ted Eg Baltasar Pinedo before Nov. 10, 1614.
Vicarrias (Las) de Velisa,— Lope de
Represented by Andres de la Vega May 11, 1634 (sic). There must be a
tke here in the date as Lope did not finish this comedia till May 24,
1034, as the autograph in the Brit. Mua. shows. See my Ltfr of Lope de
t, p. 367. The money f800 reals} was received by Andrei de l.i Vega on
1636 for four parbcularet given before the King in April and May,
not HJ34, but in all probability 1635, as Philip IV seems to have paid
promptly for hie 1
•Virgen (La) de los Remediog,— ( aldcron.
Re pr esented byAloneo Caballero in Seville, in 1667.
It lost
•Virtudes vencen sefiales,— Luis Vales de Guevara.
SSSSaiOQ of Jeroijiirio Amelia in 1628,
•Vitoria La de las Malmas - ?
iu the possession of Jerdnimo Amelia in 1628.
Vizcaina La - Lops ds Vi
Re] 10 de Pra iv -2 t 1623 and by Pedro de la Rosa
in the Etetiro, before U on :;, L637. The play is mentioned by Lope in his
It is otherwise unknown and is probably
•Zelos Los 1 por la Alabanza.— I
In the possession of Jerdnimo Amelia in 1698.
Sanchez- Arjona, p. 445.
First printed in 1040.
Hugo A. Rennert.
NOTES ON THE TEXT OF CHAPMAN'S PLAYS 1 .
The Bunde Begger of Alexandria.
Vol. i, p. 8. Eli. But are we by our selues.
Mar. I thinke so vnlesse you haue alone in your belly.
For ' alone ' read ' a bone/ Cp. The Historie of King Leir and his
three Daughters (Shak. Lib. 331):
Alas, not I: poore soule, she breeds yong bones,
And that is it makes her so tutchy sure.
Also Ford's The Broken Heart, n, i, 142 :
What think you
If your fresh lady breed young bones, my lord !
P. 12. And so such faultes as I of purpose doe,
Is buried in my humor and this gowne I weare,
In rayne or snowe or in the hottest sommer,...
Place full stop after ' humor/ and proceed :
This gowne I weare
In rayne or snowe...
P. 15. I am Spaniard a borne,...
Read: 'I am a Spaniard borne/ The editors, perhaps, have taken
the inversion as an indication of foreign methods of speech: but in no
other passage does Bragadino adopt the style of the ' Dago/
P. 24. My Lord I will be sworne he payde him,...
Possibly a pause after 'My Lord* is sufficient to explain this line.
Otherwise one might suggest that ' sworne ' is disyllabic, and that we
should read:
My Lord, I will be sworne [that] he payde him.
P. 24. ...foure thousand pound,
Which I did helpe to tender and hast thou
A hellish conscience and such a brasen forhead,
To denye it agaynst my wittnesse,
And his noble woorde.
The verse may be partially restored if the words 'a hellish con-
1 The Comedies and Tragedies of George Chapman now first collected, with illustrative
Notes and a Memoir of the Author. 3 vols. London, John Pearson, 1878. The Tragedie
of Chabot, Admirall of France... from the Quarto of 1639. Edited... by Ezra Lehman.
(Publications of the University of Pennsylvania : Series in Philology and Literature,
vol. x.) Philadelphia, 1906.
J. LE GAY BRERETON 57
science* be taken by themselves as a broken line. The rest of the
passage then drops easily into pentameters : ' And such... it/ ' Against...
woorde/
P. 40. As I was walking in the pleasant weedes,...
For ' weedes ' read ' meades/
An Humerous Dayes Myrth.
P. 51. * Throwt ' = ' throughout/ not ' through/ as in Shepherd.
P. 51. ...I haue clapt her key in waxe, and made this counterfeite, to
the which I steale accesse to work this rare and pojitike
deuice:...
For 'to the which* read 'by the which/ For the sake of the verse
perhaps we should regard the words ' rare and ' as intrusive.
P. 54. ...Colenet you know no man better, that you are mightily in loue
with loue, by Martia daughter to old Foyes.
For ' loue, by/ Deighton would read ' louely '; and, though the necessity
for change is not quite imperative, the suggestion gains support from
a passage on the next page: '...but Colenet go you first to louely
Martia. 1
P. 63. ...If you will vnworthilly prooue your constancie to your hus-
band, you must put on rich apparrell,...
For ' vnworthilly ' should we read ' worthilly ' ?
P. 65. Le. Good morrow, my good Lord, and these passing louely Ladies.
Cat. So now we shall haue all maner of flattering with Monsieur
Lemot.
Le. You are all manner of waies deceiued Madam,...
For the prefix ' Cat: read ' Cew/
P. 76. ...nor looke a snuffe like a piannqts taile, for nothing but their
tailes and formall lockes,...
'Tailes/ accidentally caught from the line above, should perhaps be
' curies/
P. 78. Yea my liege, and she as I hope wel obserued, hath vttered many
many kind conceits of hers.
For ' hers ' read ' her/ Then, for * as ' should we read ' has ' ? Or should
we not rather place the words ' as I hope ' between commas ? ' Hath ' is
equivalent to ' he hath ' ; this dropping of the third personal pronoun
masculine is not uncommon. Cp. Reuenge for Honour (Pearson, in,
p. 354) : < Has slain the Lady/
58 Notes on the Text of Chapman s Plays
All Fcmjles.
P. 113. Tkt kiddon oau§m of those itrange effects^
Mm Hell^ or fau from Mw Bommnu^
For *0f fall from this Heauen / read fifom this Heauen fall' ?
P. 173. You tbiit oan Qttt eee eleere-ey\l ieolousie,
Vet wake this slight a Milstone,...
I can see no difficulty in this passage, but apparently it is one of
those that win Chapman his reputation for obscurity. Shepherd, in
his modernised text, retains the spelling * slight' (for " sleight 1 ), and both
Shepherd and Phelps transform the ' Milstone' to a * milestone.'
tfONBIXVH dOliVE.
P + 201. ...the niugrill of a Gull, and a villaine,...
Shepherd keeps this, though it is obvious — as, indeed, Dilke has
evidently observed — that the printer failed to note the dash over the
1 u * in the word - mugrill.' In The Revenge of Bussy D'Ajubois (Pear-
son, ll t p. 126) we have the form ' niungrik*
P. 209. Feare not my Lo: The wizzara! is as forward,
To vsuqje great lies, as all greatnes is ;
To abuse vertue, or as riches honor.
For * wizzard ' read buzzard.' A buzzard is a fellow blinded by his
folly. Cp. May Day (Pearson, u, p. 849): '...my assurance is that
Cupid will take the searfe fnmi his owne eyes, and hoodwinke the old
buzzard, while two other true turtles enioy their happinesse/
P. 222. Deare life, take knowledge that thy Brothers L(Kft6)
Makes me dispaire with my true zeale to thee:...
For * dispaire ' Dilke gives ' dispense/ and Shepherd 'despair"; but * to
dispair' is to dissociate. The WOtd is not common, but The New English
Dictionary quotes examples of its use from Sylvester, Beaumont and
Fletcher, and Richardson
P. 235. I did euer dreame, that this head was borne to beare a breadth,...
Deighton would alter ' breadth T to r brain.' But in The Widdowes Teares
(Pearson, III, p. 84) the expression 'it beares a bredfeh ' occurs where
brains are plainly not in question.
J. LE GAY BRER ETON
59
The Gentleman Vsher.
P. 263, Enter />* \ Jfttrgant, Bnssh /^e*,
Bae&ioto ban* bef
But Corteza and Margaret do nut enter until later* See p. 265: 'Enter
Cotie., Mitnfaiife and mai
P. 313, Lou. Madam, in tbifl deed
You desert »e highly of my Lord the Duke.
Nay my Lord Jboomo, I thinke I told yea
I could do prettie well is these attaires:...
For the prefix 'Las** 1 read 'Med!
P. 319. This Duke will shew thee how youth puts d<uvne age,...
< a comma before and after * Duke. 1 'This' is either the scene to
follow, or, perhaps* tin window or balcony overlooking the stage.
P. 329. See pretious Loue, if thou be it in a\ :
For 'it' read 'yet/
P. 332. would to God, I en u Id with present cure
Of fchesc mn&iural] wound&j feed mooing ri^ht
Of this abused bee-atie, ioyne you both,
(As last 1 left you) in eternall QUptJ
Omit tin semicolon after * wounds 1 ; and for *moning right' read c mouing
eight.'
Bossy D'Ambois,
Vul. ii, p, 92. ...hut vsiudlv
(ones that which she calls merit to ■ man,
And bft&efe must arriuc him on huge riches,
Hottour, and bAppineeee* that effects his ruined,,,
hton ingeniously BUgg And he lief must arride him on huge
Bnt when a man has fortune's gift of merit, self-confidence, or
belief in that merit, is just what is likely to produce the result i-.-i".-nvd
to m the text — and the life of D'Ambois affords instant example. If
anv change 1( way, it is the substitution of 'belive ' for f belt*
The Reuexge of Erssv I v Am hois.
V\*. 1 13-4. i < ;m tieuer finde
Things outward care, but yon neglect y>ur mink
If the text be correct, ( things ' is pceeeeaive ] but in that case the mean-
ing of 'finde* is somewhat strained. I have suggested (8C6 Hussy
/>\1 / The Revenge of Buesy />VlwW>, ed. F. 8, Boas, 1906,
p. 801) that the true reading may be * things out worth care/ in which
Cldfl ho • outward/ So ' in ' — ' inward ' in Btmy D'Aml(»'*
(Pearson. II, p, B):
MM Berks, tiud outward Gloftse
Attract Court Luues, be in porta ne're so grosse.
Wl Note* f/n the Text of Chapma** Plays
BVBONH CoXSPOtACIE.
'' '^ ...hiii countries loae?
Mil y«t thir»U: not the (aire shades of himseifc :...
^"f ' fair** ^hwlnM ' l)<?ighton would read 'fierce hates,' Bat 'the faire
*hw{«* nf hiffimilfn ' ur<5 nuroly the images of himself invested with royal
I 4 WftO. And wn had thought, that he whose Tertoes five
Ho Imyotid wonder, and the reach of thought,
Hliuulil ('lMH)k at eight houres saile,...
MImmiM wm rm\ i • AimI wo not thought...'?
I 4 tflffi Till III tilt* fowl) nioate, at his naturall foode
lit* mhm fivo folio wo*, and hath met them free:...
l r H» ' IimmiI.ii 1 low I ' iiimimIm 1 .
Tm« Tuaukimk ok Charles Duke of Byron.
•' "Ml To roue vuiuatolit, and uioro thon humaine winde;...
f^ 1 * ' wIimIm' in thin paanHgo and on p. 314, Deighton wishes us to read
f HiIimI ' To him It n|i|iMtii* that * wind* means 'mind' and more — it is
IliM Ihim^IhhMvm Bjiiiit of a num. The word occurs again in The
Whltfauip* Tmtv* (IVurNoii. III. p. 08):
What a slauo was I
Thai- hold hoi out \\\y windes strength constanly,
That *hoo would |uh>uo thuaf
I 1 mu | Wf^ oun»iv l t to | day the Marshall,
To otdoi 1 tho ivtivat:...
M»Mi|. ' I ho MuTftludl |too|,\..
I' 'Mid Mludo* mu*i U* found* that iudge affaires of weight,
And utmlMa hand*, out ooroaiues from your sight.
I j 'mi ' IhiumI' hum) 'unimd,'
I* llliii I inuot ooido**o \\\y oludler hath transferd
M> tolidol' *»|doouo to all itttoinuenite speech :
hut iVtt«uM ouov did luy deeds* attend.
lu woilh of |naUe and imitation,
liud 1 honio nuv will to lot thorn loose,
1 tould hauo tleiht thorn with had sendees,
lu ti-nytuHit lately, and in «SV*taWaW.*...
Hhould hot (ho lull stop uftor 'attoud' change places with the comma
ut thu tuiil of (hi* following lino i
l\ HU. I bring a long Wlohe, and a little earth,...
* Hring, 1 u» Ihdghton uotoa, should ho 'boing/ For 'long* perhaps we
should road ' louo.'
J. LE GAY BRERETON 61
P. 316. ...I haue neuer past act gainst the King,
Which if my faith had let me vndertake,
They had bene three yeares since, amongst the dead.
One might possibly make a desperate defence of this reading : I prefer
the attack. Omit ' They ' and the comma after ' since/ We must then
take 'had' as equivalent to 'he had* ('had'). The printer probably
supplied what he considered the missing subject. See, for a similar
insertion of an unnecessary pronoun, the next passage quoted,
P. 318. Thou seest I see not ? yet I speake as I saw.
Read : ' Thou seest I see not, yet speake as I saw/ ' Speake ' is equiva-
lent to ' speakest/
May-Day.
P. 324. ...what paper is that he holds in hand trow we?
For ' trow we ' read ' trowe ' (probably printed in the proofs as ' tro we ''
and expanded by the printer's reader).
P. 324. Lor. A farre commanding mouth.
Ang. It stretches to her eares in deede.
Lor. A nose made out of waxe.
The words ' made out ' are clearly an interpolation ; they entirely spoil
Lorenzo's verse.
Pp. 330-1. But then thou must vse thy selfe like a man, and a wise man, how,
how deepe soeuer shee is in thy thoughts, carry not the prints
of it in thy lookes ;...
Shepherd omits the first 'how/ Rather place a full stop after 'wise
man/ and continue : ' How ! how deepe soeuer...'
P. 349. ...well may beauty inflame others, riches may tempt others;...
Perhaps: 'Well, beauty may inflame others;...'
P. 352. Ang. There is one little snaile you know, an old chimney sweeper.
Lor. What, hee that sings, Maids in your smocks, hold open your
locks, fludgs.
Ang. The very same sir, . . .
For ' fludgs ' read ' [Sings].' The only letter which is unaccountably in-
trusive is the ' d/
P. 360. Let my man reade how hee deserues to be bayted.
For ' my ' read ' any/
P. 366. ...perseuer till I haue yonder house a my head, hold in thy homes,,
till they looke out of QuintUlianoos forehead :...
One would expect ' my ' instead of ' thy/ unless we should read : ' perseuer
till I have yonder house. A, my head, hold in thy homes, till they looke
out of Quintillianoes forehead/
62 Notes on the Text of Chapman's Plays
P. 366. ...y*aue past the pikes yfaith, and all the Iayles of the loue-god
swarme in yonder house, to salute your recouery.
For ' Iayles ' read ' toyles.'
P. 386. A poxe vpon thee, tame your bald hewed tongue,...
For ' bald hewed ' read ' gall-dew'd ' (?).
P. 387. ...that perl's man Lodowicke^...
It should hardly be necessary to point out that ' perl's ' is a contraction
of ' perilous ' {i.e. ' parlous') ; but if some of my notes seem obvious, I can
only say that at least they correct the misconceptions of the unhappy
Chapman's editors. What did Shepherd understand by 'that pearl's
man ' ?
P. 390. Ancient Surloigne, a man of goodly presence, and full of expecta-
tion, as you ancient ought to bee,...
For ' you ' read ' your.'
The Widdowes Teares.
Vol. in, p. 16. Lurd. Your Honour shall doe well to haue him poison'd.
Hiar. Or begg'd of your Cosen the Viceroy.
For ' begg'd ' read ' beg't.'
P. 40. ...yet vow I neiier to assume other Title, or State, then your
seruants :...
Shepherd prints ' servants ' : modernised, it should be ' servant's.'
P. 41. ...if shee bo gold shee may abide the tast,...
Shepherd alters ' tast ' to ' test/ unnecessarily. See Nares.
P. 49. I feare [me] we must all turne Nymphs to night,...
So Shepherd : but c feare ' is disyllabic.
P. 54. This straine of mourning with Sepulcher, like an ouerdoing Actor,
affects grosly,...
' With ' = ' wi'th'.' fro need of Shepherd's ' [in a].'
P. 60. 1 haue lost my tongue in this same lymbo.
The spring ants, spoil'd me thinkes ; it goes not off
With the old twange.
Shepherd seems to have discovered here some reference to a vernal
emmet. Yet he modernises correctly a line on p. 78 :
No, He not lose the glorie ant.
P. 61. But I will make her turne flesh and bloud,...
' Turne ' is disyllabic. Shepherd's ' [to] ' must go.
J. LE GAY BRERETON 63
P. 65. Come, bring me brother.
For ' me ' read ' my.'
P. 67. Thou shalt, thou shalt ; though my loue to thee
Hath prou'd thus sodaine...
It would be easy to normalise the former line by reading ' [aljthough ' :
but, in our old dramatists, breaks in the line often mark a pause or
change of tone.
P. 69. Die? All the Gods forbid ;...
This speech should be printed as verse.
P. 70. Not for this miching base transgression
Of tenant negligence.
Deighton's emendation (' truant ' for ' tenant ') is supported by a passage
on p. 80, where a soldier who has discovered Lysander's place of con-
cealment says : ' My truant was mich't Sir into a blind corner of the
Tomb/ Cp. also the well-known ' true tenant ' of Philaster. Similarly,
Deighton's correction of 'air to * ill * on p. 71, receives support from
an error on p. 49: 'But your lookes, mee thinkes, are cloudie; suiting
all the Sunne-shine of this cleare honour to your husbands house/
Pp. 74-75. The passages printed as prose should be re-arranged as
verse.
P. 76. Thou, false in show, hast been most true to me ;
The seeming true ; hath prou'd more false then her.
Query : ' She, seeming true, hath prou'd more false then thou ' ?
P. 76. Assist me to behold this act of lust,
Note with a Scene of strange impietie.
Her husbands murtherd corse !
Semicolon at ' lust/ commas at ' Note ' and ' impietie.'
P. 76. ...my stay hath been prolone'd
With hunting obscure nookes for these emploiments,
The night prepares away ; Come, art resolu'd.
Full stop at ' emploiments/ For ' away ' read ' a way/
Caesar and Pompey.
P. 128. For fall of his ill-disposed Purse....
A syllable has dropped out. Query : ' [so] ill-disposed ' ?
P. 131. 2. What? honor'd Catol enter, chuse thy place.
Cat. Come in ;
He drawee him in and sits between Caesar and Metellus.
— Away vnworthy groomes.
3. No more.
I am not sure that we should not read :
2. What ! honor'd Cato ! enter, chuse thy place,
Cato t come in ;...
64 Notes on the Text of Chapman's Plays
P. 150. Suspected? What suspection should feare a friend...
One may hint that the substitution of ' suspect ' for ' suspection ' would
improve the verse, though no editor should dare to make such a change.
P. 157. All which hath growne still, as the time eacrease
la which twas gather'd, and with which it stemm'd.
B*ad'encreas['d;r?
P. 183. Tis more than Ioue euer t hundred with.
Read : ' [hath] euer thundred with/
P. 191. Cor. O my Lord, and father, come, aduise me.
For ' Cor! read 'For.'
P. 193. How durst ye poyson thus my thoughts? to torture
Them with instant rapture.
Omn. 3. Sacred Caesar.
Read : ' [Bear] them with instant rapture.'
Alphonsus, Emperour of Germany.
P. 218. II prove it with my Sword,
That English Courtship leaves it from the world.
For ' leaves ' read ' beares.'
P. 223. What? what the Empress accessary to?
Instead of ' What ! what! the Empress accessary too!' Elze, from whose
edition Shepherd reprints, has 'What? Was the Empress accessary to't?'
But in the modernised version of this play there are many errors, pardon-
able to a German, but beyond excuse in an English editor. Thus on
p. 225 occurs :
How easily can subtil age intice,
Such credulous young novices to their death?
'Novices' is practically disyllabic; Elze and Shepherd quietly drop
' their.' On p. 235 they alter ' fallace ' to ' fallacy,' and contract ' they
have ' to ' they've ' ; on p. 241, ' schuce ' (= ' 'scuse ') is rendered by them
'juice.' And so on.
P. 243. Alphon. This dangerous plot was happily overheard,
Here didst thou listen in a blessed howr.
These two lines are spoken not by Alphonsus, but by Alexander.
P. 278. Why stand you gasing on an other thus?
For ' on an other ' read ' one on other.'
J. LE GAY BRERETON 65
Revenge for Honour.
Elsewhere {Sydney University Library Publications, No. 2) I have
given reasons for my belief that this play is a burlesque, cunningly
planned to bring unsuspected ridicule upon a stage-struck gull. The
ingenuity of the plot, so different from the stately uncomplicated narra-
tive of Chapman's greater tragedies, is not so far removed from the
construction of Alphonsus. It seems to be the result of a carelessly
deliberate deference to popular taste. The style is quite unpoetic, and
the printer rightly insists by beginning his lines with lower case that
the piece is in pentameter prose.
P. 291. How do you like your General, Prince,
is he a right Mars?
Read '[the] Prince'?
P. 292. Well then... My gracious brother,...
Here, as elsewhere, (pp. 312, 313-314, 316, 328, 356), Shepherd,
guessing truly that a passage is prose, does not recognise its formal
value as blank prose.
P. 292. ...the greatest raaladie
than can oppress mans soul.
Sel. They say right.
Read : ' that can oppress [a] man's soul/
P. 301. Abr. You imagine me
beyond all thought of gratitude ; and doubt not
that 111 deceive your trust.
Query : omit ' You ' ? Deighton would alter ' deceive ' into ' deserve ' ;
but ' doubt' = ' fear/
P. 303. we leave them a Successor whom they truly reverence:...
Probably, but by no means certainly, we should omit ' them/
P. 304. Such a prince as ours is,
...should not be expos'd
to every new cause, honourable danger.
Read : ' every new cause' honourable danger/
P. 306. lis confess'd, all this a serious truth.
Shepherd alters 'a' to 'as,' though the abbreviation of 'this is' to
'this' is not uncommon. Similarly, 'that it' becomes 'that,' as on
p. 307 : ' Not that I think it wil, but that may happen/ On p. 325 we
read 'Let' for 'Let it' : 'Let go round/
P. 309. Abr. Alone the engine works
beyond or hope or credit.
Read : ' Alone ! The engine works. . .'
M. L. R. III. 5
66
Notes on the Text of Chapman s Phtys
P, 315. But Lady, I till now have been your tempter,
one that desired hearing, the brave resistance
you made, my brother, when he woo'd your love,
only to boast the glorv of a conquest
which seeurd impossible, now 1 have gained it
by being vanquisher, I myself am vanquished
your everlasting Captive.
Repuuctuate thus :
But, Lady, t till now have been your tempter,
one that desired, hearing the brave resistance
you made my brother when he woo T d your love
only to boast, the glorv of a rOTWIl W lt
which seemed impossible; now I have gain'd it;
by being vanquisher I myself ara vanquished,
your everlasting Captive,
P. 316.
Rearrange :
P. 321.
Read :
1\ 324.
AbiL By my command bees p mstring up our forces.
Yet Mem'thes, go you to A bra /ten and with intimations
from us, strengthen our charge.
By my command
bee's mustring up our forces. Vet, M est the* }
Go you to Ahrnhen..*
My Brother,.,,
the beast of lust (what friends would fear to violate)
has with rude insolence destroyed her honor,
by him inhumane ravished.
My Brother,...
the beast of lust, what Bands would fear to violate
has with rude insolence destroy VI, bar honor,
by him inhumane ravish'd.
SeL No quarrelling good L'oiizens, lest it be
with the glass,,..
For * lest * read * less/
P, 328. to summon him to make his speedy appearance
'fore the Tribunal! of Ahnan:or\
so pray you execute your office.
Ifo How one vice
can like a small cloud...
The words f so pray ' should be printed at the end of the preceding line.
P. 341. Mu. His life
in fain the off-spring of thy diamine,
which his hot Inst polluted:.,.
i, A his execution is the result of his pollution of thy chastity ; but,
perhaps, for ' off-spring of 1 we should read ' offring to/
P. 348. Love, Mesithu^
is a most stubborn Malady in a Lady, not cur*d
with that felicity, that are other passions,,-
most likely * felicity ' should be * facility." The words ' in a Lady ' are
the original misprint of ' Malady' ; the compositor, in restoring the true
J, LE GAY BRERETON 67
word from the corrected proof, did not perceive the necessity of
cancelling its substitutes.
P. 348. it has pass'd
the limits of my reason, and intend
my wily where like a fixt Star 't settles,
never to be removed thence.
For ' intend ' Shepherd substitutes ' indeed ' ; this is unsatisfactory ; so
are the only emendations I can suggest — ' in th' end/ or ' enter'd in/
P. 355. and thus I kiss'd my last breath.
For ' kiss'd ' read ' kiss ' (= ' expend in a kiss ').
P. 356. I thought 'twould come to me anon :
poor Prince, I e'ne could dy with him.
AbU. And for those souldiers, and those our most faithfull
MutSy that once my life sav'd, let them be
well rewarded; death and I are almost now
at unitie. Farewell
Rearrange: (1) 'I thought... Prince/ (2) '...souldiers/ (3) '...sav'd/
(4) '...and 1/ (5) '...Farewell/
The Tragedie of Chabot.
Act i, 1. 303. With passionate enemies, and ambitious boundlesse
Avarice...
Very likely ' ambitious ' should be ' ambitions/
Act it, 1. 89. And such an expectation hangs upon't.
Though all the Court as twere with child, and long , d
To make a mirror of my Lords cleare blood,...
For ' though ' read 4 through.'
L. 113. I wake no desart, yet goe arm'd with that,
That would give wildest beasts instincts to rescue,
Rather than offer any force to hurt me;
My innocence is, which is a conquering justice,
As weares a shield, that both defends and fights.
I agree with Shepherd that * wake ' should be ' walk/ but object to his
omission of ' is/ For ' weares ' read ' 'twere/
L. 142. Brave resolution so his acts be just,
He cares for gaine not honour.
Bead : ' Brave resolution ! so his acts be just, He cares for gaine nor
honour/
L. 199. And all my fortunes in an instant lost,
That mony, cares, and paines, and yeares have gathered.
For 'mony' Shepherd reads 'money'; my preference goes to 'many
cares/
5—2
68 Notes on the Text of Chapman's Plays
L. 285. And he that can use actions with the vulgar,
Must needes embrace the same effects &
cannot informe him;...
After ' & ' there was perhaps an illegible word ; the compositor sent to
the reader to ask him what it was; the readers marginal note, 'cannot
informe him/ has found its way into the text. Mr Lehman says
'inform* means 'mend.'
L. 305. like foiles
They shall sticke of my merits tenne times more.
In the modernised version, ' of should be ' off/
Act in, 1. 247. ...a man so learned, so full of equity, so noble, so notable
* in the progress of his life, so innocent, in the manage of his office so
incorrupt...
Comma after ' notable '; omit comma after ' life/
Act iv, 1. 168. But where proportion
Is kept to th' end in things, at start so happy
That end set on the crowne.
For ' set ' read ' sets/
LI. 293-294. This was too wilde a way to make his merits
Stoope and acknowledge my superior bounties,
That it doth raise, and fixe e'm past my art,
To shadow all the shame and forfeits mine.
Read : '...past my art To shadow; all the shame and forfeit's mine/
L. 369. what a prisoner
Is pride of the whole flood of man ?
Read: 'Of pride is the../
Act v, 1. 271. There doomesday is my conscience blacke and horrid,
For my abuse of Iustice,...
Read : ' There doomesday is — my conscience, blacke and horrid For my
abuse of Iustice,. . /
L. 483. Pompey could heare it thunder, when the Senate
And Capitoll were deafe, so heavens loud chiding,...
Read : 'were deafe to heaven's loud chiding/
J. Le Gay Brereton.
A THIRTEENTH-CENTUEY PATERNOSTER
BY AN ANGLO-FRENCH SCRIBE.
The following Middle-Engliah version of the Paternoster, written
in a late thirteenth-century hand (MS, N<X 82, fol. 271 b, Cathedral
Library of Saram), was contributed by Sir E. Maunde Thompson to
Ktifjfisclte Studien. Vol I, p* 215 :
llfiro ffader J»at in in enene |>yn name 1>oyti ehd. bring us t*i kinriche to. al J>i
rinted 'ni'J wille wurth i do. Itailich brid Hi iuestu. an hints koltefl war
also wc do iiit N al kilt us, Brunk us ut of hiwel vontaiiic an were.s hus vram
eh ivel fyahc Am
That the spelling of this document is remarkably peculiar and
inconsistent is obvious at the first glance: we have brid for bread
Or Lft-tl, kultes by the side of /-///, frrwig in one caee, brunh in another,
and allowed by rod in the next line. A closer examination
N certain of the features which Professor Skeat has dealt with in
!}>• r read before t h* Philological Society, on May 0, 1907,
on the Proverbs of Alfred (printed by Morris in his Old English
and in his recent editions of this poem and of Havelok
the I -I which he regards as being undoubted marks of the
of an Anglo-French scribe, that is, of a scribe who was of
French birth or who had had an entirely French education, and was
'pi* nth imperfectly acquainted with the grammar and vocabulary
of English.
In the text before us, there are several instances in which it is
doubtful what words the scribe intended to write, BO little does he
to have understood the English phonetic system. It will be
osider these before attempting to classify the orthographic
ities of the forms he uses,
1. bet/n gftd k Bo doubt misdivided, but a re-division into be ywhd
Id an intelligible form for the fteeo&d word. A poesibly
ion is yhehd, passive participle of heyen (0, E. hmn),
70
A Thirteenth-Century Paternoster
r to exalt.' I do not, however, find the original sanctijicdur translated
thus in any Paternoster of similar date, the usual word being gf talked,
2. iuestu is very obscure ; it is perhaps for ' jif us to ' = * give to us/
but tu for * to ' is a substitution not easy to account for.
3. war tyfus is wrongly divided ; read warty/ us = ' voi^if us. 1
4. at kilt is the greatest difficulty in the whole text. I can only
suggest that th^ scribe meant agglte, agulte (past tense = ' offended M ).
The tow-batik element in the pronunciation of a- may have given a
Frenchman the impression of an L
5. ivnlinic. We in ust read vonhinc «■ f vending/
6. weres appears to be a downright blunder for were, imperative
of 'werien 1 (= * to defend'), probably due to confusion with the 2nd
person singular indicative, (It is hardly likely to be a form of * warish
m Anglo-French warir, luariss-, Old Fr. garir, gariss-.)
The following characteristics, which have been noted by Professor
Skeat in the places above-mentioned, are exhibited in this little text:
1. Initial h is omitted in ettene, itti.
2. Initial // is added in hure, hus, hiwel.
3. w is used for v in wader, warty/, hiwel, Ct/rowere = * frofre in
ProiK Atfn 54 et al. But Professor Skeat has no instance of initial w
so used.
4. Jj for 3 in warty/ Cf. tyf for yif in ProtK Al/r. (several times).
5. ?ik t n(h)c for ng, in brunk y vonhinc, tyynhc. Cf. Pron Al/r. 36:
kiac = ( king/
Besides these we have :
6. Medial h inserted in vonknic, )*ynhc.
7. Final h for ch in eh.
8. Initial k for g in hdtes, k&t (= 'gultes/ * -gulte j.
9. j dropped initially in tuest".
10. k for i ( = 0, E. i) in fafflfc This spelling is doubtless due
to confusion of the high -front-narrow i with its rounded correlative,
French e.
There are two other points that make in the same direction, One
is the use of the syllable war- (familiar initially in a number of Anglo-
French forms like warantir) instead ofwr, in warty/ The other is the
syntactical anomaly in Ilure ivader \mt is, whore the native idiom of
the period would have required ' bftt art/
C. TALBUT OXIOXS 71
[Professor Skeat, to whom I submitted the above notes, has been
good enough to send some valuable suggestions. He thinks that the
original form of our specimen was metrical. He would restore it as
follows (comparing the rhyming paternosters in Reliquiae Antiquae,
vol. I, pp. 22, 57, 169):
Ure v&der fat is in heuene,
Yy name* be* yheTied [eiiene]:
bring us pi kinriche US;
41 >i wffle* wnrthe i-d6; 1
[on erthe as {8 in heuene alsd]
Deflich bred \m }if us t6;
And ore* gultes v6rjif lis,
Alg(o)* we" do hem }e agflten us.
Bring us lit of fvel vonofng
And were us vr6m ech fvel J>fng.
C. Talbut Onions.
1 do, oho is a bad rime ; bat actually occurs in the Paternoster, Rel. Ant., i, 57.
* Much better aU, for the metre.]
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES.
' Wayte What ' = ' Whatever/
In the N.E.D., under Look, 4 b [look prefixed to interrogative
pronoun or adv., or relative conj., forming indefinite relatives = whoever,
whatever, however, etc.], Mr Bradley observes : ' The absence of examples
between the 12th and the 16th c. is remarkable ; the idiom was prob.
preserved in some non-literary dialect.' No doubt, because the phrase
is, in most cases, so easily understood without the reader being aware
that it is an idiom, many instances must have been overlooked. Is
there any edition of Measure for Measure where a note points it out in
this line : ' Look what I will not, that I cannot do ' (n, ii, 52) ? And in
fact, the idiom occurs in Chaucer, though not with ' look/ yet with its
synonym ' wait ' :
Wayte what thing we may nat lightly have,
Ther-after wol we crye al-day and crave.
Wife of Bath's Prologue, 517.
A Possible Source of Chaucer, 'Canterbury Tales/
A 4134 and D 415.
The source of the two lines :
With empty hand men may na haukos tulle,
and
With empty hand men may none haukes lure,
may be the following passage:
Car si cum li loirres afaite
Por venir au soir at au main
Le gentil espervier a main,
Ainsi sont afaitie* par dons
A donnor graces et pardons
Li portiers as fins amoreus.
Roman de la Rose, ed. P. Marteau, 1L 7820-5.
J. Derocquigny.
Miscellaneous Notes 73
Notes on 'The Faire Maide of Bristow 1 /
Line 126. Who cares where Harbart be or frend or foe.
Mr Quinn suggests a comma after 'be/ but it would only introduce
ambiguity. ' Where ' is the common contraction of ' whether/
228. That I would entertain this as my man.
There can be but little doubt that ' this ' should be ' thee/ The resem-
blance of this line to one quoted in the introduction from The Miseries
of Enforced Marriage is therefore greater than at first appears.
265. Tho he be blunt yet is very honest.
Mr Quinn would insert ' he ' before ' is/ But ' he ' is not unfrequently
omitted before 'is/ And, even if the irregular nature of the prosaic
lines in this play did not warrant a scarcely metrical verse, we might
still regard this line as a passable pentameter: ' Th6 | he b6 | blunt y6t |
is v£r | y h<5nest/
626. Although I am no kinsman to lament,
In your distres my grief as deeply spent.
Mr Quinn boldly prints ' grief ['s]'; but there is at least a possibility
that for ' as ' we should read ' is/
685. It is euen thus, well what remedy :
There is a strong presumption that we should read ' Is it/
989. And harder than the Penerian rockes.
Mr Quinn suggests the ' Pierian rockes/ I believe ' Penerian ' is a mis-
print for ' Pirenean/
1073. I haue hard a man
Urged by nessesity to lead his frend,
Or to redeeme his person with his owne,
But to find one will die for a frend,
This age we Hue in doth not now aford.
For 'lead' read 'lend/ I have taken the liberty of transferring 'a
man* from the beginning of 1. 1074 to the end of 1. 1073.
1078. send hence the other to their sentence domd.
No need to read, with Mr Quinn, ' other[s]/ ' Other ' is used as a plural
pronominal form.
1206. This kind contryssion of yong Vallenger,
More toyes my hart then rest to travelers.
In black-letter there is frequently a confusion of ' i ' and ' t/ For ' toyes*
we should read ' ioyes/
1 The Faire Maide of Brittow. Edited by A. H. Quinn. Philadelphia, 1902.
Mim w& >neous Notes
1219. Let her be had among the Conuertmes.
vertine ' is so rare a word that the compilers of the JT, E. D. could
find only one example of it. But, as the upholders of Collier's theory of
The Fftire Maides authorship will be glad t<> point out, that one example
in from Day's Law Tr trices. Act I, sc, 2:
Did not true learning make the soule diuine,
She hath fcpoke enough to make me conuertine.
J. Le Gay Rrereton.
Milton, 'Samson Agoxistes/ 373.
M. Alas, metliiuks whom God hath chosen once
He shotild not 90 oerwhehm...
S. Appoint not heavenly disposition, father.
Nothing of all these evils hath hefallen me
But justly.
The meaning of the word "appoint 1 presents some difficulty. The
N.E.D. explains it as 'impute blame to, 1 but the only other instanc
which it gives of such a use of the word is obviously do instance at all.
The meaning is, I think, 'prescribe or determine the course of/ 'pin
down to a fixed course/ Cp. Areopagitica (towards the end): ' Neither
is God appointed and confined where his chosen shall be first heard to
speak.'
G. C. Moore Smith.
Charles Lamb, 'Essays of Elia/
(1) In the essay O.rford in the V<tnttiotr, us it originally appeared
in the London Magazine (II, p. 368), Lamb wrote: ' D. commenced life,
a course of hard study in the u House of pure Emanuel/* as usher/
etc. The passage was omitted when the Elia Essays were reprinted in
1823. Canon Ainger included it in brackets in his edition of the
Essays, but printed the concluding words : l after a course of hard study
in the house of "pure Emanuel," as usher* etc. It is clear that he
was not aware of the source of Lamb's quotation, the poem of Bishop
Richard Corbet called The Distracted Puritan, of which stanza 2 runs:
In the house of pure Emanuel
I had my education ;
Where my friends surmise
I dueled mine eyea
With the light of revelation.
< 'I. aimers' English Poets, v, 608,
Miscellaneous Notes 75
(2) In Christ*s Hospital Thirty-five Years Ago: '...to hear thee
unfold... the mysteries of Jamblichus, or Plotinus/ This is the reading
of the paper as it originally appeared in the London Magazine, II, p. 489,
as it was reprinted in 1823, and as it stands in Canon Ainger's edition.
I think, however, that Lamb's meaning would probably be made more
obvious if in future ' mysteries ' were printed ' Mysteries/ The refer-
ence is, I suppose, to the work of Iamblichus, De Mysteriis JSgyptiorum,
Chaldceorum, Assyriorum.
G. C. Moore Smith.
Dryden's 'Parallel of Poetry and Painting/
In Dryden's Parallel of Poetry and Painting (1695), he translates
a passage from Hippocrates ' as I find him cited by an eminent French
critic/ Professor Ker has been unable to identify this critic (Essays of
Dryden, n, 134, note). It may possibly be worth while to note that the
critic is Andr6 Dacier, and that the passage occurs in the preface to
his translation of Aristotle's Poetics (1693).
J. E. Spingarn.
REVIEWS.
The Shirburn Ballads, 1585-1616. Edited from the MS. by Andrew
i'lark. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1907. 8vo. viii 4- 380 pp.
This is one of the most interesting publications of the year. It
appeals to the antiquarian, to the historian, to the student of music, and
above all to the student of Elizabethan and Jacobean literature. Nbl
that the Shirburn collection brings only new ballads: on the contr
the number not known from other sources forms only a small part of the
eighty BOftgs it contains. The interest lies in the fact that at this time
of day it brings so many new ballads, that the collection is so repre-
sentative, and that it often Dei trf well-known ballads. The
title is, in reality, not quite correct, the volume containing more than
the title-page promises. After the Shirburn Ballads come, by way of
supplement, a number of ballads taken from the Bodleian MS. Rawln
1*5. Mr Clark prints these evidently under the impression that
they have in>t hern published before, In this, however, he is mistaken :
Herr Wllhelni Bolle published the whole collection in the Archc
Studium tier neueren Sprachen umd Literature}) , Vol. < xiv. p. 326 ff,
Mr Clark omits eight of the ballads without saying so. His text provefl
to be far more correct than Herr Belle's j meet of the mistakes in that
text, pointed out by mo in the Archn\ cxvi, p, 374, do not occur in the
present edition, which appears to be very accurate and to reproduce the
original exactly.
The Shirburn Ballads are printed from a manuscript in the Earl of
Macclesfield's library at Shirburn Castle. In his Introduction, the editor
says that the present volume 'exhibits the actual text of the MS. in its
present order with the minimum of change or omission,' and further on
that he c left the text practically untouched/ In these words * minimum'
and 'practically ' lurks a danger; there are then changes and emissions, if
only a minimum of them. Personally I object in these cases to any
change or omission, but I am aware that though omissions in 1!
unwarranted, there may be reaeoofl for changes; but — and here Mr Clark
differs from the majority of modern editors— if alterations have to be
made, they must be scrupulously indicated as such. I am practically
Her
77
convinced that this edition is a very accurate one, but I have nol
absolute certainty. In the Introduction Mr Clark gives particulars
about the MS., about the relation of the Shirbum Ballads to other ool
tions of ballads, and about the contents of the poems and their dates.
Each of the ballade is prefaced by a separate introduction giving
many historical and, above all, antiquarian dot ails, mentioning the
occurrence of the songs in other collections, and Bometuo ring
information <ai the subject of the metres and the tunes. This information
m supplemented by an alphabetical list of tunes with references to
( -happcH's Old English Papular Mmic (old edition), and Oxenfoord
Macturn ns Old English D&tieSs followed by an 'Index of First, Li
On the whole, more stress, is laid upon the antiquarian and historical
importance than upon the literary and musical. No, or hardly any,
attempt is made to find parallels or connections between these and other
ballads, neither as regards contents, nor as regards form and tune.
Little notice has been taken of the various collections of ballads that
1 in print, with the exception of the BaAmrt/ite (Jollectitut.
Tin- book is excellently printed and illustrated with facsimiles of old
prints, about, which the editor, however, gives no further information.
The ballads are, of coarse, given in the order in which they appear in
the BIS. J this involves in a few cases separation of companion pieced* for
in the ease erf xxx and l, li and lxxvl Of the many new
balladl which the collection brings, a few may be mentioned hero,
No* \ 'Of I maid"' oowe dwelling at the towne of Mswr* in Du&chkmdt
hath not taken any foode this li! j id is not yet neither
hungry nor thirsty* is, as the edit* probably nothing but a
pamphlet put in metre. The subject was a well-known one on the
continent. That in England also the story enjoyed popularity ifl
evident from the frontispiece which is a facsimile of a contemporary
print; the stanza on it shows that the text must have been different.
v u a spirited love-song which Mr Clark, while acknowledging that
n is tuneful, rather harshly condemns. NTo. xxi is a roarinjr arixdring-
Bong, beginning 'Come hitler, mine lost, oome hither t 1 No, xxix is
interesting for its intricate stanza and lively etory ' of the meiy millers
ling of the Maker's daughter of Manc hester * Religiona ballade are
v anting, e.g., XL and XU2I, but they are inferior in form and music
to the Becmar songs. The historical ballad is represented by No. I
the capture of I Salaia, and by No. lxvii, a song on the taking <■! I'm rg
Inly 80 by 1 Grave Maurice* 1 It ifl evidently a rimed translation of a
faithful report of this important feat of arms, which was also sung in
of the so-called ' Geuzenliederen/ that la, * Songs of the Beggars'
ivr of Luinmers Collection). I do not believe, however, that the
id is a translation of one of these songs, w U itil: altogether
different in spirit Perhaps the most interesting number is lxi,
' Mt jlttoweVfl Jiggc* : bi Francis, a Gentleman; Richard, a
and their wives/ a very spirited dramatic sketch in four
to i\*\\v different tunes* As Mr Clark points out the Mr Attowel
Q all probability the actor AtteweU who died in 1821, In the
Reviews
Appendix there is a similar hallad-dmma, written to one tune only for
tin four acts* Only B email number of the poems rise above mediocrity,
tided from a purely literary point of view,
A frw words may be said on the history of Boinc of the ballads and
their tunes. Nos. iii. x, xvi T xux, lxxi, and lxxii are all written bo
the tittle of 7 R e L 1 t i ly f e Fa I L T h * l re is a g re at deal o f i n f< >rm a t i i >fi a bo i \ t
this tone in ChappeU'fl Old Emjtish Popular Music, edited by H. E.
Wooldridge, under The Hunt is up, Peascod time, and Chert/ Chase
(l f Hb-H2h Chappell and bis editor have, however, failed to point out
the similarity of this tune to that of Gather ue Rosebuds (Chapped, I,
196). In the Bong of The Hunt m <//*, printed by Chappell, there is
internal rime in the first and thin! lines of each stanza; this, however,
is pot eeeeat&il: none of the songs in the Shirburu Ballads written to
this tune show a similar arrangement. Internal rime is absent in the
Kong of duller ge Rosebuds, which differs from The Hunt is up, etc,, in
having a freak time at the end of the second and fourth tine. In the
Rump Songe l Part 1. there is on p, 350 a song entitled ' The four Leggd
Elder; or a Relation of a Horrible Dog ami an Eiders Maid. To the
Tune of The Ladies fall ; Or Gather your Ruse Bu&e, and 50 other
Tunes. It has no internal rime, In Monsieur Thomas, III, 3, the fiddler
mentions among the ballads he ran sing, IV Daintu Damm\ thesi
the first wordaof\4 Warning fyr Maidens, to the tune of The Ladies
fall; Rowb x QoU \ r j T 501. C^ Notes ttud Queries, 10th S., \L 284
WOi I\, LabandtdashtjL This puzzling feline is also fotind in Clement
Robinsons a Handful qf Pleasant Delights ( Arbeit fteprint, p. 57):
J $orrowfult Sonet, made hg M, George Maimington, at Cambridge
CusHe, T) the tune of Labaudala Shot. Both the poems set to this
'"iiio an serious in tone. Of coume, the name is a oorruptionj I
llggest ' L;i branle a la Scot' which may ha\e found its way
book to England by way of Holland, where 'branle' became ' brande '
(see Land, Ludboek ran Thgsius, pp. 347 ff.)* No, XX oonmsta of a
Beeond part only, which is to be regretted, for the measure is lively, and
the whole rather sweet. The refrain is formed by l With a Hononanero
bone 1 ; a similar retrain. '0 hone, hone, no nenC i s referred to in
Eastward Hoe, v, l, !). In Skirbum Ballads, Lxxvn, written to another
ttlttBj ire have the refrain, * hone, honinunem, tarrararara, tarrararara
hone 1 ; and in xxxv written to the tune of Oh hone the refrain is * Oh
bone, hone analergo, alergO, tararalergo hone/ Similar to this again ig
the refrain ot Upon the Gun-powder Riot, in Choke Drollery, p. 40,
Cp. The Irish HoHoitnr in Chappell, i, 85 (1888). No. I is written to
toe tone of Bratjaua'arf/. 'A new. BOIlgti of the triumph? of the Tift,'
in the f St(dwuers Registers faff March 2S, 1M(>4, is to the tune of
Rraggeudartg,
No, \\\ in, In Creete, The fiddler in M*>nsienr Thomas, in, g, s
Dl 0a0 ling: lu Curt when hrdimns first began. The opening lines of
the Kontf are- ' In Crete when Uedahis first began His strait and long
exile to wail/ According feo a correspondent in Notes and Qu
h N., vi, 1OQ0J 888) the song may be found in Hail. Ms 7578, fol 83.
Reviews
79
Xo. xxix, Nutmegs and Ginger.
(i, 4) Merrythought sings ■
In The Knight of the Burning Pestle
Nose, nose, jolly reel nose,
And who g*VG fcheo thin jolly red i:
Nutniegn and ginger, cinnamon and cloves j
And they gave me this jolly red nose.
id Series.)
It deserves notice that Jfo, iaxv is written to the tune of The Miller
would a wooing ride, re m in di ng us of the opening lines of XXIX, 'The
miller, in his best array, would needs a wooing rido.* The metre, how-
eroar, is altogether different No, xxxn, Paggintons Round. This
Eopular dance tune is invariably called Parktugtons Pound t but from
eing used in dancing ' rounds' ma? have roiue to be named Packingt"n's
Round. In S Fru^'he Custkof it is called Pevkington's pond
(p. 14 of Van Vloten's edition). In Met Luitlnni pan Thgsius the name
baa been corrupted to Pacce tons pen (No. 74). In the Rojhurghe Ballads
( Ebeworth, V, 37) occurs a song to the tune of On the Banks of a River,
or Pctckington'8 Pound. From Bartholomew Fair it appears that count rv-
danoee irecre danced to this tune (00. Chappell, t, 2>:>: Land, Luitboek,
\ >. Sfa 1 n begins All in a garden green/ but is altogether different
from the song in Chappell, i t 79, that begins with the same line:
All in a garden green,
Two lovers sat at ease :
Withdrawn where they could scarce be seen,
Among the leafy trees.
The <>t Song of art outcast Lover in .1 Handful of Pleasant
ghts to the tune ot Alt in a Garden ** also in the stanza of
the song m ChappelL
a Uli r Fitly, pittge me. This is perhaps connected with A pleasant
Boiled of Daphne. To a naw tune, Ro&burghe Ballads (Ebsworth),
11, 529-31, with its refrain:
Pittie, Daphne, pittie, pitty me:
Pittie, Daphne, pittie we.
words are by Thomas Deloney, and may be found in his Garland of
//if(liiSi); also in The Royal Qardm af Lave and Delight (1674).
The tunefl Ca&JQOt have hern identical ; compare those is Valerius'
vhe Qedenok-Clanck (1626) under the title of Prins Da
p, 212, and in Starter's Lusthof (1634), p, 155, Bee, on the
variation of tunes, ChappeLTe Old English Popular Mus%Q t edited by
If, lv Wooldridge, p. 86, editor's note in the text In the introductory
note to No, Liz (What if u >*■ month, or a y$ar).the editor
that 'the verses are found also in a Bodleian MS,, BIS. Bawlil
Ki. 0, and are there attributed to "EL of E. u I Robert
\< r nid Karl of Essex/ This statement is not quite comet :
the poem is on f. 10* and £ 11. The ■ kttributed to the
E. Of E. are on E !', and are probably in a different hand. For full
ic'ulars about this popular song I refer the reader to nvy article
Reviews
in Modern Philology > i\\ pp. 397-422, in which periodical I shall also
deal At gre&tei length with the farm of this poem in the Shirburn Hoi'
No. lxxiv is written to the tune of An Qgster Py$ or Robinsons
Hard, There is another danoe that bears Robinson's name, viz.,
/tnhitrsnn s Ailemonrfe. In lt»03 there appeared in London jTfe School*
of Mttsicke, by Thomae Robinson. Cp, Land, Luitboek van 7%mu8 }
p. 2*5.
In conclusion, a Ward about the footnotes. They contain partly
corrections of the text, parti J elucidations. As PBgaxda tin explana-
tions, mure might have bead expocted. To ffiw ft few examples, poo re
peat on p. 808, tofe-dish on p. *J17, runrluiurfes 00 p. 218, should have
I mco i wplaim >! I taeflfiiflfiftilj the editor would seem to have misiiiider-
i the Elizabethan idiom; For instance, he corrects even soone at
night ' info ■ even this very night/ All lovers of the old ballads and all
students of ISliaabethai) and Jacobean literature owe Mr Andrew Clark
a debt of gratitude for this interesting volume.
A. E. H. Swain.
Ill Rhetonc of John Donne's Verse. By \\\ R Meltmn\ A Disser-
tat ion submitted to the Board of University Studies of the
Johfi Hopkins University, Baltimore: J. H. Furst Co., 1906.
Sra, 106 pp.
It m:iv be remembered that the volume called An English MLs-
rel/ttnt/ % compiled in honour of Dr Furnivall in 1901, contained a
nr Concerning Grammatical fcttts in English Verse, by Professor
f . Bright, in which some remarkable views of English verse-const rn<
hen were expounded, Tin se views were combated in a letter written
bj Troti ssor II, C« Beechiog to the Athenaeum of June I, 1901, but
apparently with little effect in modifying Pro fceoo r Bright's standpoint.
'I hey have also recently been discussed by Mr Omonil in his English
tsts in the Eighte ent h tmd Nineteentl tea It is not possible
here to give an exposition of PmfoBBOI Bright's teaching as regards
English verae, In oriel; it may be said that he will not allow there is
BUQ0 a thing as inversion ol in English iambic verse 1 . Every
Nri'unil M-llaVle must have a stress, whether this is in accordance with
the Ordinary pronunciation of English or not. ist not scan:
la their flowing cups | freshly | remembered,
but |
in their flowing cups | freshly | remember*
To be or not to be | that is | the question,
but:
To Ije or not to be | that fa | the question.
' Bi ai-juio'iitlj makes an exception in favour of the first fool, and so, as Mr Omond
•ay*, gives away his case.
Reviews
81
A secondary stress derived from the form of the word in earlier
English is supposed to be latent in terminations such as tbos
lily,' 'doubtful, 1 'garden, 1 'waters/ ready for the poet's use when
he cannot write his lines without recourse to this aid. >r Bright
has expounded these views orally as well as in print, and his pupils
have seen a vista of endless dissertations to be manufactured by the
simple process of applying their profeeeor'e principles to every English
I, Mr George Dubbin Brown has written his dissertation
on SyUabificcUion and Accent in PorodisB Lost (lfJOl), Mr Raymond
Durbin Miller his on Secondary Accent in Modern English Verse
(Chaucer to Dryden) (1904), and now Mr Wightman Fletcher Melton
follows with his 206 pages on the Rhetoric of the Verse of Bonne.
The whole treatment is a case of ' pctitio principii/ When it is
said that Donzie'a verse IS often rough, what is meant is that in reading
it one often finds that to give the natural sttvss to the poets words is
re the rhythm of his verse. But if we once allow that in
ry, it is not necessary to give a word its natural stress, hut that
one may remove the stress at will from the root-syllable to the suffix,
roughest verse becomes at once perfectly regular. This is the
process which is here adopted, with a rare degree of self-satisfaction
on the pari of the writer,
Mr Helton's method tends to close his eyes to the real phenomena
of Donne's verse. When verse is rough, the cause often lies in the
fact that two or more feet of abnormal construction {e.g. with weak
18 or inverted stress) occur together. There would only be a sense
of pleasing variety if one such foot had stood alone, but the colloca-
tion of two or three causes the reader to lose the rhythm of the line.
Mr Melton takes the case of a stress laid on a preposition such as 'of/
and has no difficulty in showing that even in Shakespeare and other
I, *of T may bear a secondary stress. But he does not point out
that whereas in Shakespeare an irregular foot is generally isolated, in
> roch feet occur in juxtaposition to one another. There is an
enonnou of labour in finding parallels for lines which pre
• inral difficulty, and no discrimination is made between such lines
and lines i hat do.
Ifr Melton takes (p. Ill) the lines:
If they be two they are two so
ritf twin compasses are tw<>.
To me tbe first line seems somewhat abnormal owing to the slight
- whieh must be given to 'are/ and the practically even hi
inch must be given to 'two so/ Mr Melton accents in the
ueal manner enjoined by Professor Bright:
It' tli< y be two they fire two ad,
and goes on his way rejoicing. Other lines have their irregularities
i out with the same fiat-iron: e.g.
; when wlndfl In our rum'd a*—
<ns and th& days deep iuidi right is —
M. L. R. tlli 6
82
Reviews
Kiss Hfm, and with Him into Egypt go—
No hand among them to vex them again —
And I which was two fools do so grow three —
Who Are a little wise, the best fool* be. —
I hate that thing *tu*p&a itself away.
This system of dealing with verse is so simple and obvious that it hardly
requires to be illustrated in 200 pages,
What, again , are we to make of this ? After quoting a sentence
from Donne's thirteenth Sermon : * That world, which finds itself truly
in an autumn, in itself, finds itself in a spring in our imagination,'
Mr Melton continues: 'Here we see thirteen words taking Che place
of twenty, and it is no extravagance to fancy the Dean of St Paul's
delivering his thought in this fashion:
That world which fimh U*4f
Truly in an autumn Sti U*&lf
Flu* L< tt*}lf ht 1 spring
la our imagination.^
(The italics, whatever their meaning, are Mr Melton's own.)
Here is a specimen of Mr Melton's method of determining the
authenticity of a poem on metrical considerations (p. 173): * The BrBt
lines of To the Praise of the Dead, and the Anatomy (Chambers,
n t 102) will convince one that Donne did not write it; trot la 1 , far
example, appeals tour times, always in arsis, and with no companion-
sound in thesis. Two lines (21-22) both have and have not Donne's
" measure " :
Enough is us to prdm them tkdi pratee thee
And nay, thtlt but enough those prttfitfi ho.
This arsis-thesis variation of praise, and that, is to be found in Donne,
to he sure; but it is also in onakespe&re. The repeated word enough,
with the first syllable in thesis and the second in arsis, both times, is
not in Donne's manner and therefor© furnish' s the soliii.i.m.*
But enough, We ■ m only say that we regard this as one of the
most laboriously worthless dissertations we have ever seen.
G. C. Moore Smith.
Table des Nvuis Propres de toute nature compris darts les Chansons de
Geste imprime'es. Par Ernest Lakglois. Paris: Bouillon, 11*0-1.
8vo, xx + 074 pp.
The present volume was prepared in competition for a prize
offered by the Acaih mic des Inscriptions et Belles- L Its use-
fulness is so great that to leave the book unmentioned or to DM8 it by
with a few generalities of criticism would be unjustifiable. Hundreds
of scholars have been for years supplying the lack of such a work the
beat way they could. Accordingly they welcome with joy the large and
handsomely printed catalogue of Professor Langlois.
The work appeared boo early in the year to include Anseis de Mes,
which was published by E. Stengel, at Greifswald, in May, 1904. It
Reviews
83
ought, however, to have contained Hervis de Metz, by the same editor
as-Anms, published at Dresden in 1903, and also the admirable G%cm
de WUlanto, published at the Chiswick Press, London, in June, 1903,
Aspremont certain]} should not have been omitted, in spite of the fact
that only a very tew copies are extant of the abandoned edition by
Guessanl and Gautier (Paris, 1855).
1 suture to add a few criticisms and suggestions.
At the close of note 4 of p. 12, add: Prise de Cord res, p, xlix
P. -Hi, note : the statement is made that the Siif/e de Barbastre, which
n BDpublisheil, offen the name Argent* as the nam.- of i riyer, Thii
name, in the MS. 1448 of the Bibliotheque Nationale, is written :
da ren te , = d' A rente ( to L 157 v° ). I notice also a s t rea m Tar a u te (fob
1:>7 v°). This stream is reached three day* after passing Panrpeluna,
P. 71 t under Bustle, change 1204 to L803. P. 90, second line ami note 1:
the author is mistaken in ascribing the epithet in question to Bentart.
The unpublished MSS. as well as published texts are full of evidence OB
this point. The editor shows the same inability to grasp the situation
in the note at the bottom of p. 94. If the Berart de Senliz of Baoul de
brai mentioned on p, sti is the same as Bernart de St Liz, he is
tme as Beniart de Brabant, if we may trust Foucon de t'andte, MS,
25,518 of the Bibliotheque Nationale. The reference to the Rumania, in
note 1, p. 98, contains an error. Under Brubant, p. 117, mention should
be made of Ahrnltant, already cited, which may be an error for a Bndntat.
On p. 154, the reference to Cod roe in M, A. should read: 3035.
On p. L55, after Contains, the statement should read: ' Amirul, cousin
i ain du roi de Bile/ In a number of eases, the compiler should
ited various personages under one head, as, for example. EPoUGOn
No. 17 and Fouqae Nfo. 2*2. As a matter of fact, the nef mentioned
under the first name is a reference to an important episode of the hearo
Fouque 22. The variant given under No. 17 should be Ftaainer.
Gautier li DieUS, p. 269, is probably an error for Gautier li Vieiis, and,
as the editor suggests, is the same as Gautier No. 20. The statement
in note 2, p. 271 concerning Gautier de Termos and Gautier de Blaive*,
U feme only for the lamentable edition of the Covenant of Jonokbtoet
and the MSS. of London and of the Bibliotheque Nationale 24,369.
The other MSS. seem to be consistent. The Gyrart d'Auiinois men-
tioned on p. 280, is to be combined with Girart No. 6S, In the MSS, t>\
<>tt, Beuve is occasionally said to be d'Aminois. Girart is his son,
Cnder the Gnarts, No. 52 should be combined with No. (>:{, Ou the
other hand, a division must be made in No, 68, for the references from
Foucon: pp. 4,8, l"' 19, do not refer bo Qirart de Qommarohia, but to
toJiemark, a totally different hero. With regard bo note 2,
p. 80S, it is Ut be remarked that Gerart (or Girart) is the Demon meant
in th MSS. The only onee to show a are MSS. 774, 1441),
and 3(i8 of the Bibliotheepie Nationale, which all belong to one family,
and a poor family at that 1 . On this same page, 1 1tierin Almanois should
1 The MS, of B«nie Imw QuitinS in this line (fol. IS, Cj. Thin reading can lianlly be
t, for tlie imtnts should count fur three syllables* as elsewhere written in the MS, ;
a. In the passage corresponding to I. 70H of the printed edition, this MS. hah
84
Revt
be mentioned under Garin d'Anseiine. for they are one and the same
person. On p. 284, the refei Gknrt ae Kuussillon under 0#.
!MiI8 is erroneous; that in the M.\th line of the page should read;
12,6981 The name Guibcrt de Terragone (p + 303) appears as < lib
Teracone in the good MS. 144S. This personage is lacking in the
unique MS, of the Boulogne Covenant. With regard to the note at the
bottom of lh\B page, &*& first conjecture of the editor is •
correct one. In fact, the reading rois occurs in MS. 144s of the p
concerned, while the line is lacking in the MSS. of London, Boulo
Berne and in 24,369. Note 1 at the bottom of p. 317 is probably in error.
The MSS. which mention Gnielin in the passage cited all mention with
him Bertran, which would make of (iuielin a mm of Bernard. The
of Boulogne supports this by speaking of Uuieiin de Braibant* Hue de
Florinville (pp. 358, 354) is said on p. 91 of Foncon to he a Norman, a
statement which seems to be supported by the Sieoe de BariarirQ, MS.
1448, foL 149 v°. This is a point of considerable interest, T)i
error in note 2, p. 859. Instead of XIV, read XVIII. On page 478,
tenth line from the bottom, the figure 25&fl is erroneous. Three lines
further down, 3641 should be 3644, and, near the end of the same line,
insert 4551. In the first line on p. 47M insert 7063, and, in the third
line, 866. On p. 480, the variant of 1. 410 is quite important, and
indicates Naime of Bavaria. On p. 552, the first reference in the third
line from the bottom should read : 7546. On p. 573, insert an article :
1 Rondel, nom de cheval. R 1 333;' On p. 585, the reference from R. C
under Saint Jacque is defective. Add to the note on p. 578: * Cf. te
Codex de St. -Jacqaes-de-Vom pastel le, Fita et Vinson, Paris, 1882, p. 8;
aussi Romania, XI, p. 4(H), note 4/ The compiler has at times an
awkward way of separating the references to personages, as for example
Jaques (p. 368), and Saint Jacque (p. 585), which represent the same
person. The recent discovery of the Chanson de Guillaume makei
clear that the Tiebaut d'Arabe listed on p. 84 of Atiscans is Tibaut
de Berry or de Bourges, and the same person as Tiebaut No. 19. It is
likely, too, that Nos. 19 and 21 are in origin one and the same person.
Tibaut de Berry or de Bourges also is mentioned in Foucoti (see n
by tne in Modern Philology, in, p. 228). The fact that the name
Tibaut is spelled Tebalt on page 140 of Gut de Bourgogne should be
indicated On p. 633, it is stated that Termea is the ch&teai
Ouillaume in the vicinity of Orange. There exists, to my knowledge,
HO evidence permitting us to locate this chateau. Torserose, menti-
on p. 048, is for Tortolose, and should be so indicated. This town is
named in the Boulogne Covenant, and seems to be written Ton lose in
the Covenant of Berne (fol. 19 r°). On p. 661, under Yalfondee, 2, the
reference to Al. should read : 155.
The Table des Nonts Propres is one of the most carefully constructed
works of reference of recent years. It is invaluable to the searcher in
the epic literature of France and in related fields, A scholar who has
this book on his shelves will find that he will consult it more often than
almost any other volume on epic sources,
Raymond Weeks.
Reviews
85
The PoetimJ Works of John Keats. Edited with an Introduction
and Textual Notes by H. Buxton Form an. Oxford: Clarendon
IVss. 1906. 8vo. xxx + 492 pp.
In the number for January last year we had occasion to notice
Mr E. de Selincourt's excellent edition of Keats. Now another one-
volume edition has been published, containing the whole of Keats's
known worka in verse, including sixteen lines of The Eve of St Mark
not previously published and a facsimile of the holograph leaf con-
taining the hitherto lost passage, There are a few Other illustrations,
including the tracing by Keats of a * Ireeian Urn, and it nerd hardly
iid that the volume is pleasantly printed, We miss an alphabetical
list of titles, which would have been of far more dee than the present
'Contents/ the extent of the separate works being already i
throughout the text by means of half-titles and head-lines.
Mr Buxton Formans present issue of the text of Keats is neither
□naimotated nor exhaustive in the matter of variant readings; he gives
a selection. The choice must have been a difficult one to make, and
there does not seem to be any particular reason why a selection was
needed. The general reader prefers, and will continue to prefer, a
smaller and an unencumbered page ; the student prefers, and will con-
tinue to prefer, Mr Buxton Formans own complete variorum edition,
published by Messrs GowaOfl and Gray, of Glasgow, some few years
ago, at a price which enabled every student to possess it. That edition,
and th*< Library edition which preceded it, will continue to have the
affection of all lovers of Keats, Be that as it may, we may extend a
welcome to the present volume for its particular qualities: its type is
pleasariter and less tiring to the eyes than that of the Glasgow volume;
the notes are, practically, con lined to variants; there are type-facsimile
titles of Keats S three books ; there is a useful bibliography ; and the
lot reduction, chiefly bibliographical, contains all that readers' need to
know 1 roneerning Keats's volumes, before they begin to read them.
\V< are glad to hear that Mr Buxton For man, in retiring from his
id duties, is proposing to spend lus leisure in continuing the work
tioii he lias carried on for many years to the benefit of all lovers
of Keats and Shelley. In the edition under notice it was deemed
advisable, in order to meet the needs of those for whom the book was
intended, ' to amend for the sake of reasonable uniformity/ \W
sure that Mr Box ten Fonuan. in the new impressions of his Library
edition which he will certainly produce, will return to his earlier and
more salutary practice; let us hope that h ,j may even abandon his
alteration of Keats's past participles, recording the presumed intention
in a footnote ; in any case, may his labours on the text <>f Keats and
Shelley continue for many a long year,
A. H, Waller.
86
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Anthologie des Pokes Fran fats Contemjwrainx (1868-1906J. Morceaux
choisis, ftceodopagD^B de notices biographiques et bibliographiqnes,
par G. Wai/'h, awr prrfnre de SuiXY-PBTJMOMMI. 3 volumes.
Paris: Delagrave, 1907. 16mo.
Cette anthologie nana offre un tableau de toute la po£sie francaise
contemporaine depuis Theophi!e Gautier jusqu'a Auguste Dupony, que
I'Aeademie eonronnait I'au dernier. Tour les poetea actuclleineut
vivants out choisi eux-memcs dans leurs aeuvres les pieces qu'ils ont
jug^es les meilleures; et ce nest pas le muindre attrait de ce recueil,
d'y trouver les poesies d'ecrivuins qui se sunt bit un QGttt duns d'antn ti
genres com me A. Daudet, Guy de fit mipniwinnt, iTnlon Lemaitoe, quelques
pieces exquises, oil scxercait la mu*e juvenile d'Edmond Rostand et
d'Anatule France; Boats <m ne saurait nommer les 250 poetcs don t cette
BAthologie cnntient un choix. Depuis qua ran te una en effet s'est
dponome en France la plus magnifique floraison de poetcs et d\euvres
qu'on ait vue depuis la Renaissance
A quoi en attrihuer les causes? Au developpement de la culture
peut-etre; mais surtout an rOBOUTe&H tie prestige qui- Lamartine, VigDY,
Hugo et tons les poetes de la premiere inoitie du xix e siecle out valu
a la poesie elle-meme : jamais la Muse n'a e te plus honoree, parce que
jamais elle n*a donne plus de gloire ou d'hunneurs. Toute fois ce n'est
point par limitation sterile de leurs glorieux devanciers que nos poetes
eontemporams ont pretendu rivaliser avec eux. La recherche de
roriginalite et le culte ineme de la beaute les ont amends a renouveler
188 siijets et les formes Doe 1 tuques. En I860 de jeunes poetes se groupe-
rent autour de Leoonte <le Lisle, le niaitre alors incontcste de la poesie
franeaise. < t prenaut le nom de Pamassiens ils publierent leurs vers
dans le recueil du Pariuisse GfoftfmjttraMi, qui marque une date impor-
tante dans I'histoire de la poesie contemporaine. Malgre* la difference
des temperaments et des talents, ils se firent remarquer par quelques
traits communs, le respect de leur art, le go&t <le la philosophie ou
de rhistoire, et surtout par le culte de [expression, la aetetice d«- la
facta re. Ils pretendirent rival iser avre la. peinture par rintensite ddfl
BOuleuiS, avec la sculpture par la vigueur des reliefs et la fermete menu
de 1 execution, — poesie plastique, comme on a dit, et puissarniuent ob-
jective. Telle fut la conception de Theophile Gautier, de Leeoute de
Lisle, de Theodore de Banville, et metue des poetes pbilosopbee de
6cole, de Sully Prudhommc ou encore de Madame Ackermann dont un
fin critique (voir Madame Ackermann par Marc Citoleux, Paris, 1906,
Plon) analvsatt lveemmeut l'esprit .si profond et si vigoureux.
Vers IHrSO des tendances nouvelles s'affirment; sous I'infliience de
SU qataue Mallarme et de Paul Verlatne, de jeunes pofetee tels que Jules
Laforgue, Paul Fort, Gustave Kahn re vent dune poesie qui suit la
do la philosophic, des arts plastiques, et surtout de la musiqu< \
seule capable dexprimer dans leur imprecision et leur illogisme meme
■ ntiments fugitifs et les plus intimes de lame an eon tact des choses,
Quon lise par exemple dans cette anthologie lee poesies d'un Henri de
Kevie ws
87
iter, dun Albert Samain, dun Maeterlinck, et Ion comprendra que
Teffort des symbol istes et des decadents n'a pas etc vain : ils out vouhi
reagir enjitre les formes trop aire tees, trop dures de la poesie parnassi-
enn< ; ils out reussi k rapprocher et. a n'wncilier la poesie et la vie et
ifa Ont sn rend re lee nuances dedicates et rnysterieiises des choeea Henri
de B^gnier note d'imperceptiblos apparitions, de fugitifs d&orsj une
main one qui s'appuie un pen crispee sur une table de inarbiv, rm fruit
QUI oecdlle SOUa le vent et qui tombe t un etang abandonno, cs 11608 lui
snffisent, et le po&me surgit, parfait et pur, Son vers est eVoeateur.,.'
definition qu*un ingenieux eerivain, M. Reiny <lc tiourmout, a
donne du talent du maitre pent expliquer les louables efforts des
disciples: ils ne se soueient pas de peindre ou de modeler, ils veident
Mais pour reussi r ils ont essays de modifier l'i instrument, dassouplir
rs ( la versification et le voealuilaire de la poesie ; ear il s'agi-
pour enx, comme pour Mallanne, 'de faire penser, in >n pas par le Beilfl
memo fJu vers, inais par ce que lo rvthnie, sans signification verbale,
peut eveiller d'idee ; dexprimer par lemploi imprevu, anormal niome du
mot, tout ce que le mot par son apparition a tel ou tel point de la phrase
et en rai.swi de la couleur specialc de sa Bonorit^ 8B vertu menu? de sa
propre inexpression inotnentanee, peut evoquer ou predire d s» nsatiuns
numeuioriales ou de sentiments future,' Les audaces de 068 jeunes
rmateurs souleverent des protestations. II leur a manque' de se
justifier mm par dee pifeoea meritoires — elles abondent— , mais par une
ceuvre de grand oa&ite qui coneacre leura nvondieations et enKvr
L'appr bal ion du public, Mais encore, que valetit leurs o?uvres,si cm,
OH si fragiles qu elles puissent etre t — et leurs doctrines, si temeraires
qu'elles paraiasent f LAnthologie de M. Walcb noua donne le uioyen
ae aoua (aire une opinion, to none livrant les pieces du proces. Les
extraite de chaque poite aont pr£c£d& d'une notice biographique et
bibliograpluque d'une grandc valeur. Ou trouver ailleurs une source
i abondante tic renseignenieuts plus preV
Le reeueil est precede d'uno curie use preface de Sully-Prudhuniuie j
[admirable auteur des Vaines Tendr resume avec sa w ■>
habituelle le cnouvement po&ique de cette fin du xi.v ri&cle, dont il est
ra Le plus digne ropresentant et dont il fut le tcnioin le plus
attentif et le juge memo le plus autorise. Car il n a jamais eem de
fluivre les efforts des novateure, par euriosite sansdoute, maifl en quelque
si jrt e par devoir et pour dofendre ce ou'il considers com me lee fonde-
menta inebranlablea de aotre po&ie. II repreod dans cette pr£&oe d^
VAnthologis dee id^es deja developpees en 1901 clans sou Testament
mala cette fois, adoucissant la si'veriti" de la doctrine porttatti-
enne il Be tnontre prftt a des concessions sur Thiatus, sur la time et leur
alternance. 11 serait curie ux de rapprocher d» clarations le pro-
gramme trfes mod^r^ de Pierre de Bouehaud (tome ill, p, 285) auquelje
- votnnti^
Si jai bfisoin d'ezense pour metre un pen longiteioent ^tendu
cette anthologie, je citerai la juste et fierc <i t>n de Sully-Prud-
horn me dans sa preface: j'ai trouve^ Ik Toccasion de reagir contre la
fachense impression faite sur les Strangers par certains echantillons d€
notre iitterafcure exposes dans les librairies. Les productions natives et
malaaines y supplant si it trop lee ouvrages serieux. Cette anthologie est
de nature a detruire line impression si funeste au bon renom de la
Fran< • •."
F. Gohin\
Gil Vicente, Attto da Festa. Obra desconhecida, com uma explicacao
previa pelo CoHDB DS EUbUGOSA. Lisbon: Imprensa Xaeional,
190*; &va 129 pp.
Some years ago the Conde de Sabugosa found among the other
•Mires of his famous library a little volume stamped on the outside
with the title Varias Crusid[ades]i which contained a number of eld
Autos in 'folha volaute,' printed in the latter half of the sixteenth
century. The OoHectioU, which he w <nough to show me when I
was at his house at I last November, is as valuable as it is curious
tor it includes the Anto do NoBGimewto di Bam Jotto by Fenian M elides,
a Hitherto unknown dramatist of the school of Gil Vioente, the Auto de
3am Vicente and the Auto da Santiago b? Antonio Alvarez, the Auto de
«wnrol Invenpam by Antonio Riheiro CJhiado, the three last regarded as
uttri ly loot, an edition of the Auto dfl Bgtgg do Inferno by Gil Vicente,
diflering widely from that published in his collected works, and finally,
-i'j nnkiiMwu oieoe of his, entitled the Auto <la Festa, It is the hist
which the noble author of PaCO dd OintftX bfcfl now issued in an edition
W fifty copies, adding a facsimile reprint to his critical transcription of
•he text, and preceding the whole with a learned and lucidly penned
introduction U \ ten chapter*, dealing with Gil Vicente and his works.
As is well known, Gil Vicente wrote most of his plays either on
ision of some religions festival like Christmas, or to celebrate a birth
"!' 1n uriJl ^' in the royal family, or simply for the entertainment of the
Court 1 . They were staged by their author, who himself acted in them,
and Borne, including possibly the Auto da tfsito, were printed in 'folha
VOlante, even during his life; but the supposed complete collection was
°n\y published in 1562. After the performance of his last piece, the
floresta de Bagano*,*t Evora, in 1536, Oil Vicente began to gather
together his various writings for the press, at the request -t King
John III, but death came to him in the following year before he had
Completed his task. His son thereupon continued it T adding all the missing
■"id lyrica he could meet with; but tlie absence from the edition of
both the C&pj c2i .sWm/os, which Gil Vicente tells us he wrote, and the
Ant** da Festa, proves that he failed to include all. A second edition,
emended by the Inquisition, appeared in 15S6, a third, reproducing the
1 See The FortUfMM Drama in the Sixteenth (We*, Qtl PtanCt, in the MaM*mUr
Qwttrlff t July am j Oetuber, 1897. In *ie w <> f recent discoveries the biographical portion
of these articles requires revision. Cf. Gil Vicente t by ik-nernL Brito ltebelta. Lisbon,
vm.
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89
first, at Hamburg in 1834 t and a fourth and last, reproducing the
third, in Lisbon in 1852. The two first editions are very rare, all are
unsatisfactory, and a critical edition, for which ample printed, though
no manuscript materials exist, is urgently needed.
The full title of the play now restored to Literature in a handsome
Volume is as fellows, in the original : Auto da Festa. Aula nouameute
feiio par Oil Vicente, e represihttifio, em o qiml entrdo OififfUTQi setprintes,
8, primeirame'te a Verdade, hum Vitdo, duas C iff anas, hua per name
Lucinda e mttm Graciana, e hum Paruo e ovtro Vilaa per name Jana-
f on80 e k'fta Velha, e hum Rased a, <] t f tier c< tsar com a Velha, hum Pastor
per Ttome Fernando e ires moras PastOTCU, hua per nome Mecia e outra
libra Filipa. Over the title is a rude woodcut of a man and
two women, but neither the rlate nor the place of impn s^ion are given,
A passage in the play confirms Gil Vicentes authorship, and goes on to
say that he wrote it when he had passed the age of sixty, which, pre-
suming him to have been born in 1470, would mean after 1530, and the
present editor gives his reasons for fixing 1535 as the year of its repre-
sentation. He thinks it was composed in honour of 1). Francisco de
Portugal, Conde de Vimioso, and played in his house at Evora, the city
of learning and elegance, during the festival of Christmas ; and the
dramatist's relations with that famous statesman, soldier and courtier,
who befriended Dammo <3 and was named the Portuguese Cato,
make the supposition very plausible. This Conde de Viujioeo was one
of the beat poets of the ( \iin ii>neiro de Resende, and he Compiled B
b«H»k of reflections under the title of San&mfa&, published in 1606, which
Senhor Mendes dos Remedios has recently reprinted in Vol. 7 of his
useful series of Subsidios para o estudo da Hishaia da LiUeratma
Porta gueza.
Returning to the Auto da Festa, Vi cent can students hardly need the
declaration at the beginning and in the body of the play to determine
its authorship, because Oil Vicente's peculiar manner and style, philo-
1 jMcism, even his types and modes of speech, are all to be
found in it. Moreover, there are a number of passages in the Auto da
Festa analogous to those in other plays, the most striking being the lines
. nning ' Quero ora cuspir primeiro/ about one hundred of which are
repeated almost word for word from the Tetnplo DWpullo produced in
m\
The argument is as follows. Truth personified inters, salutes the
< r of the house where the piece is to be played (the Conde de
Vimioso?) and speaks the prologue. She complains that after travelling
over a greal pur of Spain, chiefly in Portugal 5 , and finding mendacity
where n nenphant, she hied her to Court for hospitality, but no one
would even look at her, and she laments that the man who speaks verity
in tin palace La at once deprived of the king's favour 1 . She has heard,
* See Ob tie, ed. 1852, vol. n, pp. B84— 8C
9 The term Spain la properly applicable to fcbfl vhok Penmaula* Bo the Archbishop
of Braga continues to style hiniftelf * 1'rimaz daa Hespanh&B.'
» UL the dialogue between Todu o Mundo and Niugueiu in the Auto da LmiUtno:.
M
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however, that she will find a friend in that house, and proposes to take
up her abode there. First a Beira peasant enters with a complaint
against his local magistrate, who had imprisoned him tor adulterous
intercourse with his wife; the yokel admits the charge, but pleads the
lady's consent and asks Truth to help him to win his case; but she tells
him his only resource is bribery 1 , and he retires dissatisfied.
appear two gipsies 1 intent on thieving, but they conclude that bogging.
accompanied by flattery and fortune-telling, will he safer and mote
profitable, and, after a song, Graciana begins to practise her arts on the
master of the bouse Bod the male guests, while Lucinda pursues the
ladies. Getting nothing they apply to Truth, who, however, tells them
she makes small account of flattery and turns them nut of the house.
On their departure there comes along singing a witty country fellow
j Parvo) in search of his mistress's porker, which has run away while he
played, and spying Truth he takes a fancy to her and offers her marriage
on the spot. After an amusing dialogue between them a villain, . Jana-
fonso, enters in the guise of a palmer, imparls with the Parvo, easts
ridicule on pilgrimages and clerical morals, and winds up patriof.it sally,
*He a mais ruim role esta gente de ( •astella/ While they arr sparring
with one another, the Parvo's mother, a widow, appears, and roundly
abuses him for losing his pigs, but he repays her threats with others, and
leaves her to lament the trouble such a son causes. However, her
thoughts are soon turned elsewhere by a smooth tongued page I BaSCSo)
who sees she prides herself on her charms, and guessing that she would
not be avrr.se to a second husband*, he plans to take advantage of hen
He praises her beauty and youth and tells her she ought to marry, to
which she repli<
ja rue a mini nrandou ragar
muitas vezes Gil Vicente
que faz os autas a el Rci \
but she had refused him. Tin* page asks why, saying :
Pois he elle hem wtndo,
but the old dame repli-
He km neii Uirregudo
E maia pasta du« seaseata.
We can imagine the laughter which this sally of the poet at his own
expense must have caused among the audience. The page in \1 ulfers
himself as a husband, and wle-n the widow promptly accepts him, he
pretesida to go through the ceremony there and then, disregarding her
wish to have it performed in church; but on hearing her name, he
declares they ftTC related in the fourth degree and cannot marry. The
widow is not to be baulked, however, and says she made a mistake in her
1 Cf. the Jufe d<i Beira , putxittt. * Cf. the Auto da* donna*.
3 Cf. the Vrfho tin Horta, pasnim and the Triuntpho do Invtrno, Gbra*, Ed. cit, t n,
p. 459.
* Cf. the Auto Pattoril Partnguez (Qbras, Ed. eit. t X, p. 126); also Auto do Lusitania
(Obra*, Ed, cit., in, pp. 271, 272).
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91
name, but as the page is not convinced, she hastens away to get absolu-
tion from the Nuncio who is a friend of hers ; in her absence the page
makes merry over pleasure-loving old ladies, and departs well pl<
with the sue his trick. At this point the villain returns, and
poors out to Truth his complaints against the lack of justice in the
world, and says some hard things of the Court, No sooner has he
finished, than the old widow return I as a bride with the Nuncio's
bull which has cost her five cruzados, and she is thunderstruck when
she finds her man gone, and her trouble and expense thrown away.
However, the villain offers to console her, and goes to fetch a shepherd
and shepherdesses to accompany them with dances and songs to church,
and on their appearance the whole patty moves off and the ante eoda
Though not one of Oil Vicente's better pieces, the Auto da Festa has
considerable literary merit and philological value, while some of its
VBnefl are full of beauty and harmony; all the characters speak in
Portuguese except the gipsies, who, because they belong to the lowest
class, sire made to use Castilian, according to the dramatist's practice in
his later, but contrary to that in his early plays. In concluding this
notice I should like to express mv sincere thanks to the Conde do
Sabugosa for the copy of his book which he was mod enough to bestow
on me, since it has enabled me to introduce to English readers a new
play by the founder of the Portuguese theatre.
Edgar Prestage.
Petrarch: His Life and Tunes, By H. C, Hollway-Calthrop,
London: Methuen & Co., 1907, 8m ri + 319 pp.
This book, which is the fulfilment — part fulfilment, we will say— of a
pledge given by the author many years ago in another work, is, we
believe, the first serious attempt at an English biography of Petrarch,
the publication of Henry Reeve's little book in the series of
Foreign Classics for English Headers some thirty years ago. R«eve\s
volutin- ma e\eellently adapted for the purpose it w;i^ intended to
Serve, bltt Reeve himself would have been the last in claim for it the
rank of a biography, There was a gap, there tore, to be filled, and that
Mr Calthrop was the obvious person to till it, no one, WO lit ink, would be
disposed to ijuestion who heard or read his recent admirable Taylor lecture
at Oxford. If there were any doubl about the matter, the present
scholarly piece of work at any rate conclusively proves that Mr Calthrop
as the biographer of Petrarch is emphatically the right man in the right
place* Apart from an intimate acquaintance with the whole CCtrpUB of
P( lurch's works, and a perfect familiarity with the currents and eross-
intfl of the intricate politico of the period, Mr Calthrop has had the
unable advan I a prolonged residence in IVtraHi's country.
To this last circumstance the reader is indebted, among other things, for
some charming descriptions of scenery, Mr Calthrop, we may add, has
the further advantage of being gifted with a peculiarly graceful style,
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vrbidh li odi t<» his work a distinction too writ? met with in these days
q| ttrtloi writing,
T-> those who are accustomed to regard Petrarch merely as 'the
famous n of L&ura, 1 Of e\< scholar and man of letters, it
will im doubt come as a surprise bO lean) that he was the friend and
uHr ol tMlKWH and Cardinals, on terms of familiarity with Pope and
ror, and himself a dignitary of the Church and Count Palatine.
.|>|nU T ktions with o the great lords rf Italy,
untrit temporal, have left an indelible stain upon his memory*
"I ituu ut.r time he d owe and hospitality from, mm
<d wnli i is whom his biographer unhesitatingly brands
iik 'men »Uh«ikhI in ry and assassination Avere
of politic <e reputation for
record *>t the Italian people/
\\ is unduly lenient in his
IS relations with these ' monsters rather than men,"
Vtroreh himself could apply to them when I his
l<iH I h, the (Hand of the bloodthirsty Jaoopo da Carrara,
and oi \ uo d,i Convggio, the double-dyed traitor, to whom might be
applied t In- w Junius about Wedderburn, 'there was that about
loot which even treachery oould not trust ' ; — Petrarch, who accepted the
ihainnAll patronage 'of Giovanni Visconti, that 'mnn reachery
and ho had all ' the cunning, the callousness, the poison/ of the
v |pnr w hit h was the cognisance of his house; — Petrarch, the writer at a
bidding of 'a letter of insolent reproof and impertinent exhor-
tation, which we can hardly read Sir shame,' to the heroic Jacopo Bosso-
laro; Petrarch, who exhorted Rienzi to strike down without pity, and
terminate as noxious beasts, even those to whom the writer himself
hound bj the strongest ties of gratitude and affection; — this is not
tin- man for whom we should have thought it possible for even the
partiality of a biographer to find excuses. Yet Mr Calthrop can per-
NUade himself to write; Loaded with honours and benefits, Petrarch
RUM he forgiven if he ignored crimes, which he had not personally
w 1 1 ii> ssed ' — crimes, be it said, which included murder and forgery. We
IfH reminded Of Voltaire, who glossed over the part played by the
Empress Catherine in the murder of her husband with the remark, ' Je
bien qu'on Ins reproohe auelque bagatelle au sujet de son man ; mais
ee sunt des arlaires de famillc, oont je ne me inele pas/
1 1 is | relief to turn from Petrarch the pi od panegyrist of men
l I » 1 1 h <d a 1 1 osc e \ i sti i ice we won l< 1 willingly forget , to Petrarch the poet
and founder of humanism. The most valuable perhaps, and certainly
mil the least interesting portion of Mr Calthrop s book is that in which
ho defines and emphasises Petrarch's unique position as 'the scholar to
whom, tnore than bo any other man, we owe the revival of learning in
[»• ' It is i nit pretended, of course, that Petrarch galvanised a
I'm into life. Life h r been extinct. As Mr Calthrop
finely expresses it, Petrarch a predecessors handed down the torch of
learning unextinguished ; some quality in him enabled him to fire the
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93
world with it. Petrarch s father belonged to the same generation 11
Dante, yet bo far as classical taste was concerned, Petrarch and Dan to
might hav> hem separated not by a generation, but by a whole age.
l/n fortunately for his reputation as a critic, Dante has lift us in the
De Vvlgari Eloquent ia a list of 1 1 1 - - Latin writers, * qui usi sunt ah
mas proaa8y J those who were the greatest masters of prose style. We
would lay almost any odds that no one would correctly name Dan
four favourites — they were Livy, Pliny, Frontinus, and Orosius! Yet
Dante was familiar with and freely quotes at least half a dozen of
Cicero*!? works 1 — Cicero, who for Petrarch was ■ the father and chief of
oratory and style/ In connection with Cicero we note that Mr Calthrop
accepts att pied de la lettre Petrarch's statement that he was at one time
in POflOQOoiorj of a MS, of Cicero's De Gloria, of which he was robbed
by his old schoolmaster, to whom he had lent it. Considerable doubt, BO
far as the identity of the MS. is concerned, has been thrown of late
b] Foigtj Nolhac, and other scholars, upon the literal accuracy of
this statement, which was made for the first time, more than forty yoars
after the alleged incident, in a letter writ ion when Petrarch was quite
an old man, in fact within a few weeks of his death.
We should have been grateful for more information about Petrarch s
library, An interesting chapter might have been written on this
subject. Nolhac (whose valuable work on PitrarqUB et Vfinmnmsme
appears to have born overlooked by Mr Calthrop) has succeeded in
tracing some 40 MSS. which at one time belonged to Petrarch, marly
all of them containing marginalia in Petrarch's own hand. From the
dctta he has collected, Nolhac calculates that tho library must have con-
sisted of at least 200 volumes— no inconsiderable collection for a private
individual in those days. That it was held in high estimation in the
poet's lifetime is evident from the fact recorded by Mr Calthrop that the
Republic of Venice assigned to Petrarch a house in that city in con-
sideration of his promised bequest of his books to the State— a bequest
which unhappily for some reason unknown never took effect.
Mr Caltnmps judgment on the question of Laura is brief and
decisive — ' Laura was a real woman, and Petrarch was desperately her
lover.' We must be content to leave it, at that. No doubt the up-
holders of the laurel will continue to be sceptical. To ourselves the
evidence for the reality of Laura, the date of whose death Petrarch
ni the ptjth'frMha of his favourite MS. of Virgil, is as convincing
the evidence for the reality of Beatrice, to whom Dante assigned a
definite place among tho immortal souls in Paradise.
Petrarch appears in these pages in the most attractive light as * the
incomparable friend/ He seems to have had a geniufl fat making friends
>ng all classes of mankind, and his friendships, at any rate among
those of his own condition, were deep and abiding, As Mr Calthrop
there is no pleasantor episode in the < limm. I.s of literature
1 TriBBino, the translator and tirst editor of the De Vulijari Efotjnrntitt. was apparently
so acaruiuli/.td by D*D «T0 Crotn l»i* li«t, that in a MS. of the treatise
which he possessed he altered Titum Livtum into Tuff turn, Lit
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K. , Ut u ^ sn *P ur Petrarch and Boccaccio, and we cannot take leave
to ^ * Wl th*>ut expressing the hope that the writer may be induced
irk he has so well begun, and give us one more chapter
I? X w * ustor , v of humanism in the shape of a companion volume on
^ s devoted friend and tearless critic, the author of the Decameron
V^he De Qeneal<ym Deorum.
ne book is provided with an adequate index and some excellent
among which we may specially mention the admirable
drawings by Mrs Arthur Lemon from the portraits of Petrarch and
kill the Lauren tian library at Florence. We would gladly exchange
the two or three prints of Popes for a facsimile of Petrarch's handwriting
and a reproduction of the highly interesting portrait of the poet con-
* ni a Paris MS. of the De Viris Itlustribns. This MS. was
completed within six years of Petrarch's death by Lombardo della Set*,
O&Q oJ the poet's most attached and intimate friends, and was a present-
ation copy destined far Francesco da Carrara to whom Petrarch had
dedicated the work. There is every reason, therefore, to BUppoee that
tin iikeneafl is an authentic one, quite possibly taken ttom the life.
The volume is carefully printed, the only slips we have noted being
M i i Inavvlli/ and ' Lombardo della Sete, 1 which occur both in text
and index.
Paget Toyxbee.
Gf$orm Buchanan: A Memorial, 1506-1906, Contributions by various
Writers, compiled and edited bv D. A. Miller. St Andrews:
W. 0, Henderson; London: D/Nutt, 11)07, Svo. « + 4fl0pp.
ye Buchanan: Glasgow Quatercentemirtf Studies, 1906* Glasgow:
J. Maclehose & Co., 1907. xxxvi + 556 pp. Svo.
'Georgius Buchananus in Levinia Scotiae provincia natus est ad
B Ian urn amnem anno saint is Christianae millesimo quingentesinio BQXto
circa kaleudas Februarias, in villa rustica t familia nragis vetusta quaui
opuleuta.' So wrote Ueorge Buchanan in the declining yeaii Of his
Hie ; and the two Scottish Universities with which he was most closely
connected, resolved hist year to celebrate the four-hundredth anniversary
of the event thus recorded. The initiative was taken by St Andrews,
while Glasgow followed some months later, and the celebrations in both
9 took the form of an unit ion, a banquet, and an exhibition of books
and relics, besides several other less important functions. It was also
decided that each University should issue a memorial volume which
should place the celebrations on record, and epitomise all that ancient
and modern research had succeeded in rescuing from oblivion concerning
the great humanist.
The outstanding events in the life of George Buchanan are now com-
paratively well knuwu and need not here be dwelt upon. It may not be
out of place, however, to mention that the standard biography is that
of Protessor P. Hume Brown, published in Edinburgh in 1890, and
Reviews
95
that little has since that date been brought to light upon the subjects
sii that it may still be considered as holding a plaee first- in importance
amongst the many volumes — forty-one different works were alone ex-
hibited in Glasgow— dealing with the life of Buchanan. Yet the interest
aroused by the Quatercentenary celebrations called forth several new
1 Lives/ the most important of which were a sane and well- reasoned
■laphy by the Rev, Donald MacMillan; a sketch written expre
for children by Professor Hume Brown, in which he takes the oppor-
tunity of nipple men ting his longer biography with the little which
later research has brought to light; and a reprint of the philosophical
and suggestive life, a joint, production of the late I >r Roheri Wallace
and Mr J* Campbell Smith, originally issued in the 'Famous Scots
Series' Borne igo.
In addition to these new works a large majority of the thousand
odd pages in the memorial vol ui 008 are naturally devoted to the dis-
cussion of incidents and events in the life of the man t and to his
relations d> tie politics of his time. Here, as elsewhere, I cannot help
thinking that too much importance is laid upon the latter phase of
his career. We are told regarding his famous pamphlet of De Jure
Ragni apud 8cot08 t that it was awaited with bated breath, that its
popularity was instantaneous and universal and that the docti
enunciated in it revolutionised the whole trend of political thought
and conduct, not only in his own day, but for close upon a century
thereafter. But these doctrines were not the creation of Buchanan:
so far was this from being the case that they were already well known
long before his pamphlet appeared, and t in fact, before he was even
hern. All that Buchanan really did was to produce a readable book
in which the old ideas were reproduced in a new and more attractive
form than any in which they had previously appeared. Buchanan did
not invent the revolutionary ideals expressed in De Jure lief/ui; he
only happened bo be there when the time had oome for their becoming
popular, and they grew and bore fruit, not because his book appeared,
but independent^ o t i t altoge th e r«
The tam. ol Buchanan, however, rests primarily upon his eminence
as a Latinist, and this side of his activity is much more fully elaborated
in the (Jlasgow volume than in the St Andrews one. Still a goodly
portion of both is devoted to tin- pari of the subject, and it is thia
which must particularly appeal to the readers of the Modem Language
Review. Buchanan was a humanist ■>!' the humanists, and was imbued
with the Ideas and traditions of classical antiquity. As a Latinist, how-
ever, he re imitator, and his work cannot be said to h
in jmv sense creative. Professor YV. M. Lindsay, in an admirable I
on Bucfum&n as o Latin $oholar in the St Andrews volume, states: 'he
r edited the works of any Latin poet, although be read and
again all the Latin poets till he almost knew their verse* by heart 1
H» 'AM>te Latin verse as few have done since the Golden Age of Roman
literal are, hut he never added anything bo our knowledge, and his
ia, doea not ring true. This doubtless had a&
96
Rev
much as anything to do with the comparative neglect of his works
during the past century* His apologists explain away this neglect
on the ground that Latin has ceased to be the langimge of cultured
Europe; but some other explanation must be sought, and to find this
one need not, I think, go far afield He made a bid for universal fame
by writing in what was then the universal language of literary men,
but his works lost thereby that subtle quality which the French de-
signate esprit While we have the feeling in reading a satire of Horace
that Latin was the only possible medium for such excellent wit, we
cannot get rid of an oppressive and uncomfortable sense of archaism
and artificiality in perusing a jeu d* esprit by Buchanan. And this is
perhaps most apparent in his most excellent work. Even his para-
phrases of the Psalms are lacking in appropriateness ; one does not feel
quite at ease in reading the beautiful and simple Hebrew melodies
clothed in the luxurious dress of Horatian metres. This aspect of
Buchanan's work, although it is but slightly touched upon in the
volumes which we are considering, has been too much kept in abey-
ance, and it is a fault of most of the contributors to these volumes
that their critical faculties haw been somewhat dazzled by tin- glamour
of an academic function.
Yet there is much in Buchanan that is worthy of care fid study and
consideration, and the question naturally arisen whether these Quater-
centenary celebrations are likely to bring about a revival of interest in
his works, or whether new facta concerning his life and relations to the
various schools of thought which existed in his time, are likely to
be elicited. As regards the former question, Dr W. S. MeKechnie in
his t ss.iy in the Glasgow volume upon De Jure Megni, has something to
say: * What manual of political science of the nineteenth century eiios
me De Jure as a work to be studied as even of secondary or third-rate
tmport&liGti \ Neither Prof. Ueberweg in his encyclopaedic History of
Philosophy! nor Dr Noah Porter in his supplementary sketch of
Philosophy in Great Britain and America, amid their Jong lists of
obsolete and forgotten authors, so much as names Buchanan. Prof-
Flint in his History of the Philosophy of History discusses the works of
Languet and Hotman, but has no niche in his temple for his own
countryman. It is not too much to say that for every fifty books that
refer to the original compact theories of Hobbes or Locke or Rousseau
not more than one so much as mentions the De Jure. It may be
enough in this connection to refer to time comparatively recent works,
each eminent in its own province, and representing different schools of
thought. Neither Sir Frederick Pollock in his Introduction to the
History of the Science of Politics (1890), the late Professor Ritchie of
St Andrews, in his valuable treatise on Natural Bight (1895), nor his
successor, Profeseor Bosanquet, in his Philosophical Theory of the State
(1899), so much as mentions Buchanan's name.' In a foot-note, how-
ever, Dr MeKechnie adds : ' A revival of interest in Buchanan s political
tenets is notable as coinciding with the ujuatercentenary of his birth.
Severn] books published in 1905 and 1906 mention the De Jure,
Ji'rrn tts
97
e.g., Dunning, History of Political Theories (1905), Mackinnon, History of
Modem Liberty (1SQ6), and David J. Hill, History of jfcpfomaqf (MHWJ?
An important work was published last year in Lisbon, in which the
rdfl of Buchanan's trial before the Inquisition air for the fi
made public. Through the courtesy of toe editor of this publication,
Mr Q. J, 0, Efofcriques, the St Andrews editor has been able to secure
for his volume much of the material which formed the introduction to
that work, a.s well as some valuable and interesting facsimiles of the
various ICSS, which have just been recovered from the Inquisition
Archives. A verbatim copy of Buchanan's Defence written in Latin is
also given as an Appendix. From the latter, the following statement is
of rather a startling nature, throwing, as it does, entirely new light Upon
the motive of Buchanans drama, the Baptistes : * Itacjue cum primum
potui ut illine evasi meaui sentenfciaiu de Anglis explieavi, in ea
tedia quae est de Jo. Baptista, in qua quantum materiae similitude
pattebatur, mortem ei accuaationem Tbomae Mori n ntavi, et
iem tirannidia illius temporia ob oculos posui.' It had long been
suspected that the drama on the subject of John the Baptist w&S
allegorical, and many surmises had been made regarding the identity of
the characters, but not even Professor Hume Brown suspected Sir
Thomas More to be the original of Buchanans John the Baptist.
There is much volumes of a controversial nature. The very
date of the celebrations themselves might be disputed, ' there being good
grounds for arguing that, according to modern reckoning, Buchanan's
Birth-year was 1507, and not 150tj/ But a rjuestkm of great interest
and no little importance, upon which there is certain to be a large
amount of controversial writing, is whether John Milton was the
translator of the English rendering of the Baptistes, which was first
anonymously published in London as a pamphlet in llj4ft (new style)
under the title of TyratinioaU Government Anotomxtedx or o Dieoc
■ rtutuj EM-CouncellorBi being the Lift and Death of John the
Baptist, and presented to the K\ng*B Most Eacelleni Majesty, 6y the
Author. Die MwrtU 80 J<mitatr%i L842, etc, Tins is dismissed in
iv in each of the volumes. Much erudition and a profound
knowledge of Miltonic tradition is displayed by both writers, Sir William
Bayne and Mr J. T, T. Brown; and it is interesting to nob' that each
arrives at a different conclusion, the former rejects Milton, in winch
opinion he has the support of the late Professor Masson ; while the
r accepts him as the translator. The arguments adduced by
Mr Brown in support of his contention are, however, so complete and
conclusive that I cannot resist the feeling that, until better e\»d« n
the oontr&rj is forthcoming, we must aeeept the translation as a poem
of M ilton's.
Both volumes arc admirably printed 00 excellent paper, and
sumptuously illustrated with views, facsimiles and portraits, a few of
which are reproduced for the first, time from the originals.
W. Saundebs.
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Xl/MBFR li
THE INFLUENCE OF DANTE IN SPANISH
LITERATURE.
How far did the influence of the great poet of the Middle Age
extend? It has been traced in Franco and in England, and its echoes
have been found in lands far away ; but it is only recently that serious
attention has been bestowed upon the traces of it which can be dis-
covered in the literatures of the Iberian peninsula. The writings of
Signer Farinelli (Appnnti $u Dante in Is-pagna nelV ftd madid in the
(jiornale Stortco detla Letteratnra Italiana, supple men to no. 8, Torino,
1905), of Dr Paolo Savj-Lopez (Dantes Einjliws uuf tpa/machA DuAter
des XV. Jithrftunderts, Ncapel, s.d.), and Signor Sanviaenti (/ pritni
infinssidi Dante, del Detrarca, e del Boccaccio sulfa Letteratura Spognuota,
Milain>, 1904) have directed attention to the subject. To add to the
information given by these writers is not the puqx>se of the present
paper, but rather to analyse and sift the evidence which they adduce
and the opinions which they express, to compare their judgment with
that of other writers, to illustrate the subject from other sources, and to
supplement the survey by one further note of the indent* dness of a
great Spanish writer to * V altissimo poi
The prominent influences on the Spanish Literature of the Middle
Age were three — the French, the Arabic, and the Italian. In the
*>dia de Gloria de Amor of Fra Rocaberti (c. 1461) is a contest
between French and Italian literature :
Quatn hi miens hells kw tree d' una aetueni;*
Lo quart paroeh Petrarca BO -<>n in tend re.
The iu^\ fchxee are QoiUaume de Lords, Michault. and Alain
Cbartiet the poet of the BetU Dam* Sans Mercy, the fourth, Petrarch,
is victorious over his French rivals. l»nt Rocaberti knew Dante also,
my passage! prove 1 , and Dante'a influence was earlier, maze subtle,
perhaps less direct, because it was so closely bound up with the
xal influence of the allegorical style, which came to Spain from
France as well as from southern lands. The French association was
1 ' In mawhen Btdlen schlieaat Rich Rocaberti so eng an die D. C. class er me beinabe
iiberaetzt.* 8a*j-Lopes6 f Danttt FAuftut* etc. p. 11.
If. L. R. III. 8
106 Tfie Influence of Dante in Spanish Literature
strong: Rocabcrti shows it in many a hint of indebtedness to the
Roman de la Rose, whose direct appeal, — ' el arte de amor es toda
enclosa/ as says San ti liana,— was more powerful on Spanish writers
than ever Dante's could be. The early development of the French
language counted for much: there, close at hand, Spain conld find
models of how to use words effectively, how to express common ideas,
which she would have been indeed blind if she had neglected. And
political association brought the influence home, Navarre, Castile,
Aragon, were each in their early days closely linked to Southern Gaul.
The long rule of the house of Barcelona over much that was French as
well as Spanish was followed by the still closer tie thai was formed
when Thibault of Champagne, himself a patron of poets, like all his
house, came to govern the mountain kingdom of Navarre; and when the
house of Trastamara sat on the throne of Alfonso el Sabio the French
power that had helped to place it there was joined to Spain in repeated
alliance. The Church too came forward: the pilgrimages to Cotnpoatela
brought many a French priest aud many a French hymn and prayer.
The AUsterio de (on reyes magos comes from a Latin office used in
mid-Gaul : other Franco- Latin liturgical plays have left traces in Spain ;
and the Poemu del Cid undoubtedly follows the model of the Chanson
de Roland. The wonder indeed is not that French influence op
Spanish literature was so great but that it was, comparatively, so small.
But it was counteracted, it may be t by a very different influent &
For a long time scholars resisted the admission of the indebtedness of
Spain, in constitutional life as ill literature, to the Arab invaders : they
still minimise it. But Dozy showed how the typical Spanish hero was
half Moor, and how the Crdnica general 1 contained large extracts,
translated, from Arab chronicles : Julian Ribera has shown how the
characteristic institution, the Justicia, of Aragon, is derived from a
Moorish original. Alliance and intermarriage undoubtedly brought close
association. If it is impossible to prove a structural imitation of Arabic
by Castilian lyrics, the similarity has probably a greater significance than
has been generally admitted. The literary assimilation must have gone
far when Granada surrendered in 1492, and not a thousand Arabs in
the kingdom could speak their native tongue 3 . Indebtedness in general
to the Arab apologue, in particular to certain definite collections of
stories, may be traced.
1 La* quatr port?* enterns di la Croitica de Mk firfit printed in 1541. On this
see the extremely interesting paper by Mr Fitzmaurice* Kelly in Transaction* of the Royal
Hit&Qrical Society f third aeriee, vol. i, pp. 130 s<jq. {1907}.
1 Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Spanish LiUralure, p, 19 : and see the previoim pages.
W. H. BUTTON
107
But th» estimate of Arabic influence can only be made by an
Arabic scholar who thoroughly knows the literature of Spain. It was
OHM of the things that we hoped t"<*r in the elaborate study of Spanish
civilisation which had been planned by Mr Butler Clarke, whose death
was one of the most severe blows that English study of Spanish letters
received. But this al lead we may say, that there was no one
great Arabic writer whose influence may V seen in Spain, as we may
see the influence of Dante and Petrarch.
When the tie Ms were irrigated from Italian sources it was not from
many tittle streams but from two mighty rivers that the inspiration
Game. Italian influence in ralttme and intensity far surpassed that of
tie M<M»rs ( the Franks or the ProvengalB. Towards Italy Spain had
never ceased to look, since the day when the arms of Justinian made
the power <<t Rome again triumphant from the Pillars of Hercules to
Hie Pyrenees. Religion was i Hose tie: a long series of ecclesiastical
letters, and notably among them those of Gregory VII, show how close.
Spaniards attended the Italian Uni verities and indeed held office
there 1 : in the fourteenth century the Spanish Universities had greatly
tyed, and in 1364 Cardinal Carrillo de Albornoz founded at Bologna
the College of S. Clement for the instruction of his countrymen.
I '^lilies confirmed the connection. Don Jaime el Conujiistndor
taught Aragon to look eastwards, and Barcelona in trade as w T ell as
letters was associated with the farther Mediterranean lands, Then
came the rule of Spain over Sicily and over Naples, and with it, as
Ticknor sayt*, constant means and opportunities for the transmission
pf [tallAQ cultivation and Italian literature to Spain itself/ Spanish
is ooold read Italian easily and imitate the Italian style. The
famous Marques de Santillana expressed the general feeling of his
countrymen when he wrote in his Prohemio: * Los italicos prefiero yo,
su ecmenda de quicn mas sabra, ii los fran^eses solamente. Ca las sua
obraase Biuefltran de mas altos engenios, 6 adornanlas e compdnenlas de
farmooBa > ; pelegrinae eetariaa; e" a los fc de los italicos en el
1 ir del Bite; de lo quel fel italicos, ainon solamente en el pesso 6
eoneonaTj sen w tn< n mention alguna/ And when he wrote this he
had no doubt in mind Dante his great ma
Already Dante had become well known in Spain. The early
fifteenth century saw two versions of the Divifid Oommtdid into
tongues spoken within the Iberian peninsula. It seems that the two
1 Ticknor, Ilutvnt pf Spanish Literature, voL t, p. 315.
■ Ibid, \>. 318.
8— S
[08 Tlie Influence of Dante in Spanish Literature
versions were even made within a single year: so Ticknor says, but I
do not know precisely what he means or what is his authority. Of this
more anon. The year of the one version which is in Catalan is certainly
1429, and it is the work of Andreu Febrer 1 — ' en rims vulgars Cathalans/
It is in the 'terza rima' with very often the exact line-endings of Dante
himself, and is as nearly a literal translation as could well be.
En lo mig del cami de nostra vida
Me retrobe per una selva oljauura,
are its first two lines 3 . It is mentioned by the great literary dictator of
the age, the Marques de Santillana, who wrote * Mossen Febrer fi<;o
obras notables £ algunos affir man ay a traydo el Dante de lengua florentina
en Catalan, non menguando punto en la orden del ltu-trificar e consonar 1 :
and who regarded the Catalans as the masters of Spanish letters in his
day, ' Los Catalanes, Valeneianos e algunos del reyno de Aragon fuenm
e son grandes officiates desta arte f he Bays.
One might indeed think that it was through Catalonia and Aragon
that the influence of Dante entered into Spain. The Catalans were
well acquainted with Dante: Sanvisenti, who would restrict their
acquaintance to Rocaberti and the translator, has been shown to be in
error". They were well acquainted with Italian Writers of Dante s
time: very likely the association goes back to the time of Ramon
Lull (1235 — 1815) who dwelt many years in Italy, a student, whom
Menendez y Pelayo calls ' the knight-errant of philosophy, the ascetic and
troubadour, the novelist and missionary 4 / and who, though he probably
did not know Dante's Gommedia or the poet himself, yet very likely
derived much of his thought in his mystical writings, directly Of
indirectly, from the Vita Nttova*. The CataMns had a genius fur
translation, and a passion for the literature of Italy. The great period
of their literature, which the matchless humour and directness of the
chronicle of King James himself proves to have been as rich in prose as
in poetry, was the period when they were closely associated with the
Italian states, and ended when the union of the Spanish kingdoms
placed the centre of gravity in a more southern part of the peninsula,
and Arag<5n with its subject-states fell under the dominance of
1 So the MS. id the Escorial saya. Augast l t 1429 in the dak' of £bfl completion, See
Scliifl, BibtiothStqut du Marquis de SanUtUme, p. 310. Ticknor, i, 297 note, nya 1498 and
has clearly DUata) many.
8 La Comedia de Dant tratulatada per N, Andreu Febrer (ed. C. Vidal v Valenuiano),
Barcelona, 1878.
■ Cf. Farinelli, p. 90, with Sanvisenti, pp. 16 sq.j.
* See Butler Clarke, Spanish Literature, p. 57,
a Cf, Farinelli, p. 22.
Y\\ H. HUTTON
109
Castile. From Provence and the troubadours they turned to Italy and
the poete.
They were critics however as well as translators and debtors. The
Dominican Vicente Ferrer seems to place Dante in the Inferno beside
Vergil and Ovid, because his "cadences* do not touch or convert like
the Bible and the lives of the saints, Vicente had been a disciple of
S. Bernardino of Siena, and a commentator on S, Thomas Aquinas, and
his notes show that Dante he had read, marked and disapproved 1 .
Among the Catalans and the nun of Valencia and Aragun, whom
Siintillana deemed worthy of the distinction of his praise, Dante
became well known. Bernat Motge, himself it seems a Medici by
descent 1 , and the 'grail QOrtesd he familiar real, 1 undoubtedly knew
the poet and could not forget him wheji he himself wrote in verse.
His own King Juan teemed to him like Cato in the Ptirffaturio, 'un
horn de mitja estatura ab reverent cara*: his Orfeo has many a
reoainjacence >l the Infemo } which Signor Farinelli has collected; and
(pert throughout undoubtedly, as the Italian critic says, *usa
famiglisrmente auehe expression! virgiliane e dantescheV Yet when
the penal csooception ' of Dante is said to be the source of much of the
imagery of Mctgc, I cannot but think it important to remember that
is largely taken fn>m the early Christian Apocalypses, which,
whether in tradition or in writing, were as accessible to Metge as to
the Florentine himself: and there wen- hints too which the Catalan
took not directly or indirectly from 1 >ante at all, but from the Metamor-
01 fehe I atabin. Dr Farinelli, repudiating the German assertion*'
(hat the language is too unbending for the purpose, asserts that it is
the best of all the early translations. Febrer seems to have saturated
himself in the language of his master, and of Vergil his master's master,
and his work is, indeed, as the most superficial study of it shows, one
of immense patience and extraordinary fidelity to the original, ■ uoii
tngnguando punto en la orden de mefcrificar y ■ •onsonar/ as Santillana
win
The influence of Dante- on Catalan literature was something unique
and apart. Ir was not only poetic and spiritual, but the poem became
regarded as a fount of wisdom and instruction in learning and in
morals, and a monitor against vice. Thus a school of Catalan rommen-
1 &?« pp. 24, 25.
i in Farinelli, note, pp. 35, 26.
p, 27. ' I H Farmeiti. p. 30, oute,
8 Sb W./, ram. u. eng. Liter. ti, p.
110 The Inflitence of Dante in Spanish LkeratU
tators on Dante sprang up. In the early fifteenth century there were
Juunie Ferrer de Blanes, in his Scntrntias ratofieas y concha
principals del preclarisxitit iheolech y dirt poeta Dant (published at
Barcelona eventually in 1545), Bcrnat Nicolau Blanquer (who dealt
with the Purgatorio alone), and a third whose name does nut seem to
be known, and whose work on the Inferno remains in MS.. (Jomentari
dels canticlts y eskmcias del Infern del poeta Dant Under this
influence rose a school of Catalan poets.
Ausias March, the Vahneian, perhaps 'tin- greatest master of his
native tongue 1 / and whom the Manpi* ntillana described as * gran
trovador e hombre de asaz alevado espiritu/ an imitator of Petrarch
whom some have ranked as high as his master, was a student of Dante ;
and Menendez y Pelayo 8 says that he was directly influenced by the
Vita Nit <*va and the Convivio. Rocaberti (whom I have already men-
tioned) in his Comedia de la yloria de amor (1461), was another who
followed in the train, but, it would seem, without originality or true
bic feeling. He adapted many a phrase, paraphrased some acefiec
— -such as the Francesca del Dant — and shown 1 an acquaintance with
much of the Dante scenario. Dante himself and Beatrice he p.
among the crowd oflovers who receive him in the garden into which he
is led by the lady of the castle and who gather before Amor himself
There is also the small treatise of Francesch Carroe Pardo de ta
Cuesta, Moral oonriiemaid contra las persua&swns vicis <i force* de
amor 9 , in which the fatal power of Love is emphasised in the addn
Paolo and Francesca — 'y vosaltros, o Paulo e Francis i, <lr qui \qb
aguayts de negra sort trencaren los ligams de la humana servitut, e les
animes vostres amant no foren separades, segons Dant recia en lo cant
cinque de la sua prim era cantica, per mostrar que tins al abis dels
interns amor encara regna, pujau a fer los eompanya.' Signor Farinelli,
from whom I quote this instance 4 , shows that Carroe; Pardo muM have
been a diligent student of Dante. Again, he influences Antoni Vall-
manya, in his Sort ... en lohor de los monges de VaUdon&lla, at least
through the Inferno; Mossen Corel la, Jaume Roig, and the writer of
the curious Catalan romance, Curial y ' a Ik » quotes from the
Florentine as from a sacred book, uses the verse, Paradiso, vtii, T T in a
way which shows that he does not quote from Febrers version but
translates direct from the original * s and when he would eulogise Pedro
1 H. B. Clarke, Spanish Literature, p. &%>
2 Hi star in if toi idea* ettittca* en Etipaha, i.
* Barcelona, 1877. * Op. eit. t pp. 96-7.
1 Febrer haa *Mas Byone honraven 6 Captdo/ the romance * Ma Dione adoravan e Gupido.'
W. H. HUTTON
111
of Aragon he gives to him the praise of Charles of Anjou (Purgatorio t
vii, 114) that he
d' ogiii valor porto cinta la corda.
Thus at the end of the Catalan literature of the Middle Agt 1 tante was
a dominant influence.
In Castile his fame if not so widespread was even EBOte closely
linked to a great revival of letters. R Savj- Lopez (in fJiornale Dantesco
IV, vii-viit, pp.. 860 sqq.) has shown that not long before Dante conceived
the design of t h* DlfflM Oomm$dia there were written in Spain two
descriptions of the unseen world, one of Paradise, the other of the
Inferno: neither make mention of Purgatory, One is in The Life of
Sartdft On'tt by Gonzalo de Berceo: a vision of heaven to which the
saint is admitted by three children, where is a bright tree in flower
round which tut* saints gather, and where are the martyrs in their robes
of red, the hermits, the apostles on their thrones, the evangelists in
splendour, but where the voice only of the Lord is heard, solemn and
s.nl. which bids the virgin saint return to her cell to await the hour of
In i liberation.
The Inferno appears in the Book of Alexander (2nd half of the
thirteenth century), a translation of the Af^ntmlrcis of Walter of
Chatillon. There by the sido of Styx wait the vices, Avarice, the
mother of them all, Anger, Gluttony; and beyond is the flame of the
rtvrnal furnace, the frozen torment where none may die,
quia quorum hie mortal vita
In culpa foentj tb rivet sambar eoruni
Mors in Hipplicii& ; ut qui deliuquere vivas
Non cesaat, finein mnra-itdi nesciat ill is.
It was this Latin poem of Walter of « Imtilhui which was translated
into Spanish tn a popular version. There the Inferno appears as a
deep pit, dark, girt with walls of stone and u( sulphur, full of vrpents
which hiss and bite the damned souls. No flowers grow there, but
thorns, and the smoke of torment ascends for ever. The seven deadly
sins stand at the entrance, and each has his own place, where the
sinners are punished by the very sins they toved. Thus the gluttons
ever hunger and suffer burning thirst. Pride 1 alone is everywhere and
has no place for herself alone. In the midst of Enfarno is the throne of
Lucifer who distributes and tempers punishments in regard to the
degree of guilt. In limbo lie the unbaptized babes, who live without
pain but without light, condemned 'nunca ver la faz del criadur/ The
1 Cf. Pur<i>itorio % x.
I 1 2 The Influence of Dante in Spanish Literature
t
references to Paradise in Don Juan Manuel of Castile (1282 — 1347) may
also show a similarity to Dante 1 , but he undoubtedly in some points
followed Ruiz, the arch-priest of Hita.
In Castile, then, the soil was richly prepared. It was a land where
Allegory flourished and it was as an allegory that the l>ivina Gammed i a
found its way into Spain, I have mentioned Gonzalo de Berceo : there
is also his Milagras de Nuestra Seftora. Similar thoughts are to bo
found even in the scandalous arch-priest of Hita (c. 1290—1350), a
gnat influence in Spanish literature; in the early imitators of Boethius,
whose doctrine was, as Professor Ker has told us, * as fresh in the
fourteenth as in the sixth, a perennial source of moral wisdom 2 / and
whom Dante himself took for model; and in the French allegories which
found a home in the peninsula. Beside the Allegories are the spiritual
visions, the 4 Klostervisionen/ as Savj -Lopez calls them. Both show
that Spain was prepared for the Divina Com media, just as the
Troubadours prepared the way in the same land for the appreciation of
Petrarch.
The triumph of Dante in Spain came with the reign of Juan II of
Castile* (1406 — 54), the patron of letters, himself a poet, the corre-
spondent of AretinoV and the founder of a literary circle which gathers 1
round the court
r r> FmiH'rsru Imperial, a Genoese by birth whose father Battled in
Spain, belongs the honour of— in the phrase of Mr Fitzmau rice-Kelly" —
'transplanting Dante into Spain. 1 He knew Italian well, and read (as
few of his successors did) the poet in his own tongue, and through him
the passionate admiration which the chief ports of the time showed for
the Divina Gmmnvdia was begun. Dante he claimed for his master.
In the Decir de las Siete Virt tides* he tells how inspiration came to him
when he had fallen asleep in a green meadow. In a magic garden
surrounded by a wall of emerald he saw a venerable man with a white
beard, who held in his hand a book, wherein, written in letters of gold,
were the first words of the Divina Commedia. The sage was Dante
himself, crowned with laurel; and he led his Spanish follower along the
pleasant paths where stand the seven cardinal virtues in female form
and with them their attendants, virtues who from them trace their
1 I have not been able to truce the in in detail.
1 W. P. Ker, The Dark Age*, p. 40,
s His reign i« 1419 — 54.
* See Sanvieenti, pp. 19, S
>ini*h Litertiturt\ p. 9ft
a In the CnneiW ua and edited also anew by Amador de los Bios.
W, H, BUTTON
113
descent. Line after line of the description is copied from the Gommedia*
Then the contrast is shown of vices, snake like, threatening destruction
to the fair town of Seville, But the disciple is warned and expresses
his thankfulness in almost the very words of the Inferno where Dante
learns the cause of the judgment on the incontinent,
sol que eanaa vista, atritmlatla,
tu mo contentaa tan to quanta ubnuelvoH 1 ,
and the vision ends with the sound of voices singing the Ave Maria and
the Salve Regina:
E comrno en mayo qq prado *!o flores
se mueve ol ay re, en quel > ram lo cl alva,
suavcmetite vuelto eon oloreg,
tal se inoviera, al aculiar U B*]
feriame en las fits & on Li odvft,
6 au^nli oonuno a fuerea despii i
e en nils imutOH fa lie a D WtO
en el capitol que la Virgen aalva.
And Imperial's in vocation *:
O .siirna Lqjb, que fcanto to alciwte
del oooo e pto mortal, a mi memoria
represta un pooo io que me pwaetrasto,
amply the ParadisOt xxxiii, <j7:
BOmOUk In/, che tan to ti levi
dai concetti mortali, alia mia titcnte
riprestu un (MOO c]i quel die parevi.
Hie conception <>f ill.- whole poem is Dantescjue, and the whole
atmosphere is that of Dante's mora] environment. Dante is bo him the
-n a moral teacher, the fount, of instruction for the modern world.
And as a poet he takes rank among the great ones of old,
Qxnaro, Oracio, Venrflio, Dante
e con cllos calle Ondio eft mm
it one place : and in another,
( tenerc Vergilio i>
Boecio. Lucain, de »y,
BD U\ [diO] A MM
The influence of Francesco Imperial, of whom personally alter all
knoi m vridespreftd, and it epread rapidly, Dante became
the model for the Spanish poets and the typical sag*' of modern da]
1 Cf. Inferno, xi,9l;
sol che aani o^m vista turbata
Tu tui OQUfftBti hI. CJQMldc tu twilvi,
Clie, Don men che fW]»er, dubbiar m' aggr&tft*
4 Sanvisenti truces in detail the tndabtodq— i <>r Imperial to Dante, with references to
Ibe Dtr Com, fop, 33 sqcjJ but omits the invocation.
The Influence of Dante in Spanish Litrr<<t><n
Don Enrique de Aragnn, Senor de Villena (1384 — 1434), the translator
of Vri^il, completed a Castilian prose translation of the 1> edia,
in 1428. It was thus the earliest translation in a Spanish tongue. The
whole was bettered 1 ta tara bees Loft, but it has been rediscovered
by M. Mario Schiff 1 among the manuscripts of the Marques of Santillana,
for whom it was executed ; and in his recently published study of the
library of the Marques he gives a number of extracts* which show how
closely and how admirably Villena followed his original It was the
study of Vergil no doubt which led Villena on to Dante 4 : it was also the
influence of the Marques of Santi liana, the brother and patron of the
Castilian poets.
I iii go Lopez de Mendoza, Marques de Santi liana, conde del Real de
Manzanares (1398 — 1458), was the great leader of the men of letters at
the court of Juan II. He was a warrior too and a statesman, one
whom kings could trust and soldiers follow, because (says Gomez
Manrique*) he was one who counselled as he himself would act and was
their companion in the dangers they incurred. He was a good husband,
a good father, I good Chli H generous benefactor. Hove than all
else to the men of his day he seemed a great scholar, a man who loved
learning; a man whom Ike Italian Renuissnnee might have produced, a
man of whom the classic days might not have been ashamed. It has
been questioned whether he knew Latin: M, Schiff seems to doubt it*:
liiii he certainly quotes Latin, and the MS. of Villena's translation of
the DMna ('ommedia which was in his library has marginal DOfc
Latin which there seems reason to think were written by himself".
He was a poet, a lyric poet, almost a great lyric p nor
Men6ndez y Pelayo haft called attention to his profound sense of rhythm,
his feeling for the music of verse, which makes him 'sin disputa el priinero
y mils annonioso de los versificadores de 90 ttmnpoV It is a quality
which links him to the Provencal singers and which is so notable in his
exquisite S&rramUa — a ' little mountain Bong' on a maiden tending her
lather's sheep. But he is linked even more closely to the Italians, to
Petrarch, to Boccaccio, and especially to Dante. To the Italians be
turned when Villena had given him the translation of the I)*-
Commedia, in which Francesco Imperial had taught him to seek for a
new inspiration. 'II est empregn£ de la Divine Com6dfc plus que de
1 A« bj Ticknor, i, 326.
* See Lft BibtiOttoqva *ht Marqui* dt Santillane, 1905, pp. 275 sqq.
* Pp, 278 »qq. 4 Cf. Finriiiellu op, cit., p. 38.
1 In Cancionrrf), t u, p. 8. * See his book, op, cit. t cap. n.
' So Sehiff, p. 277, and Savj Lopez, p. 6. 6 Antotogla, t. v, p, Ixxxvii,
W. H. HUTTON
115
tout autre livre 1 says M. Mario Scfaiff* very truly. ( II en a pro page le
culte et encourage l'etude, Saus qo*il y a plagiat dans ses compositions
telles que El Injierno de los Ena monition ; la Corona rin/t de Mossen
Jordi; la Cumeduta tie Ptntza, presque tout y est duntesque, ratirmsphrrc.
le ton, I altitude- des personnages, les questions, les reponses, le decor et
les gestes/ He gloried in being a disciple of Dante, To the Constable
of Portugal, to whom he wrote the famous Ptohsmfo which is prefixed
to his works, he spoke of his knowledge of the great master, and his
nephew Qdmez Manrique addressed hira as
vos que eiaoiulftys las obras del Dante
e otraa raas alias sabeys oompooer.
What the first words may mean has been much disputed, but may
they not refer to th< wry notes that are still to be seen on Villenas
ra ami script ?
The Comedieta de Pormt, which has for historical basis the naval
battle off Po&za in 1435 where the Genoese captured the kings of
Amgoii and Castile, is full of imitation of the Inferno, and is notable J<>r
the prominent part Resigned bo Fortuna, in describing whom n paai
is borrowed from the seventh canto of the Inform* f lines 70 sqq,- For
the use of comedia to describe a national disaster Saniilhuia qn<
Dante as justification; and indeed at the end of the poem it is Km tuna
who n-divsses the WTQnge and shows that greater glonrs are still
awaiting the kingdoms of Spain.
Throughout the poetry of Santillana in fact, and not only in the
three works which M. Schiff mentions in the passage I have just,
quoted, reminiscences are continually found. Sanvisenti ■ has coll
many of thern : Farinelli has added others 4 . The treatment of Fortuna
alls the \ to his Italian model, and the Dialogo d*
Biat contrQ Forhma is full of word- as well as thought-kranfiferenoe,
The I tt tier tin de los Enantnrados was a subject also which invited adapta-
tion* It, was (bunded on the Francesca episode and contains Bevewd
reminiscences of it. The simile of the reeling veeeel beaten by the
B8, Purg&torio, xxxii, 115, 17, occurs in the form :
come nave iomlirttid/1
hr lot ftdverearioa vieutoa
Que <lu1>da de su |mrtida
Por Ioh muohOf ui'»viTi]icnt.- ;
' / 4 UiMuithi tjiti , p, foxv.
j-Loptg, (//>. cit. y p. ti t denies this; und finds reminiscence only lti details,
1 Op. HU, pp. 128 Bqq. * Op. at., p. 50 tqf,
I Mi 77m / of Dante in Spanish Literature
and tin* falcon which gazes at its feet before it spreads its wings returns
ol falcon, qpfl ttfat
Li tierm ma iteimKi
ft U fnttihr* &1U V
PlOV fefHF ciertai valmUk
h is Rot ,»nl\ m \>t Utl ivmii: in following of thought, in
atmownherw that Santillana follows Dante, nor, certainly, was he
OMMIil h less He again and again quotas his
Itaita 4 Achrnmte
all* <k> et puma U Iriste ribem—
ki tho*o who h*w written of 1 t Tristan, of
I
* titatataHia A Dl
s«/**n*i*i ■/# ta The Cmientfactitfoi rfe
tfe JV*WT W /W ifptt, the Doctrinal dc Privados — the
wetk. win lv \l Mum Sehiti' 1 considers Santillana's master-
ed e\en the Proverbio$ are full too of reminisce noes.
i of tin* great Marques was well stocked with his
work* II contained Italian rnanuacriptfl of the Comviedia, the
the CanMoniere, the Canzoni delh* vita nuova, and a second
rip! of the Vatizottiere with Boccaccio's Life: the Italian text
with \ illenas translation; a Castilian translation of a Latin com-
iikki n\ i ii the Com media, of Benvenuto da Imola 08 the Inferno and
Purgo&Qrio. Santillana was certainly the great Dantist that his
uiporaries call him, and he was a fit leader of the literary Renais-
MUKtt which radiated from the court of Juan II under Italian intiuei
Of the knowledge erf BoocaOClO and Petrarch nothing need here be
■-iH I ; we .-ire concerned al< me with Dante. It was by the Ih'rimt O&UWto
almost alone that Dante was known ; but the ignorance of the rest of
the works baa doubtless been exaggerated 2 . It Lb certain from not a few
Imitations that the Vita Nuova was known, the Convivio is undoubtedly
-■I U>, iho Vttnzomere too, and (as has been suggested) the De
Vulgari Eloqutntia. The library of the Manmes of Santillana contained
all hot the hist, It seems improbable that more than these was known
in Spain at t\\\ ; and the knowledge of everything outside the Bbrina
OommtdtQ must have been very slight.
1 tip i'if,, \* t Ixxviii.
I think I v. n liv Kmmrlli, o/>. ell., pp. 70, 71. But see his review of M. Hchilfs book
ii. Ihi Uotltttino tft lhtntt*ca Iktiianot N k S*, xm, 4 t p. 275.
W. H. HUTTON
117
The influence of the Divina Commedia was first seen, in any wide
extension, in the circle of which the great Margin's was the central
figure-
Of the relics of this literary movement the treasury is tls<
(kmokmm de Baena 1 . This was the work of Juan Alfonso de Baena,
a poet who made the compilation by order of the king. It contains
five hundred and seventy-six compositions, the work of sixty-two poets.
It is a monument of the Italian influence on Spain; the influence «d'
Boccaccio and Petrarch quite as much as the influence of Dante, The
attitude of all the poets who compose this collection towards Dante is
practically the same. He is to them the classic poet of earlier times
who ranks with the great singers of antiquity,
Yergilio 6 D&Dte, Qnoio 4 Platon*
says Vdlnsandino, the troubadour — a survival — of Seville who sang or
recited his own poems before king and court c por pan e vino'; and he
speaks with a sort of reverent awe
del alto poetti, rectorieo Dante 8 ,
whom he quotes, as did so many of the Spanish writers of the &6B
sance, as a moral teacher side by side with the Ihstirha Cattmis:
Dante Vergylio e Catoii
Eti poetrya fundaron 4 .
Santillana himself had set Dante in the same company in the Comedieta
de Ponsa,
Villasandind also is one of those, not a few among his contempo-
raries, who were lasrinated by the canzone l Tre donne intorno al e<»r mi
son venute 8 / and renumbers it when he presents in his allegory, to
bewail their lot, half real beings half abstract personifications, Catalina
queea of Oistile, la Giustizia (the 4 Drittura' of Dante) and the Church
of Toledo.
But the greater part of the collection of Baena is even more direct I j
under Italian than under French influence, and other poets even Dttore
inly than Villasandino recognize him for master. Diego de
Vahnza" for example; and Diego de Valera, who refers also to him in
» Madrid, Is .1 3 Cane, d. 80. ■/., n. 871.
4 Ibid, p, S60, On thil it is interesting to follow the collection ol passages quoted
i*y K. lit ltd Spaniih Vertiont oj the Disticha I mal Publico
I hicaffQ, p. H. Alfonso Martinez de Toledo, ArcbprieHt of Talavera,
jinthfirvm tl>l it mar muiulano, when \\v refers to l Cato' has lU«0 n
u inuiiHoenee of P wix, 12L
5 Can /one *x in Oxford I
118 The Influence of Dante in Spanish Literal
prose, discussing the origin and power of Fort una ' un ministro cntrado
la divinal Providencia* 1 ; Fernan Perez de Guzman (1378—1460),
'caballero doto en toda buena dotrina* with the echo of the ' buen
tlorentin 2 ' in his Generaeiones y Semblanzas, in his Capias... d la muerte
(Id Obispo de Burtjos, and his Setecienkis, where it is at least suggested
that he had read the Cbfttmo*. To these may be adder! the name of
Don Pedro. Constable of Portugal, to whom Santillana wrote his fatnuus
Pr ohemi o, He was thoroughly imbued with the Spanish culture of his
day, had long dwelt at the court of .Juan II of Castile, read Spanish
to and tried to imitate fcfa&m, and he has been claimed, with con-
siderable plausibility, as * versado na Divina Conimedia' 51 ; and certainly
the infant of Portugal Don Joao Manuel, in his coptas dedicated to
Joao II, was an admirer and copyist of the Inferno. But when once
the two pictures of a beautiful garden and of a 'selva oscura' are
sought in the Spanish literature of the late fifteenth century the search
is endless* They had passed, with innumerable reminiscences <>r
distortions of the Dimna Cammed ut, into the literary stock of Europe,
We may pass over hosts of minor poets in whom they are found.
But one greater name remains. It is that of Juan de Mena
(Hll-Sb'). He was a learned scholar far above the trivial race of
court poets with whom he mixed. He had studied in Italy, he was the
king's personal friend, and still more the disciple and admirer of
Santillana, to whom he dedicated his poem La Cunmacian. His work
is the beat example of the influence of the Marques. He says that
many foreigners came to Castile for the sole object of seeing him, and
to make him known he devotes poem after poem of eulogy. The eulogy
was returned in language even more glowing, and the affection — like so
few literary friendships — was firm till the end. Juan de Mena died in
1456, and Santillana before he followed him two years later had set up
a magnificent monument in his honour in the church of Torrelaguna.
Juan de Mena certainly read Dante in the original. J >r Savj -Lopez 4
isdfl in the Labyrintho, his chief poem, no imitation at all of Dante, but
Signor Farinelli is certainly right in rejecting this view, even if all the
similarities pointed out by Signor Sanvisenti cannot be accepted as
• v idence of indebtedness. It is an elaborate and mystifying allegory, in
which the author is lost in the * selva oscura, 1 delivered by a fair lady who
personifies the providence of God, and shown the three mystic wheels
1 See Farinelli, op. cit. t pp. 74, 75 and Sociedad <k bibliuf. etpan., Madrid, 1878, p. 162.
" Vane, dt liarrm, n. 232.
3 Bee the ciueetion diacussed in FarineJJi, pp. 76, 77.
* Op, cit. t P* 13.
W. H, BUTTON
119
of destiny, past, future, and present, where the heroes and sinners of old
time are arranged in the seven planetary circles. Not only the scheme
but the style is indebted to Dante j the composition strives to follow
the master tnd to carry out the piv - pi> of the De Vulgari Eloquentm.
Sanvisenti 1 happily calls it * una piccola commedia divina, ridotta ad
intento schiettainente ascetico.' In the details there is much that is
directly copied, — the wood, the crossing of the mysterious stream, the
beautiful land in which stand the spirits of the blest : motives and
situations alike as well as characters are borrowed from the Danntt
Commedia. But the three hundred capias with their crabbed and
elaborate prose commentary are dead for all that, and so are most of the
twenty- fun i which were added at King Juan's request.
The Coronacidn is in some respects still mure directly indebted to
the Divma Oommedia, Ticknor even says that it 'has the appearance
of a parody/ The second copta is enough to quote :
Del qiuil fee forma de toro
BNOI aus puntos y goneea
del copioso tesoru
crinado de febras de oro
do Febo inomba entouces.
Al tiewpo que me hallaba
en una Mtfl imiy br&va
de b<xsques Tesalmnoe
ignotoa & las hum.
yo que solo camiu-
The poet goes through the Inferno and through the dwellings of
the blest and then ivaches Mount Parnassus to behold the apotheosis of
i liana. He spare* do details. Dante, suggests Signor Sanvisenti
with a certain unconscious humour, does not describe the 'selva selvag-
gia' because he had too many things to think of, but Juan de Mena is
too conscientious to omit a single decoration of his fantastic vision. It
!■ impossible to deny bo bun a certain dignity of expression as well as of
thought: he is really a poet as well as a patriot: he has lines of what
Mr Fitzniaurice-Kelly calls 'even marmoreal beauty'; but he has mum
of the sense of rhythm and music which belongs to San ti liana, his
iter and friend. Round the great Marques indeed all the interest
of the Dante influence in the fifteenth century revolves. When he died
ttm surviving poets united to do him honour. Tie -n a test memorial
is the Triunfo del Marques, written by his secretary Diego de Burgos,
1 (ty. cit., p. 237.
1 Pp. Ui>. 150, edition of Madrid, 1
of 1552.
1 have used also the Antwerp edition
1 20 The Influence of Da7ite in Spanish Literature
In the preface the strongest emphasis is laid on the Italian studies of
the llarques. Dante himself is made to say of him :
A mi no conviene hablar del Marques,
Ni nienos ails hechcxs muy altos eoiitar,
Que tanto le devo, aeguu Jo sabes,
Que no se podria por lengua pagar:
Sulo este mote DO quiero eallar
Por no pareeuer deHAgradecido,
Que si tengo fania* fii soy counsel do,
Es por qu'el quiso mis obras mirar 1 .
With Dante for guide the poet passes into the world beyond, and as
they pass the verses that describe what they see contain constant
n 'Jijiiiisrriin.-s ni 'tin: P u njatorin it v/, i. 4, Bj viii, 19— '24; win. L18aqq.),
and the poet says :
no pudo segnirle Biia la incmoria
que Dante y el nueno de mi se partieron.
In Paradise there is a throne specially prepared for Santi liana — as
for Henry VII in Paradiso, xn, 188. Dante is the appropriate guide,
for as Diego de Burgos says,
leyo* el Marques eon gran atettd
aquellas tres partes.
Side by side with the Triurtfo del Marques must be placed the poem
uf Santillanas nephew Gtfmez Manrique, a la muerte del Marques 1 .
This describes a fortress where the dead warrior is mourned by the
Virtues and by Poesy, It is this poem which apostrophises Santillaim,
f oh liinitt" nwm.uite tit? sahuluria
par qiiien s'ennoblescen low regnos de Espafia!
and proclaiming his knowledge and his skill,
en esta discrete e tan gen til arte,
declares that he 'amended 1 (whatever that may mean) the works ol
Dante.
The great Marques was remembered, perhaps above all his honours,
as l inuy gran DantistaV
But the memory and imitation of Dante did not pass away from
Spain with the poetical apotheosis of his great disciple. The allegory
became more and more popular at the end of the fifteenth century.
Pedro de Escavias in the poetic and political lament sobre las devisiones
del reyno; the Oraoia Bet of JenSnimo de Artes with its close imitation
1 Trittnfo in Cancionero general tie 11 *i . ■ i, p. 245.
ReMMPO tjrtttrtil de Ji. del Ca»tillo t 11, ltJ4.
1 80 Jttiiuie raw tit lilanes calls him,
W. H. HUTTON 121
of the first canto of the Inferno, which Dr Savj -Lopez calls a ' getreue
Wiedergabe 1 '; the Derives of Pero Guillen de Segovia, a follower of the
Marques and of Gdmez Manrique; Juan de Padilla in the Retablo de
la vida de Gristo and Los doce triunfos de los doce Apdstoles; Diego
Guillen de Avila; Pedro Fernandez de Villegas; Hernando Diaz;
Francesch Carro£ Pardo de la Cuesta; these are but a few of the
names of imitators, translators, adapters, copyists of the episodes of
Francesca and of Iseult, of the descriptions of ancient sages, of which
Spanish literature for the next century is full 2 . The entire list would
1 Farinelli, p. 82, rightly protests.
2 E.g. Lecciones de Job. 'Las lecciones d' Job Trobadas por vn reuerendo A deuoto
religioso dela orden delos predicadores. Con vn Infierno de danados. £s obra may
deuota y coteplatiua. Agora nueuamente impressa. {Etta portada estd bajo de una gran
vineta/formada con tree pequeiias. Alfin it lee:) Fue impresso este tratado enla imperial
ciudad de Toledo por Remon de petras impresor de libros. Acabose a dos de setiebre:
Ano de mil & d. xxiiij (1524). aiios. 4°. let. g<5t. Son 8 hojas sinfol. con la sign. a.
Obra diversa de la de Garci Sanchez de Badajoz, que se halla a fojas 161 del Cancionero
general de Anveres. Tampoco encuentro el Injierno de danados reimpreso en ninguna de
las colecciones generales. — Esta composicion esta escrita en la misma clase de metro que
las Lecciones. — Supone el autor que arrebatado de este mundo, y acompanado de la Fe y
la Esperanza, baja a los infiernos donde le van explicando los varios padecimientos de los
condenados :
Estos son los lujurioso8
que quemaban sin quemarse,
estos son los orgullosos,
estos son los deseosos
de en vano fuego abrasarse;
y pues bien les pareci6
el fuego que los quem6
cuando el fuego no gentian;
aquel fuego meresci6
este fuego a do venian.
Despues que estos vi arder,
vi penar los avarientos.
bien hambrientos por comer,
bien hartos en padecer,
bien vestidos de tormentos:
vi desnudos los vestidos,
vi los ricos ser venidos
a ser la misma pobreza,
vi los grandes abatidos,
vi caer su fortaleza.
Vi que aquestos se quemaban
con los bienes que guardaron,
perdidos porque guardaban,
caidos pues levantaban
los bienes que aqui adoraron;
vi los ricos que quisieran
ser pobres si ellos pudieran,
pues pobreza es buena amiga;
vi que su riqueza dieran,
pues esta les fue enemiga.
Horrorizado de tantos tormentos, ruega a bus guias le saquen de aquel sitio, y termina
exhortando a los cristianos a que reformen su conducta para no hacerse acreedores 4 tan
duros castigos. Tratadito de extremada rareza.' (Catdlogo de la Biblioteca de Salvd.
no. 712.)
M. L. R. III. 9
7k Influence of Dante in Spanish Literature
to fitranfft, and indeed il is not worth following in detail.
is throughout it the difficulty of judging who copied the
directly, and who borrowed from the common knowledge
1 the poets of the age. The Spanish poets of the early sixteen i h
indeed determined plagiarists. The great age was to
begin anew with the great national impulse in the drama. And it was
to be a popular impulse.
The influence of Dante (and even that of Boccaccio and Petrarch,
though it was more widely extended) was never really a popular
influence on Spain. It was the influence of the Court, of the society of
a number of inen, brilliant or studious* who gathered round a literary
king. It was closely associated too with the foreign interests of Spanish
politics and the foreign experience iniards never
d Dante in * ts or recited his lines as they sat at work : his
name, it is true, seems to have passed into a proverb 1 , but it is significant
that the Castilian translation of Villena was eras believed to have
utterly disappeared, while that of Hernando Diaz, never printed, has
almost certainly perished.
But subtly bis influence mingled with the atmosphere in which the
great Spanish writ* is w«*re bred. It reinforced the strong Cathoti
the deep and solemn faith, which is the mark of all the great writ<
the great age. Though it may be difficult to trace any reminiscences or
to &flBerl any direct imitations in the poets who at last had found the
Btaengtb of their splendid tongue, Lope de Vega in his Bomttte pan
in the strength of his imagination, Calderon in the depth of his feeling
and the accuracy of his vision, even Cervantes, it may be, would not
been what they were if Dante had not been the teacher of those
from whom they learnt The influence of Dante, like the laflufiBG
the Bible and the Fathers, was a part of the inheritance which made
them great. It was not confined to poetry. It had been 9060 from the
first in prose. But the novelist as well as the dramatist and the lyric
poet was an imitator of the Italians.
Thus Diego de San Pedro in the Cdrcel de amor is a link betu
romances of chivalry and the allegorical style of the semi-religious
literature of Spain. Living in th nth century, he employed the
1 E.g. the passage in CaMerun, So hay co*a como callur, Act. in, Esc* rvii :
Juana. Ve aqni por lo qae no pnede
Hacer una en este tiempo
Una obra btiena. ,;No habia
Sitraiera uu flfwniTltfl viejo,
Con ijue d«rir: *Toma t Juana?'
Mas ya cl Dante no hace versos.
W. H. HUTTON
123
hod of Santillana and the fourteenth century poets who had founded
the fashion of playing variations on the theme of Dante. But his
books were not popular works : they were * written for the gentlemen of
Castile 1 / The circle is still a circle of the court.
With Don Francisco de Quevedo y Villegas (1540 — 1645) we pass, in
proee, into a wider sphere, and with a short account of his indebtedness
to Dante, which will illustrate the use made in prose of the Dautesque
1 vision ' and ' allegory,' we may conclude this sketch.
Born of a family o! Northern country seigneurs, he was trained as a
scholar and theologian at the University of Alcala. A statesman in
Naples, a politician and pamphleteer in Spain, a man of letters, a
controversialist, a typical Spaniard of his age, it was impossible that he
should be untouched by the dominant influence. He received it half
itslw and utilised it satirically. The framework of the Suehos
(Visions), which was his most popular work, is a strange parody of the
Inferno, and it served to introduce fctua ideas of Dante to the populace
who read only to be amused.
In the first of tin- SueiiQ.s 2 , the Sttefi'i de fa* Oalawnu, which some
called the Last Judgment, he represented himself as falliug asleep
while he had bees reading Dante: — 'Dfgolo a pruposito que tango pox
eaido de] cielo obo que yo tuve estae oochefl paaadaa, habiendo oerrado
JOS con el Hbro del Dante: lo cual fuc de s-mar que veia un tropel
de v : But what follows is a caricature rather than an adaptation*
A> M. Miuimee 15 puts it, Quevedo replaces the terrible figures of Dante
bj the grimacing creatim s which he excelled in portraying, There
could nut be I better example of this than the contrast between the
solemn dignity of the poets as they are drawn with such pathos in the
fourth oaato erf the I md fclra bitter rig -notions
in the AtguacU A (which the old Epgligh translator calls The
But the same figures of course recur in the Inferno of Quevedo
whom we have seen in the fftforno of Dante; the Alchemists 5 ; Judas,
with whom Quevedo puts the fraudulent merchants*; the carnal lovers,
the division of whom into classes seems a rough remembrance of the
tiins of the Inferno. These oaay be ;» reference to the />//<
'Jot*, p, 77.
it Anton* B*pafioU» t L8G9, p. 9
de Quevedo (1886), p* 175.
o. f p, 30 4.
xiix, lli», 137.
., ef, VW§*\ l», 27. <iq.
9—2
124 77* e Influence of Dante in Spanish Literature
in the exaltation of the Patriarchs, or in the knowledge of the damned 1 ,
the moment they enter the infernal regions, that their doom is inevitable.
In the Zakurdas de Plutdn* appear the diviners and soothsayers,
Michael Scott *non por hechicero y magico, sino por rnentiroso y
i ■nthustcro,' Michael,
che Pert BD r.nte
dello mftgiche frode seppe il gioco 3 ,
Cecco d* Ascoli, the port W the Acerha, it may be noted in passing,
also appears: 'mny triste y pehindose las harbas, porque tras fc&nto
experimento disparatado no podia hallar nuevas neeedadee que escribir/
Avicenna appears among the alchemists, not. as in the Inferno', among
the great philosophers in Limbo, and with him Oraber the Arab
alchemist and, strangely, Ramon Lull. But a search for similarities
leads rather to the discovery of differences ; and the differ* nr<>, in the
treatment of Mahomet for example and of the heretics, it were tedious
to detail. Whatever may be said of Qoevedo's originality it is certain
that he was in detail no copyist of Dante. It would be more true to
mj m that while he knew Italian and had very likely read the Bivina
Oommedia, it was only the general idea of torment, and the use of vision
and allegory to set forth principles of religion and government of the
truth of which he was profoundly convinced, which affected him in
the work of the great Florentine. He took some of the machinery of
the Inferno, and utilised it; vulgarised it, it may be truly said
Quevedo indeed was too much of a realist to be a true disciple of Dante.
He was one whose visions of wrong in the world were bitter, unsympa-
ih< tie, unchastened ; and he was also of too robust, and too genuinely
Spanish, a literary fibre, to owe any considerable debt to any of the
great writers who had influenced the masters of Spanish literature.
We conclude then that the influence of Dante in Spain was potent
but not popular. It was allied to the religious spirit which found
nil' ranee in the later Middle Age in vision and allegory, and to the
spirit of patriotism which created the great ballad literature and
glorified the heroes of romance. It was akin to the noble spirit of
Christian chivalry which made the glory of Spain ; and so it took root
and blossomed into noble verse. But also it was an influence of learning,
of moral depth, and of exquisite literary form, which appealed to the
circle of a Court that honoured letters. It showed to poets a model
which they might strive to copy after the fashion of their own land.
1 v, 1—23, iii, 121—3.
* ifl/., xx, 116—17.
• Obra*, pp. 320 sqq.
* Inf., iy, 143.
W. H. HUTTON 125
And so at the age of the Spanish Renaissance in its beginnings, before
the greatest names had arisen, it taught what were the method and
the manner of true poetry, how it was linked to the scholar's learning
as well as to the priest's religion, and how there was no side of life
which it might not dignify and enrich. The later influence of Dante,
apart from that of the rest of the Italians, was more subtle and indirect ;
but it survived in the ideal, solemn and Catholic, which he set forth 1 .
1 I wish to express my very grateful thanks to Sr. D. F. de Arteaga y Pereira, who has
much helped me by reading through this paper in proof, and to whose kindness I owe two
of my footnotes.
W. H. HUTTON.
THE DATE OF CHAPMAN'S 'BUSSY D'AMBOIS.'
Chapman's best known play, Bussg D'Ambois; A Tragedie, was
entered in the Stationers' Registers for William Aspley on June 3j 1607,
and published in the usual quarto form in the same year. The in--
page stated that it had often been 'presented at Paules/ i.e. played by
the children's company connected with St Pauls Grammar School, who
acted * in their own singing school * (Fleay, History of the Stag*, p, 133)
from 1600 to 1607 K In the latter year they seem to have ceased playing,
at least in public (Fleay, p. 188), and the manuscript of Buss if may have
been surrendered to a printer on this account.
The publication of the play furnishes, of course, only a terminus ad
quem. The terminus a quo we may set, perhaps, in 1596, on February 12
of which year Chapman s Blind Beggar of Alexandria was brought out
at the Rose by the Admiral's Men (see Henslowe's Diary for that date).
It is hardly credible that Bussy in any form should have been written
before this crude and amateurish play with which, so far as WB know,
Chapman's connection with the theatre of his day begins. We may,
therefore, safely set the composition of Buss tf between 1596 and 1607.
This leaves, however, considerable room fur conjecture, ami eon-
jecture has been busy with the date of this play. The latest editor,
Professor Boas, whose admirable edition lias lor the first time presented
a scholarly ami authentic text, has apparently been unwilling to commit
himself on this point, but Beams, >1 we may judge from the note OS
p, xii of his Introduction, to lean toward a first composition of the play
before January, 1598-8* and a revision ca. 1606. Inasmuch as we
know that Chapman subjected this play to a very thorough revision
somewhere between 1607 and his death in 1034, it seems to me that
we ought not to set up the hypothesis of a previous revision unless we
are forced to do so. What are the facts, then, which would lead us to
date the play before January, 1598-9 ?
We have, in the first place, an entry in the inventory of 'all the
1 Mr Fleay is now inclined to hold that in these years Paul's Boys were acting at
Whiiefriara.
a The entries in Heaslowe'a Diartj, to which Mr BoftB refers as being in 1598, are Old
Style. The true date is January 1591*.
T. M. PAKROTT
127
apparel of the Lord Admiral's Men/ made by Henslowe on March 13,
1598: * Perowe's sewt, which Wru. Sley were* (Henslowes Diary, ed.
CoIHsr, p. 275), On p. 153 of his Memoir* <f Actors, Collier called
attention to this entry nod suggested that it referred to some character
Pero, or Pierro — all things are possible in Heusiowe's spelling — which
Sly had played when a member of Henslowes company, Fleay {limy.
Chron,, vol. I, p. 56) pointed out that Pero was ft character in Hussy.
Later on, Mr Hoyt of Harvard in an unpublished paper, the
Sllbeta&ce of which is reproduced by Profenor Boas in the note already
referred to (Hussy D'Amhms, p. xii), called attention to this entry, and
connecting it with two entries of loans on November 19 and 27, 1598
(Heusiowe's Diary, pp. 129 and 1.10), to Home (or Bird) to buy a
costume for the part of 'the (Jwisse,' (the Quiae), argued that the three
pointed lo a production of Bussy in that year by Henslowe's company,
I must confess that I see no force in this argument. The allusions to
'the Owieae 1 may, as Collier pointed out (Henslowe's Diary, p. 110, note),
refer to the Uuise in Marlowe s Massacre of Paris, Of more likeh
the same character in the lost plays, The Civil Wars ef Frmta.\ fbf
which Drayton and Dekker were paid on September 2!>, November 3,
and November IH, 1598. The Boone entries have no connection except
a forced one with that in the inventory regarding * Perowes sewt.'
The argument from this latter en fiat, inasmuch as in no
extant play save It ussy is ft character by the name of Ptoo introduced^
We must conclude that the entry refers to thi^ character in Chapman s
play and thus proves that Bussy was m existence before March 18, 1698
But when (reconsider the immense number of [days produced a1 this*
time tliaf have not oome down to as, it becomes at once apparent
that an argument of this sort can have very little weight. I think,
moreover, thai there is evidence of some importance against the identi-
fication of the 'FtoDW* 1 "I the inventory with the 'Pero' of Bussy
D'Amhois, In the first place, Bussy was performed as we know from
the title-page, by Paid > Boys, If it had bees Brat produced by the
Lord Admiral's Men one would have expected to sec the fact
I as ao additional at tract ion, on the title-page 1 . Nor is
there any evidence ae to the manner in which the play could hftve
passed from Benslowe'n hands into bhoee of the manager of the
children's company, On this ground alone, in the absence «>f further
1 Thas The WidowU T*an (1612) is elated to have been perfonnv.i M both the
IUiickfriitrs nn<t I bfl litlr -i>a«e of All ly the
nmuue at ihe BlaekhmiH mn I imt the earlier one by the Admiral'* U
L28 The Date of Chapman's 'Bussy D'Ambois'
evidence, we might conclude that Bussy was never played by the
Admiral's Men. And there is a further bit of positive evidence,
unnoticed so far, against this identification. 'Perowes sewt/ according
to the statement of the inventory, had been worn by William Sly.
Now Sly's name appeal^ in the famous 'plot* of Tarleton's Seven
Deadly Sins, preserved at Dulwich, and printed by Malone (Malone-
Boswell, Shakespeare, vol. HI, between pp. 348 and 349). A careful
* ■xaniination of this 'plot' shows that Will Sly took the role of Porn x
in the Second Part, playing up to Burbadge's Gorboduc, and Henry
CondelTs Ferrex. The date of this 'pint' cannot be exactly determined,
but it must be after Tarleton's death in 1588, since his name does not
appeal- among the actors in this his own work, and before 1594, since
in that year Alleyne, fco whom the MS. bvlonged t and among whose
pa pei-s n was found, broke off his connection with Lord Strange's
Men, for whom, as the names of the aetata show, fcha pl«>t was
drawn up. Now if Sly was old enough to act the part of Porrex,
a young prince who aspires to the throne, before 1594, it seems
certain that lie was too old to take the part of Pero, a soubrettes rile
which would be assigned to a boy actor, in, or shortly before 1598.
This is confirmed by the feci that in the list of actors of Every Man in
his Humour, produced by the Lord Chamberlain's Men in 1598, which
is given in the First Folio of Jonson's Works, Sly appears as one of 'the
principal eomocdians,' as ho does in the list added to the same edition
of Every Man out of his Humour, acted by the same company in 1599,
It is impossible to determine exactly what roles Sly assumed in these
plays, but he certainly did not take a waiting maid's part in either,
I think, on this evidence, we are fairly entitled to conclude that the
' Perowes sewt' worn by William Sty, never decked the back of an actor
who took the part of Pero in Bussy D'Ambois.
To this argument derived from Henslowe's inventory, Dr Lehman
in his introduction to a reprint of Qhobot <vob X of the Seizes in
Philology and Literature, published by the University of Pennsylvania),
adds (p. 11) that Meres in 1508 mentions Chapman as renowned in
tragedy, Dr Lehman takes the reference to be to Bussy , inasmuch as
it is ' the only known tragedy of Chapman's that could have been
written thus early/ But much of Chapman's early work has perished
like that of his friend Jonson, who was also commended for his tragedies
by Meres, although not a single tragedy of Jonson's exists which can
possibly be dated so early as 1598. A nameless play in the Egerton
MSS. (No. 9994), published by Mr Bullen in vol. ill of his Old Plays
T, M. PARROTT
129
under the title of The Distracted Emperor, shows strong traces of
Chapman's hand and is certainly an early work, which in spite of its
happy ending might perhaps be classed by Meres 08 a There
ate tragic elements in Chapman** first extant play, The Blind Br
of Alexandria, and within a few weeks after Meres 1 book was entered In
the Stationers 1 Registers (September 7, 1598), we find Chapman at work
on a tragedy ' of Benjamin's plot' (Henslowe'a Dittrtj for October 28,
■ and on January 8 of the succeeding year he received payment
in lull for his tragedy, Mr Boas (p. xii T n.) asks if this tragedy may
not be Bmsy. I should be inclined to answer in the negative for
reasons which will appear later on; btit at any rate enough has been
said to show that McresV reference to Chapman's work in tragedy by
1 1 ■■ t means implies that Bitssy must have been written before IS
In an article in Modem Language Notes for November 190.5,
Stoll of Harvard attempts to fix the date of Bitssy in 1600 on the
grounds that the allusion to a leap-year in I, ii, 86 (I quote lines as
given in Boas'a edition; the passage occurs on p. 1 44, col 2 of Shepherds
edition) implies that the play was acted in a leap-year, that in I, ii, 12 —
18 (p, J 41 col. 1) Elizabeth is spoken of as still living, and that a line
in Safiromastix (SJL, November 11, 1601),
For tni-iy D*Amboii aow the (teed is done,
implies the existence of But ore Dekkers play m > i n —
presumably in the late Bumi r of 1601. These three allusions seem
to In Stall to point certainly bo the date 1600 for the composition of
Bus
! agree that the reference to 'leap-year* gives a clue to the actual
performance p£ the play, bat this alone might refer to 1604 quite as
well as to 1600, Further, Elizabeth, if referred to at all in the play,
would of cm: referred to as living and not aa dead, gince the
its described therein took place some quarr.-i 1 a century before
her death. Accustomed as the Elizabethan audience waa to anachron-
, it would hav- been BOmewhal startled to hear Elizabeth spoken
dead by Henri III, Monsieur, and the Duke of Guise, all of whom,
as it 31 knew, had died before the Queen. And a point which
escaped Dr StolTs notice seems to me to prove conclusively that the
allusion in question cannot be taken to establish the composition of
a Elizabeth's lifetime. Lines 14, 15 (p. 144, ooL 1):
Mitot* X<< njinntimi she* the rarest queen iu Europe.
M, But what's that to her immortality?
130 The Date of Chapman's ' Bussy D'Ambois*
which very distinctly allude to Elizabeth as still living, were, as a
bar of fact, written after her death. They do not appear in the
Quartos nf l(j(>7 and ltiOK, hut, were added when the play was revised
time In-tween 1008 and 1684 So far from the allusions to
Elizabeth in this passage fixing the date of Bussy before her death,
the phrase r old QUden' (1. 12) goes Gar, I think, to show that the play
was writ t< ii after that event, It is hard to believe that such a plr
would be spoken in the rs of Elizabeth's life by an actor in
the company of the children of her own chapel, and it was for this
pany that Chapman was writing in 1000.
The line from Stttirotmfsh'.r is an interesting reference and certainly
deserves consideration. It is put into the mouth of Captain Tucca,
who like Ancient I'ish.l. is forever spouting play-ends, such as 'Go by,
Jeronimo/ or 'feed and be fit, my lair Calipolis/ It is not improbable,
then, that the line in question is a quotation from some play in which
Bussy D'Ambois appeared. But it is not found in Chapman's play,
nor does that play contain any line which could be parodied in this
form. After alb there is no inherent improbability in believing that
tl < re may have beea a play on the subject of Bussy, or that Bussy
may have appeared as a character in a play written before Chapman s
tragedy, possibly in Dekker's lost play, The Civil Wttrs of Ft
There are a number of things in Chapman's work which suggest that he
have been at times using an earlier play on the subject. And so,
although I agree with Fleay that the line points to the existence of the
character of Bussy upon the boards of the Elizabethan stage before
1001, I cannot hold with Dr Stol! that it fixes the date of Chapman's
Bussy before that year'.
Turning then to the date 1 004 suggested by Mr Fleay, we find that
the argument for it rests, first of all, upon an allusion to the new-made
knights of James L Dr Sfcoll waives this aside rather contemptuously,
and implies, indeed, that it is non-existent, but the allusion is perfectly
1 It Ll pi-i possible that the allusion in Satirovuutix has no reference to any play, but
allude? diivctlv fco the historical Bussy. lis; personage nf considerable importance
in his day, an is shown by £bc Kfmoeai to him in the despatch of the Venetian Arnbss-
sftdur, Novenibcr 15, 1678, in the letters of Saracini to the Grand Duke of Toi
liation* diplomatique* de fa Franc* avtt la FoMantf, Tome iv), and in the works of
Brantome, Pierre de LEstuile, D'AatrfgnA, and Marguerite de Valois. The news of his
murder reached England while hifl master, the Duke of Anjou, was in that country
pressing his suit to Elizabeth and so would naturally excite Special interest then No
source is known of Chapman's Bux*y r since the historical accounts are all too lute to have
been used by him, but it seems likely that his play was founded upon some account in
French or English of Bussy's life and death, which is yet unknown to us. Such an
account may, however, have been known to Dekker, and the name of Bussy can hardly
have been unknown to the author of The Civil War* of France.
T, M. PAKROTT
131
plain. In I, ii, 135 — 6 (p* 145, coL 1) Guise is said to mistake Bussy
for 'some knight of the now edition, 1 which can only be a contemptuous
renoe to the knights created in such numbers by James I immedi-
ately after his accession* This allusion is strengthened by another in
the same scene, I, ii, 193 — 4 (p. 146, eol. 1 ), in which Guise is said to
suppose Bussy to be 'some new denizen'd lord/ i.e. some lord, newly
settled in the country, a palpable allusion to the Scots who Hocked
into England in the train of James, ami for whoso naturalisation
('to denizen ' = ' to naturalise/ New IBngtUk Dictionary) the king was
already pressing. These allusions fix the date of composition after the
accession of James in 1603; and if the allusion to leap-year have any
bearing upon the date, we are shut up to 1004, as the only leap
between James's accession and the publication of the play.
Mr Boaa in the note on p, xii of his Introduction dismisses Fleay's
rcsent that the date 1604 is determined in this manner as 'only an
ingenious conjecture/ But I think it is something more than that.
The whole passage runs as follows;
Tarn. Han he [i".e. Buftsy] never been courtier, my lord
Mom. Never, my lad
Beau. And why did the toy [i.e. the fancy to become courtier] take him
ID tV head now?
I cap-year, lady, and therefore very good to enter a courtier,
Butty UAmJbm^ i, ii, BO B0 p, 144, ooL 2),
The whole point of Bussy s unsavoury jest lies in the fact that it wi
h-ap-ycar vrhen he was 'entered courtier/ Only one of two things r;m
haveaugg* sted bhiajeat bo the author, eithei that \\ wbbb leap-yeai when
the historical Bussy first appealed at oourt, o* that it was a leap
i the play was being composed for presentation. But the Brst date
was probably unknown to Chapman, certainly unknown to the audience
who could not, therefore, be expected to understand the jest, and,
fact, happens in l„ I.Vi!) which is nut. ;i leap-year. Evidently
then the author was thinking not of the peat, hut of the preaent, and
alluded to a year in which his play was, or was meant to he, actually
ormed. The anachronism involved would trouble neither him nor
his audience in their enjoyment of the jest. It baa beeti suggested to
me thai this jest is more likely a stage 'gag* which haa crepl into the
than the composition of Chapman. Even BO it. would haw I he
Baine bearing upon the date, for it could only have crept in in lori4,
the play, as wv BOOH, cannot have been composed before
L803,
132 Hie Date of Chapman s ( Bussy D'Ambois'
The date 1604, moreover, would explain, as Fleay has suggested
{Biog* Chronicle* v<»L I, pp. 69, 80), how the play got into t li<- hands of
Paul's Boys. In 1604-5 Chapman was writing for the Children at
Blackfriars. as shown by their performance of his All Fools at court on
January 1, 1605, and by their production nf Eastward Ha at Blackfriars
i j i I hi' summer of the siimc year. In 1604 Edward Kirkham, as we
know from the proceedings in Chancery discovered by Mr Greenstrert
and published in full by Fleay (History of the Stag*, pp, 210 — 251) T was
one of the managers of ibis company. In 1805, possibly as a result
of the scandal can sen! by Eastward Hu, Kirkham left this company
and joined Paul's Boys. On March 31, 1606, he appears as 'one of the
tafS 1 of this company {Revels Accounts, p. xxxviii). It is natural
to suppose that he took the MS. of Bttssy with him. Whether it had
bees previously performed by the Children at Blackfriars we cannot
say with positive certainly.
Kiik'Hv lb is date, 1604, puts Hussy nearer the series of plays dealing
with French history which hulk so largely in Chapman's work. The
Byron plays were, as we know, performed in the spring of 1008 1 (see
Von Bttuner, Letters from Paris, etc., vol n, p. 21!), where the despatch
of La Boderie > oncerning this play is given in full. The original is in
th e 1 KM iotheque National . MS 15 984). The Revenue of Bussy, al most
oertainly later than these plays, and certainly later than Grimeston's
nd Invadonj (1607), from whieh large portions of it were drawn
(Boas, Hussy, p. x\xii) t was entered S.R., April 17, 1612, and may
therefore be dated some time betw e e n 1609 and 1612^ And Chabot k in
i iginal form, was probably not much later since its source is found
in ilii LG] I edition of Estiennfl Fasquiers Les Rech ercJas de la France*.
Mathematical certainty is, as all students of Elizabethan drama
know, srlilmii attainable in attempts to date a play; but the evidence
|ur 1804 as the dat€ of OOOOpoaitlGD for Bussy appean to me fairly
eon v iiinng. Then m;iv have been another play on the subject) or one
in whieh (he hero appeared as one of the charael uly as 1800 5
i. in Chapman's pUy, as il appealed in 1607, cannot, I think f be dated
before 1604,
v.v»/ D'Ambui* was reissued in 160S. This is not anew edition,
but i nitiv reissus i>l bhs ih-i with a different date on the title-page.
1 Tim '4»i' in fit- I luii -ii triiu»l»tio« of the Letters is 1605, a mere misprint. The
OtfUM uritfinul DM IMI\
ivaluabls Hlmiy on Lhtj sources of Chapman (QurlUn und
a, 1897), mcntloni tin 16511 •dition; but so tar as the Cha bo t story goes, this
it only ft n print <>f tbt tail Of ISU, TlM story first appears in the 1901 edition, bat
n deta&i whioh Chapman iitatlo use of were first added in 1611.
T. M. PAKROTT
133
In 1041, however, a new edition of the play was published with the
following title-page : * Bussy D'Ambois : | A | Tragedie : | As it hath
bees often Acted with | great Applause, | Being much corrected and
amended | by the Author before his death, | London, | Printed by
A. N. for Robert Lunne, | 1641,' This edition represents a thorough-
going revision of the play. There are numerous omissions, one of a
passage of fifty lines at the beginning of n, ii, many additions, and
constant changes in the dictum. Most modern editions give us a
mosaics of the two versions, and as a result, the reader is never sure
whether any particular passage belongs to the first or the second
edition. This confusion has led to some very natural mistakes. Thus
Professor £oeppel,in the article already referred to, notes (pp, 15, 16, n.)
that Bussy s reference to Vespasian (v t iv, 00 — 93, p. 175, col. 1) is found
in Pierre Matthieus account of the execution of Biron, which (or I;*
the English translation of which by Grinieston) Chapman used for his
Byron plays. Curiously enough, this characteristic passage does not
appear in these plays, and Etofessot Eoeppd suggests that it
omitted because Chapman had already made use OJ it in Bnssy, But
the passage in Bussy only occurs in the second edition, and is therefore
later than 1607, and presumably later than the Byron plays. Again,
hi Root in his review of Boss's Bus&y {ISnglische Studies vol. xxxvii,
1906) attempts to fix the date of the composition of the play by the
reference to the 'Irish wars' (iv, i, 153, 154, p. lo'4, col. 2), which he takes
as alluding to Mountjoy's suppression of the Tyrone rebellion in 16Q1-3.
But this allusion, also, occurs only in the second edition and is therefore
it 00 value as evidence for the date of the first composition of 0US
Thanks to the apparatus critic us which Mr I included in his
edition of Busty, we are now enabled to separate the old from the new
in this play, and mistakes of this sort should henceforth be impossible.
A careful consideration of the variants presented by Mr Boas, lias led
m< to believe that it IS possible to fix the date of the revision of Bussy
[nore precisely, and at the same time much earlier, than has yet been
done* The only attempt, so far as I know, to fix the date of this
mil is that of Fl« ay | Kojf, Citron., vol. I, p. 00), who speaks of it as
'one of the latest of Chapman's literary occupations' and states a few
1 below that ' the corrections and emendations made " by the aulhor
before his death wore the very last writing left us of his pen/ I
gZOIind fer Mr i fcion is the statement he cites
6otn the title-page, i.e. that the play was 'ranch corrected and
by bhe author before his death.' On kite face of it (me is
134 The Date of Chapman's ' Bussy D'Ambois'
inclined, I think, to take this phrase as meaning ' shortly before his
death'; but this is not absolutely necessary, and I think no such
meaning is implied in this instance. Consider the circumstanr- s.
Chapman had been dead seven yean when it occurred to a publisher
to get out a new edition of his best-known tragedy. The manuscript
which he secured differed at many points from the old printed copy.
This was a point in his favour, since it allowed him to assure the public
that this was something more than a mere reissue of the old edition.
But who had made these changes ? The author, so he was informed,
perhaps by a member of the company to whom the MS, had belonged
(the below), and as the author had been (lead these
seven years, the corrections, of course, were made before his death.
And so we get the statement of the title-page. It tfi a publishers puff,
and does not, I think, contribute at all toward dating the revision.
The clue to this date may he found in the curious prologue prefixed
to the revised B i careful discussion of this poem in
Boafi'fl Bussy, p. 145, to which I refer the reader. It WBfl evidently
written on tin- OGCaeiOB of a revival of this play by the Kind's Men.
This we know from Us hh iilum of Field, who had be6D a member
of their body from ca. loll! to ea. Ili2"). and from the fact that a per-
formance of Bu&9$ by this company was given at Court on April 7, llio+
| \h.!ni. Boswell, Shakespeare , vol in, p, 287), about a month before the
old poetffl death. Possibly it was for this performance, and not for
k shortly before 1641/ as Boas s that the prolog written.
Tho mention of Field is an interesting one and throws light, I
believe, upon th< iatory of the play. In II. 15, IG we find the
phra
Field is g
Wkoee action first did give it [i.e. the play] name.
If this be taken literally, it means that Field was the first actor to give
the play a reputation, i.e. y as the sequel shows, to create the part of
Hussy. If this be so, we must suppose that Bussy, written in 1604,
was first performed by the Children at Blackfriars, and that Field,
Dame appears at the head of the lists of this company, annexed
to Cynthia's Revels (1600) and the Poetaster (1601), in the JosofiOD Folio
erf 1016, took the part of Bussy. There is nothing inherently impossible
in this; yet it seems unlikely that in a prologue written for the King's
Men t perhaps in L634, perhaps between lliiUund Hi41,l he writer should
have referred to Fields early performances with another company. It
t more natural, I think, to suppose that he is alluding to Field's
T. M. FARRuTT
.135
perfor
of this part for the King's Hett And this
>rmances ot this part for ttie King's Men. And tnis assumption is
strengthened by tin- genera] tune <>i the prologue. It says in substance
that the company has been tinved to revive thia play in order not to
abandon their claim lipOD it by delimit, since it had lately been produced
with success by another company. Y«-r ili<>y are at a loss as to who
shall take the principal role: Field is gone and the unnamed actor who
'came nearest him* (i.e. who took the part after Field retired) is B0W
boo old 'to shew the height and pride of D'Ambois' youth/ Therefore
in default of these a third man is put forward to defend their mi
H li;is been liked as Richard, and with proper encouragement he will
be able to sustain the part of Bussy 1 .
If we take it then that the writer of the prologue is referring to
Field's performances for the King's Men, the meaning is that be was
the first actor to play the part of Bossy for that company. A brief
sketch of Field's life will show the significance of this.
Nat. Field, player and playwright, WSM bOR) in 1587 and wint mi
the stage as a bog of thirteen or younger. He was one of the Chapel
Children in HiOO (see the list of actors annexed to 0ynthta*8 7e
and remained with this company After its reorganifiatioB in lh'04 as
the ChiWrexj of Her Majesty's Revels (Patent of January 80, W
printed in Collier 1 ! English Dramatic Poetry, vol* i a p. 353, n.) until
their iln mv, the 'private house' at BlackfYiars, was resumed (Dec. 25,
L6O0, Fleay, London St*!<je % p. 190) by its owners, the Burbages, for the
nee of <h» ir own company, the Kin- - Ilea. Thereupon, under a patent,
January 4, lijOU- 10. granted h. Ross. t<r (Celli r, \o!. \ y pp. ;J72 and 896),
v company under the sum 1 title, the Queen's Revels' Children, was
organised k» play at the private boftlBG in Whitefriars. One of the first
ted hy them at this 1 1 ■ s Jensen's Epicoene, in the list
of acton annexed to which Field's name standa first, By this time Field
had become poet and playwright as well as actor, A copy of his \
ta prefixed to The Faithful Shepherdess, published before Uaj 3, 1610,
and his first play, Woman is a \Y, :<tth< rcock (S.R., November 28, 1811), was
produced by the Queen't Revels' Children (see title-page of this pley)
\ hil^fnaiN, prohably in the preceding year. To this play tin :
prefixed QOmOSU -ndatniy verses by Chapman addressed !o ' his loved son
Nat, Field/ In March 1012 Robm ;iijm!i\. is* t ht Queen's
M \ els 1 Children, united with Henslowes company (see Alleyns Poj
frit third man, by the way, waa probably Dyard (or Milliard, or Elian!) Swanston
who J I played Bu
IBd who had assumed the part of Kicanio in Manning
rdb&d to the first quarto of that play (10*211).
136 The Date of Chapman' 's * Btissy D'Amhois'
p, 78), and Field seems to have kept up some connection with Henslow e
both as actor and playwright till the latter's death in January lo'lu"
(see Alleyne Papers, pp. 78 ff. and Fields letters to Henslowe is
Malone-Boswell, Shakespeare, vol. ni t pp. 337-8). As his name does
not appear among the actors who signed an agreement with Alleyne on
March 20, 1610, it is probable that he left this company immediately
after Hensluwe's death {Alleyne Papers, p. 129), His name next
appear^ in a privy seal issued to the Kings Men in 1619 ^ but as it
is not found in the Patent granted to the company by Charles I
immediately after his n in 1625, it is reasonably certain that be
had withdrawn from the stage before that time. His death occurred
early in Ki32-3.
Ebe verses by Chapman prefixed to Woman is a Weathercock show
in what esteem the poet held the acton Field as a member of the
Children at Blackfriars had no doubt taken part in many of Chapman':
plays. Sir Oiles (iuosecap, May-l*ay, All Fools, Monsieur D'OUi
(probably also The Gentleman Usher), The Widow's Tears, East wan
Ho, and The Conspiracy and Tragedy of Byron were all performed by
these Children. During Field's connection with the Queen's EL
Children at Whitefriars, .as we know from the title-piges of bhe plays
in question, that company revived The Widow's Tears and brought out
The Revenge of B ussy.
Now what I have to suggest is that during this time, cu. 1 010—13,
Field took up Bussy D'A/tdms, in which it is possible, though not
certain, that he had already acted (see above, p, 134), and which
had beet) published after the withdrawal of its owners, Paul's Boys,
from public performances. He induced Chapman to give the play
a thorough revision, possibly put his ow T n knowledge of stage-craft
at the poet's disposal, and produced the play at Whitefriars* Its
success was such that he asked Chapman to write a sequel, or second
part, which the poet did under the title of The Revenye of Bu&
I?Ainboi8. The title-page of the only old edition of this play, 1613,
balls us that it had been 'often presented at the Whitfricrs/ But we
cannot imagine that it was ever a successful play and it was perhaps
for this reason that the actors allowed Chapman to send it to press.
The revised Bitssy, however, remained in MS., passed along with Field
to the King's Men, and remained in their possession till the very eve
of the closing of the theatres, when they allowed it to be printed in
1641.
This revision of Bussy with a view to its production at Whitefriars
ow
fee
t
•rd
»y
to*
1
:
3.
T. M. PABBOTT
137
under Field is only a hypothesis; but it can, I believe, be supported by
several bits of eiideaoe. In the lirst place, it explains, as nothing else
so far put forward does, the way in which Bmsy came into the hands of
the King's Men, a company with whom Chapman had no connection
and who never acted any other play of his. It explains also the
connection between Field and the title-role of Bmsy mentioned in the
Prologue to the 1641 edition. Further, if Chapman weir assisted by
Field, or even advised by him, in the revision of this play, we should
have a sufficient explanation of the superiority of the revised editioD of
Bu88tf, not only to all Chapman's other tragedies, but to the first form
of that play itself. Such passages as I, i, 208 — 290; i, ii, 100 — 114;
n t i, 210—818; n t ii, 177—181; in, i, 1—2, 45—61; in, ii, 131—8,
311 — 312, the dialogue between Monsieur and Matte (in r ii, 887—869),
400—8; iv, i, 23(i ; iv, ii, I — li». 28 (half-line)— 30 ; v, i 1—4. 42—44 ;
v, ii, 53—59; v. lii, 15—16, 85- 08; v ? iv, 16—22, 33—36, 186—7
—all additions to the Bret form — are all of one sort. With hardly an
exception, they add nothing to the poetic value of the play, but they
do in every case add to its stage effects by inserting touches of humour,
by linking a scene with what has preceded, or by furnishing a motive
for what is to come, and by making the situation clearer to the
spectator. Further instances of alteration tor stage effect are the
shifting of Montsnrry into n, i, by which he becomes a witness of the
pardon granted by the king to Busty. This shift permits a cut of fifty
tinea to be made at the beginning of the next, scene without any
damage to the construction. The change in the last act by which the
long philosophic dialogue between Monsieur and < Juise was tettDgfesred
bo its present place, v, ii, from its former situation immediately before
the catastrophe, is a distinct dramatic improvement which must have
been at once noticed upon the stage. And when one considers the
sublime indifference which Chapman shows in The Revenge of Bmsy
and the Byron plays for the requirements of the stage, one feels
that he must have had some expert advice before he made so many
improvements of this nature, and I know of no one at any time who
was so likely to give Chapman advice on this matter as his *son/ the
actor-playwright Field, nor any time at which Field ma so likely to
have £17613 him such advice as between 1610 and 1612, when the actor
was apparently at the head of the White friars company.
Again, if Bnssy had been successfully revived by Field at this
theatre, we get a perfectly satisfactory explanation of the poet's com-
posing The Revenge of Bussy for Field s company. Otherwise we mu>i
M + L. K. III. 10
138 Hie Date of Chapman s ' Bussy HAmboi*
imagine that, although Bussy had been laid aside since 1607 when its
owners, Pauls Boys, ceased to play, Field nevertheless called on
Chapman between 1610 and 1611 to produce a sequel to it. For The
Revenge is palpably a play made to order. It has a striking title and a
good motive, but the theme is so little to Chapman's taste that he
handles it in the coldest fashion possible, and being unable to invent
matter enough to fill up the required live acts, bolsters up two of
them with an episode taken from a book he had just been reading,
Grimes ton's General Inventory, which had not the slightest connection
with the central subject.
If Bussy was revised, as I believe, between 1610 and 1612 for Field's
company, one might expect to get some internal evidence of this in the
added passages. But, as I have shown, many of ttbfl additions, most of
them, in fact, were simply bits of business' in which one can hardly
expect to find allusions that would help us to fix the date. Yet two
such allusions may, I believe, be found among the added passages.
The first of these is the reference t<» Vespasian, v f iv, 90 — 93 (p. 175,
col. 1), which, m Professor Koeppel has pointed out, conies from Pierre
Matt hum, and may well have been suggested to Chapman by the
English translation of that historian, Qftineitoa'fl Qmarai Inventory,
which he used in 1607-8 for his Byron plays. The second is the
allusion to the Irish wars in iv, i, 153 — 4 (p. ln'4. ooL 2), I know of
nothing in Irish history between 1607 and 1634 — and between these
dates the lines were certainly written — to which Chapman can be re-
ferring except to the conspiracy and flight of Tyrone and Tyrconnel in
1607 and the promptly crushed rising of Sir Cahir O'Doherty in 1608 1 .
Finally, there is a correspondence between a passage in The Revenge
and in the revised Bussy which appears to rue to settle the matter.
The second scene of the first act of The Revenge is in setting and
atmosphere remarkably reminiscent of the earlier play. We find here
Tamyra sitting on the ground where Bussy was slain, mourning his
death, and kissing the blood-stained floor. To her enters her husband,
Montsurry, who upbraids her in the following terms :
Still on this haunt? Still shall adulterous* blood
Affect thy spirits 1 Think, for shame, but this,
This blond, that cockatrice-like thus thou brood'at
Too dry is to breed any quench to thine.
1 Possibly another link with Grimeston may be found in Maffa's epithet for Bussy,
'the man of blood* (in, ii, 880, p. U»0 T ooL 2), a phrase which does not occur in the first
Quarto. Grimeston (\\ 818, edition of 1611) speaks of Bussy as l a bIr>ody, wicked, and a
furious man/ The epithet may have stuck in Chapman's memory - t I do not wish to lay
Btrewa on this point, hut in connection with the above, it is t I think, worth noting.
T. M. PARROTT
139
And therefore now (if only for thy Inst
A little cover'd with a veil of uhame)
Look out for fre*h life, rather than witch -like
Learn to kiss horror and with death engender,
The / f Bum}/, n, ii, 25—32 (p. 165, col. 1).
The diction, no less than the situation, is reminiscent of the earlier
play. The last line of the passage is lifted almost bodily out of Bmsy :
For lust ; Idas horror and with death engender.
Bmty IPAw&QUi III, ii, 502 (p, 162, OoL I),
u line which is found in both editions of Bmsy. The third and fourth
Hues are su distinctly reminiscent of a line in Bussy, that they seem to
tn« to have been composed, consciously or unconsciously, upon it as a
oiode] :
OOHMfc siren, sing, and (2Mb ajjainat my rocks
Thy ruffian galley [/.'■., Unsay] rigg'd with quench for lust.
Bumj I/Amboi*, v, i, 67, 68 (p. 169, col. 2).
The similarity is unmistakable. In Bossy the hero is spoken of as a
galley * rigg'd with quench * (ft curious but characteristic phrase) for
Tamyra's lust. In The Revenge his blood is said to be * too dry to
bleed any quench' to her blood (i.e. passion), and the likeness in
diction r- strengthened by the occurrence of the word 'lust 1 in the
fourth line of The Revenge passage. Such a likeness cannot, I think,
be accidental.
Now the interesting fact is that this likeness exists only between
The Revenge and the revised Bussy, In the 1&07 quarto of the latter
the line in question reads:
Thy ruftiii «Jallie, laden for thy lust,
in which the peculiar phrase 'quench for lust' is missing, the very
phrase that constitutes the main point of likeness between the passages.
Now one of two things must have taken place. Either the pa-
in Bmsy was revised before The Revenge was written, and Chapman
when writing this seem- in the latter, a scene in every way rcmini-
of the earlier wmk, u( which this passage elsewhere echoes the diction,
dooaly, of not, reproduced with slight changes the diction of B line
that was fresh in his mind; or else the revision of Bmsy was effected
after The Revenge at some indefinite date between 1613 and 1634, and
Chapman in this revision harked hark to The Revenge fat the phrase
'queaefa for lust/ The latter alternative seems to me, 1 am free to
say, so unlikely as to be psychologically impossible. If we accept the
first alternative, \v< have a simple process and a single connection
between Bussy and The jS Chapman used in the passage cited
140 The Date of Chapman's ' Bussy D'Amhois 1
from The Revenge a line which was fresh in his mind from his work in
revising Bmsy, as he used another line later on in the same passu lt',
which appears in both forms of Bmsy. If we reject this alternative
must imagine that Chapman first lifted a line from the first form
of Bnssy when composing The Revenge, and afterwards when revising
Bus$Jf burned back to The Revenge for the phrasing of a line re-
touched in this revision. Ther« can be little doubt, I think, as to which
process is the more likely to have occurred. Standing by itself, perhaps,
this argument would not be conclusive, but coming as it does, in the
wake of preceding indications and probabilities, it seems to me proof,
as decisive as we can expect to find in these ♦piestions, that Bussy was
revised before The Revenge was written.
Fortunately we can date the Revenge between comparatively narrow
limits. It was entered in the Stationers' Registers OD April 17, 1612,
and the title-page states that it had often been presented at Whitefriars.
We must therefore put its composition somewhere before 1612. More-
over, the episode of the seizure of Clermont, which occupies Acts m —
iv 3 is, as Mr Boas has shown (Bnssy t p. xxxiv, and pp. 318 — 319), taken
directly from Grimeston's General Inventory, 1007. This episode in
the original is a conclusion, or, so to speak, an epilogue to the tragic
story of the Duke of Biroji, and it is certainly most likely that
Chapman who need Grimes ton's work for his two plays on Biron
composed them first — they were on the stage early in 1008 — -and
rted to Grimeston later, when at a loss for material for The Revenge
of Bnssy. We are then, I think, quite safe in dating this play in 1610
or 161 1. If, therefore, the revision of Bossy preceded the composition
of the Revenge, this revision must date, at any rate, before 1611.. I
should imagine that it was brought about by the success of scandal
which attended his Byron plays, and which wuuld naturally suggest
to Field a profitable revival of Bnssy at his new theatre, Whitefriars, in
1010.
Summing up the whole matter then, I would say that a careful
examination of all the evidence connected with Bmsy D'Ambois points
cliarly to the conclusion that this play was composed in 1603-4 for
tin- Children at Blackfrtars and was revised in 1610 — after Byron
and before The Revenge — for the Children of the Queen's Revels at
Whitefriars 1 .
T* H. Parrott.
1 I have purposely avoided all reference in tin's urtiele to aesthetic teats, but I may say
in conclusion that a consideration of Um nitfMy developed blank verse, the grasp of
character, and the constructive dramatic ability revealed in Btt*gtj t seem to me to point
certainly to a composition of this play after, rather than before 1000.
NOTES ON SOME ENGLISH UNIVERSITY PLAYS.
RlCHARDUS Terth
By Dr T Legge, This play which has been frequently printed is
also preserved in manuscripts of Cains ( \>llege (125), Emmanuel College
(1. 3. 19), the University Library, Cambridge and the Bodleian (MS.
Tanner 306, fol. 42)* The last contains the first 'actio* only.
The play is dated in the University Library MS. 'Coinitii Baccha-
laiuv-ninii \.\\ 1579" [i.e., lo£{{]. This date is confirmed by the list of
ftctore riven in the Emmanuel MS. which shows also that the play was
acted at St John's College, The Bodleian MS. has also a list of actors
ami the appended note 'Acted in S r . John s Hall before the Earle of
Essex 17 March 1582* [presumably 158}} Two things are noticeable
about this note; first, that the list of actors agrees with that of the
Emmanuel MS. and therefore belongs to the year 15g#i secondly, that
the date ' 17 March 1582 ' is apparently in a different hand frum that
of the rest of the note. This is at least my own view, and it is partially
confirmed by Mr F. Madan of the Bodleian, who kindly replied to a
query OQ the subjeet r The date " 17 March 1582" may reasonably be
thought to be, if not in a different hand, yet added at another time by
the raribe of the play/ Under these eiretumtaooee I am disposed to
doubt whether my credit is to be given to this statement of date'. We
know that at the time of fche original performance Lord Essex was an
undergraduate in Cambridge, In the spring of 1583, so far u
iw. he was at his home in Peml ire.
VICTORIA.
A Latin Comedy (a 1 580) by Abraham Frainu-e (Bangs Mater ialien,
XIV). Since I published this play in UHMi, a good deal more has come
j ht about it. For what is more important I must refer the reader
to Professor Keller's review of the play on page 177, but I may perhaps
Mr <i. B. Churchill in Pafcwfra* x t p. 867, has queatiooed ita correctness, but not
noticed the difference of handwriting. Profeaaor Keller suggesta that the play was given
ligain in 1583 and this date wrongly added to the preceding note.
L42 Notes on some English University Platf*
take this opportunity of correcting an error in my Introduction, p. xxi,
where I speak— like better men before me — of Watson's Amyntas as
a translation of Tasso h Atttitita. Mr W. \\\ Greg reminds 016 that the
two works are quite different in character, Rfl he allowed in the Modem
LatUfuaff* Quarterly for Deo. 1904. With regard to the life of Fraunce,
I ought to have referred to the article Sidneian.V by Professor Koeppe]
in Anglia t x, 522; xi, 25. I should also have mentioned the reference
to Fraunce in Donne's St t tire VII {written after 1 003), addressed to
Sir Nicholas Smith of Larkbean , Exeter (ob, 1622):
Destroyed thy symbol is. dire mischance !
And O vile verse ! And yet our Abraham Fraunce
Writes thus, and jests m>t. (loud Fidus far this
Must pardon me. Satires bite vhet) they kiss.
' Fidus' is, I suppose, Sir Nicholas Smith, and it would therefore 86603
that Fraunce was a friend of Smith's and probably known to Donne also
Pedaxtius.
The following remarks are supplementary to my edition of this Latin
comedy published in 1905 (Bang's Mater ialiett, vin).
Perhaps Pedantias, IL 8482-4: * La urea et Lingua sunt etiam
fVnninini generis, sed lingua potissimum ' or Harington's reference to
tlit in in his note appended to Book xiv of his translation of Orlando
Fn rioso, suggested a passage in Bfarsfeon'B What you will, Act II, where
the Pedant — also commenting on 'Cedant arma togse, eoncedat lamva
linguae ' — asks * Why is lingua the feminine gender I ' and goes on ■ lingua
is declined with hsec the feminine because it is a household stuff,
particularly belonging and most commonly resident under the root' of
women's mouths.' I would suggest that there is another reference to
Pedantitts in the Pihjr image to Par missus (ed. Macray), '• 217, 'an ould
sober Dromeder* where for ' Dromeder we should read 'Dromidot.' We
may remember that Nashe in Strange News speaks of 'any Dromidote
Ergonist ' (no doubt with reference to Pedant ins). I would supplement
my account of the life of Edw T ard Forsett, the probable author of the
play, by pointing out that he was called as a witness to conversations
overheard in the Tower at the trial of the Jesuit Garnet on March 28,
1606, and that he is described in the State Trials as 'a man learned
and a justice of peace/ He had probably only lately been appointed
justice. In the Middlesejc Ses&iom Rolls, vol. II, VEdward Forsett esq.*
is shown as acting as a justice at various dates between Aug. 7,
4 James I (1606) and July 20, 20 James I (1622 P.
1 pp. 22, 34, 47, 61, 68, 70, 75, !>4, 116, 124, 167-
G. C. MOORE SMITH
L48
TlMON.
Ed. Dyce, 1842. This is clearly an academical play, but its
authorship, date and place uf production are nut known. I should be
inclined however to assign it to Cambridge and to the years 1,581-90.
In its satire of the rhetorician Derneas (n, 2) and the Aristotelian
philosophers Stilpo and Speusippus it resembles Pedindins, which in
my edition I have dated 1581. There is also a verbal coincidence
between the two plays which can hardly be accidental. In Timon u, 4,
Denieas is made l>« say: I an orator not an arator,' Pedantius speaks
similarly (L 1191): 'Sciebani me Oratorem, nan Aratorem. . .esee.' It
is obvious that the play on words is much more natural in Latin than
in English.
Psyche et pild Bros,
The Latin play to which I have given this name is found in the
Bodleian MS. 14688 (otherwise called Rawl. M8S. poet 171) fo. 60. It
[fl di -scribed as a tragedy ' de lugentis Anglia* facie/ from a line in the
Prologue :
Lugentis Aaglite ftuaeni dun fttttft pingerei.
The Bodleian cataloguer says it deals chiefly with the evils of heresy,
Bad apparently belongs to the reign of James I.
The following Argument of the play is given in the Prologue:
Psycho I) is qurttnor Alios erudieudug dedil
Tlielimati pedflgOga iuvcmnu ii Indlilget lusiruis
Own i>. omiriii monita, quod w beari enperct
Legeret e Pa!.st<> roeAm 1 , quinapril nam Kr*»ti IHio
Decrevit ctuntm, tfl Pactum mittitur. Mysas hoc tegrc dcvorat.
Pnelatmn Krota ekmitat et f rat rum amnios
Irritat stimuli* odil. $ed fniNtra Euj >•
Oam Thratto et ELpide ton tat ab Erate dinere,
Hint: dolos parat. oper* Thelimatis Erofa et comites capit.
Elpis evadcim laqueum bnc uuitri tuintiat.
M.ttt.-)- BOOltCM in union filioa trad it Philo^opho,
San i 1 1» hie marm prsectpit et fingit animos,
Bd pro<lit Thelima.
The characters in the piece are Thelima, Eros, Miaoa, Euphrosyne,
Thrasos, Orge, Elpis, Lype, Phobus, Psyche [Plnlosophus];
One might be at a loss to Bee how the allegory bears on the sad state
of England or the prevalence of heresy, but for the choruses nominally
attached to each of the five acts, but written together at the end of the
play.
1 Was the author acquainted with the Roman** of the -Row? In that poem (of which
the English version was then utttibi,. f to Chancer) the characters are mostly
allegorical, Idleness, Hatred, Bfeo., and the story is thnt of a lover who seeks to pluck a
me.
144
Notes on some English University P!<*ys
From these we see that Psyche is England, Eros the English
Catholics, Misos heresy.
Erotis achemate omnea Catholic) latent,
Hos Myaus precoit, Myaua quern faceresiu) nuncupo.
Thelima, the too-indulgent pedagogues is Free-will, Philosophus, I
suppose, the Pope, or the Church, Orge the popuhi'
Tbelima banc pestem Fovet,
Magnatum acandala tiroeat qui incuaat Tbelima.*.
Orgen (popuhim intelligo) movent
In mi tern Erota....
Erota geoientem inspice et Ofttholfottm videa
Viijctuin catenis deditum in Lypes carcerem.
Finally we get a passage which perhaps throws a little light on the
genesie of the play :
El pin evasit inanus cmenti My si,
Sic brereais rabiem pauci qui Bactim raodo
Tyberim aut Pvsuergam Inbunt, dot illis immeti hoQfll
In Anglian) reditu*.
' As Hope escaped the hands of bloody Hate, BO have those few escaped
the rage of heresy who now drink the waters of Baftis, Tiber or Pysuerga,
may heaven grant them an easy return to England/ The Ba^tis is the
Guadalquivir on which stands Seville, the Pisuerga is the river of
Valladolid which falls eventually into the Douro.
Having reached this point, I felt sure that the play emanated from
Seville or more probably VaUadoHd, as a Catholic sympathizer at a
distance would be hardly likely to introduce the non -classical name
Pisuerga, even if he knew it, into his Latin verse. But were there
communities of Catholic exiles at Seville and Valladolid such as to be
likely to give birth to the play ?
The question was soon answered. It appeared that under the
energetic direction of the Jesuit, Father Robert Parsons, little College
of English students were established at both places, that at Valladolid
in 1590, that at Seville in 1592. The Diary of the English College ftf
Douay 1 records undrr the year 1589: '8'" Maii. Hispaniain ad urbeiu
qiue Valladolid dicitur, lit ibi in semi nari urn coop ta rent ur; missi sunt
D, Henricus Fhu'dits diaconus, IX loazmee Blackphan et D. loannes
Boswell, S. Theologian studiosi/ A letter written by Father Parsons to
the Pope from Seville OC April 15, 1593 a , after speaking of the two
English colleges at Valladolid and Se s they contain more than
100 persons and every day the number goes on increasing. It states
1 Record* of the English Catholic*, t, 1H|H, a 984,
H Letters of Cardinal Alien itieeordt of the English Catholics) 1882.
G. C MOORE SMITH
145
moreover that Valladolid received a subsidy of 1700 scudi a year from
the King of Spain, while Seville received no such subsidy but was
supported by other charitable contributions. A paper of Father
William Holt 1 (1596) speaks of a third college which Father Parsons
had founded at St Orner (in 1594) for boys 'qui inde ad duo ilia
>► miliaria Hispanis mittuntur, and a letter of Dr Richard Barret* of
28 September, 1596, gives the then numbers of the stud rats. ' Hispali
[at Seville] in Hispania 70 et Valisoleti (at Valladolid) totidem
erudiuntmr: apud S lura Audoruarum (at St Omer'a) in Belgio 40 sub
eadem societal ,e.'
We get a vivid picture of the community at Valladolid to a pamphlet
called * A Relation of the King of Spaines Receiving in Valliodolid and
in the Inglish College of the same towne in August last paste of this
ycre 1592. Wry ten by an Inglish Priest of the same College. Anno
1592.' (No place or printer.) Even at that date the college had risen
'froin six or seaven persons that began the same onto above seven tie.'
It had even incurred the notice of Queen Elizabeth and Lord Burleigh;
and the Royal Proclamation of November, 1591, had told how 'the King
rf Spaim.,,had dealt with Cardinal Allen and father Persons to gather
together.. .upon his charges a multitude of dissolute youth to begin this
Seminarie of Valliodolid and others in Spain/ Such u d< ascription of
khe inmates of the college is repudiated by the Valladolid chronicler;
!ot«>r of the students, ho says, are of such houses and families at home
bey might have .lived with great commodotie of temporal estate in
• ud and divers others come that be their fathers heirs, or onelte
children, and those of the principal I gentrie within OUT land, others
brought up and in the waie of good pnefermeni in... Oxford and Cam-
bridge. 1 They aiv burning with zeal to return to England and gain the
'i of martyrdom, but they are not neglecting their studies: and at
Hie Kind's visit on August 3, they were able feo I him in ken
languages, Hebrew, Clreck, Latin, English, Welsh. Scottish (i.e. lo\v-
Soote), French, Italian, Spanish, and Flemish. This pamphlet was
translated into Spanish. ''Relation do un Saeerdoh Ingles. ..Traduzida
de Ingles m < .'ash-llano par Thomas Eelesal cauallero Ingles. En
Madrid, Pot Pedro Madrigal 1592/ In the B#>liotkiqu4 de la com-
<edeJ4ms which contains this entry, khe following note i* appended
to it: 'A la fin il y a del composition en prose m
latin, anglais, gal lnjs r ocn- ticaia, italien, eastillan et rlamand \
1 Record* tH H E, p. 378*
• Ik, p. 386.
146 V tes on some English University Plays
nuus le traductt'tir tlit qu'il ne donne pas celles qui out etc comp-
el! hebrca et en grec, parce que Fiinprimeur ne possede pas de
e&nicteiv (lo the English book, these compositions are
D in the original tongues, — merely brief extracts in French,
isih and Italian.)
it from this scholarly And interesting community of English
B 1 that the tragedy (or perhaps tragi-conu'dy) Psyche et jilii ejus
i W$ know that the acting of Latin plays of a serious kind
prescribed by the Jesuits as a part of their educational system.
Their Initio Stadiorutn directti rhat the subject of the tragedies and
(which shuulcl be in Latin and only given at rare intervals)
should be sacred and pious, that there should be no interlude between
the acts which is not in Latin and of a seemly kind: that no female
character or actor should be introduced/ M. Qofflot bflB BOme inu resting
chapters on plays given in Jesuit schools in France up to 1784* Al! feO
its date I see no reason why it may not have been written before the
end of Elizabeth's reign t though the English College at Valladolid
continued to exist as a Jesuit institution till the suppreedon of the
Order in 1778*. It is now, as I am informed by Father Kdmond N<uan,
S. J., a * Royal ' College, of which the Rector is appointed by the King
of Spain from a list presented to him by the English bishops.
Lingua,
The anonymous English oomedj Lingua was first printed in 1607-
There has been, however, a good deal of dispute as to the date of its
composition.
On the one hand internal evidence supports Haringtons statement'
that it was written by Thomas Totnkis of Trinity College, Cambridge,
who graduated in 160$ and who was the author of Allnimazar (1615)
and I think of Pathomavhin (about 1616). But in spite of Mr Fleay's
denial, Luif/na appears to have been written before the close of the
reign of Elizabeth* and to contain an allusion to events which can
1 Ur Li story from 1"»S9 to 1615 if recorded by Father Black fan in dtmak* Go l ltftt
S. A thin* hi Oppido VvUwUUi printed in 1899 anil very kindly sent ine by Father Herbert
Thurston, S. J, The annals throw DO light however on the authorship of the play.
a Le The Mr* m fetilft. Paris, 1907,
:l & L. Taunton. 7 fa Ftttjttmd, p. 473* Much information about the early
history of the College is to be found in this work.
* Brit. Mus. Add. MSS, STABS, printed by Dr Fnrnivall in Note* and Queries 7th Series,
ix, 382.
""bis was pointed out by Dr A. W. Ward, Hht**rtj of Eng. Dram. Lit. n, p. 152.
(;, C, MOORE SMITH
145
hardly have been in Tomkis's recollection. 1 refer especially to a
passage in Act in, 8c. 5 (I quote from the edition of 1(157):
But what profitable service do you undertake for OUT dl
t^ueen Pv/c/h' I
Lingua. how 1 am rrvishr to think how infinitely she hath graced me vvitli
her most acceptable service. But above all (which you Master Register may well
remember) irbao her Highnesse taking my mouth for ber instrument, with the Bow
of my tongue strucke ao heavenly a touch upon my teeth, that she charmed the
v* rv Tigers asleep, the list ni tig Bears and Lions to couch at her feet, while the
Hills leaped, and the Woods danced to the sweet harmony of Ikt lati.sl Angelica]
accents.
Memory* I remember it very well. Orphewt played upon the II am wfaik
sang, about some four yean after the contention betwixt Apollo and An*, and
a little before the excoriation of ifeirtfCbi,
An< By tin- sun*- token tin- River A ?/*?*< */*, at that time pursuing bi«
beloved Ar*ffti/<<t % disehinetd himself of his former course to be ]iartaker of their
admirable ooiwort, and the musiok being ended, thrust himself headlong into earth,
the next way to follow his amorous Chart j if you go to Arcadia^ you shall see his
coming up again.
In interpreting this passage, it is the last speech which gives the
clue. H«n we have it dearly implied that on the occasion referred bo
when the Queen's words had so charmed her hearers, Sif Philip Sidney
present, though in order to be there he had had to desist (torn his
pursuit of Stella, and that when the royal ceremony was over, lie had
retired from the world to follow Love's qnest, and that the result was
to be seen in his Arcadia. Sidney seems to have written most of the
Arcadia in 1581 at Wilton dazing the months in which he was banished
from Court, Tins is probably how we are to interpret the allegorical
Blent that * Alpheus... thrust himself headlong into earth." Assum-
ing (as we are justified in doing if Tomkia was its author) thai Lingua
was a play acted at the University of Cambridge, what was the occasion
which tin dramatist speaks of, when the Queen made a speech 1 It
must have been, we remember, not long before 1580. I conclude that
it was when the University officially visited the Queen's Court at
Andley End on Sunday July 27, 1578, and * when the Oracion [of the
Public Orator] was elided, she rendryed and gave most hartie thanks,
promiseing to be mindful of the Universitie and so*,. departed out of
the chambre 1 /
If this is so, there are other allusions in Memory's speech which
more difficult to explain. Who is meant by Orpheus t Is it Spenser
do QOt even know that he was present at Andley End, though as
Sidney and Harvey were there, it is possible. What by 'the con ton -
Cooper's Annul*, p. HiVl.
148
Note* tm some English Unhersity Pteg*
tion betwixt Apollo and Pan * which had taken place tour years before ?
What by the 'excoriation of Marsyas' which occurred a little later? I
ran only suggest that the OOBtetttioil between Apollo and Pan refers to
the Whiten ft -Cartwright controversy of 1572, 157*3, or to the MftflffllHT
of St Bartholomew, 1572 1 , and the 'excoriation of Marsyas' to the
M.u[ii< latr controversy of 1589, If so, the authors dating is very I
But Tomkis was a child at the time of the Audley End visit, and unless
he was born in Cambridge or the neighbourhood, could hardly have
been present at any part of the ceremonies, especially at the Queen's
reception of the University,
If Lingua was written in 1602, it would be natural to find in it some
points of contact with Club Law, written, as I have elsewhere argued,
about 1600, and the contemporary Parnas&US Plays. Perhaps such are
to be found. In fi, 1 we have a reference to 'Gulono the gutty Serjeant,
OT Delphino the Vintner.' The latter words seem to point to the host
of the Dolphin Inn at Cambridge, the former perhaps indicate the
sergeant of the Mayor of Cambridge who appears in Club Law as Puff
(called, L 157/ the fatt Sargeant'). We may also perhaps see references
to the satire of particular persona, so conspicuous in Club Law and to a
less extent in the Parnassus Plays, when the author of Lingua exclaims
(U, 4) 'O times! O manners! when Boyes dare to traduce Men in
authority,' and again (iv, 2) l UomQBdu8**.lB become now a daies some-
thing numerous and too too Satyrical, up and down like his great
grand-father Aristophanes.' There is an echo of the theme of the
P&rMX88U$ Plays in v, lo* where it is said of* the nurslings of the Sisters
nine 1 'their industry was i I rewarded, Better to sleep then wake
and boy] for nothing/ The words at the end of v, 1!> l 'tis best to repair
to our Lodgings' again recall the frequent use of ' our lodgi
(« •college") in Club Lttw. while the names Prodigo, Inamorato, and more
especially Gnllio recall the Parnassus Plays.
In the passage (IV, rj) 'I set a douzen maids to atire a boy like a
nice (oath -woman, but there is such ...stir with. ,, Part lets, Frislets,
Handle ts, Fillets, Crosletej Pendulets, Amulets, Annulets, Bracelets, and
so many lets, that yet she is scarce drest to the girdle ' we cannot help
seeing a reminiscence of Hey wood's Four PA\ \
PatdtoMr. 1 pray you tell ine what causeth this:
That women, after their arising,
Be ao long in their apptnliiiiffl
Pediar. FoffBOOtk WOtneu have nmuy Jets,,,
As I rem tie ts, filleto) paiilata^ and DC
1 The contention between Apollo and Pan in Ljly's Mitltix which perhaps augp
thi* paaMgfl seems to figure the struggle between ProteBtauuVtxi and Catholicism.
<;. C. MOORE SMITH
149
There are more dubious imitations of Shakespeare. Compare Julius
Caesar, II, 4 T 1, etc. with Lingua, I, 2 :
Lingua. Run, you vile Ape.
J/>v Whither f
What? dost thou stand I
M> ■». Till I know what to do,
and Midsummer Night's Dream, v, 1, 305, etc. with Lingua, v, 16 'Am
I not dead ? is not my wool departed V In Lingua, v, 4:
Pots and Candlesticks,
J.irrd st<..»ls and Trencher*) flie about the room.
Lake to the Ulourfy banquet of the (Vnt i
there is perhaps an allusion to some play on the * battle of the Centaurs,*
■ ►in- of the subjects proposed for representation before Theseus (M, N. lh,
V, I, 44).
Fathom ALHi a,
P&tkomaehia or The Battel! of Affections [afterwards Pathomackia
Of L&U4S L'ittf/t'-stinu\ running title Loues Load-stone] shadowed by a
faiffned siedge of the titi$ Pathopotis, Written some geeres Jlnce, ami
it*,ir just puhtished ht/ a Friend if the decea/J'ed Author* London.
Printed by Thoe. & Rich. Coats for F ram-is Constable,... 1630, Dedi-
cated by F. Constable to Henry... Earle of Dover.
I think that this play is by the author of Lingua, i.e. presumably
Thomas Tomkis, the author of Albumasar\ It is a University play
(<)»- p. 5, as if one should aske how many Colledges or Halles there
be in the Yniuersith ), and apparently to be dated soon nth ft file
Performances of Alimmazar and Ignoramus in March, 1615. It has
references to the Gunpowder Plot (1(305), to Coryat (Coryat's Oruditiss
published Kill), to the assassination of Henry IV ( 1610), to the doctrine
of equivocation (made notorious at Garuett T s trial in (006 and eiiuueiated
by Parsons in 16*07), to the siege of i hstende (1601-4) t und to Ignoramus
(p, 27/ If I get within your Cony-burrow o- I -hall disgrace you like
Ignoramus'), The resemblance of the play to Lingua is striking and is
pointed out by tlu author: (p. 2, Pride, 'it were fit now to renews
the claime to our old title of Affections which we haue lost, as some-
times Madame Lingua did to the Title <,1 a S. n ■> , p. Ill, 'By that
sophistry Madame Lingua might sue RS well lor the office of an Affection
as of a. Soner ). These illusions suggest that Lingua had be.-n recently
played. We may remettiber that a third edition appeared to ibiT,
1 wrute thin, 1 have IMC in tin.- preface to the play in HazliU-DcKMey, ix,
p. 3a:^ t thut Winetauley assigned this piece to the author of Lingua*
150
Notes on some English University Plays
There is a MS. of the play in the Bodleian (Eng. Misc. e. 5) headed
1 Uaffo^axta or loues loadestone/ It is imperfect at the end, having
about 10 or 17 of the printed lines. It differs from the printed
in some small points, but espi.-cia.lly in containing an 'alphabetical
beadrole of Prides names,' most of which was cat out by the editor
of the printed book. While the latter gives 'Antoniastro Adrino
Alexandrino BeUarmioo Baronio Bombo, 1 the MS. adds to the last words
1 Brecnock.' This is probably a local Cambridge allusion, as Brecknock
is a chief character in Cluh Law (acted about 1800), whom in my edition
of that play I have identified rightly or wrongly with one Robert
Wallis. One would expect in a play written just after IgnaromuB thai
1 in <<kn<H-k would here represent VBrakyn ' the Cambridge Recorder,
After this the MS, proceeds to run through the alphabet from Sir Belialo
Bezeco Belzebub to S r , Ze&l&mimo Zanzuminitn Zaine. Some of the
titles are worth notice. Thus Ejoriato Knauemgrane' ('knave in
grain") is another hit at Coryat, and { Owennisi ' is probably a reference
to John (Jwen t a Roman Catholic of Godfltow, who achieve
notoriety in 1615 by being charged with using the treasonable ex-
ikffl that it was lawful to kill the king since be was excommunicate ;
and having sentence of death passed on him therefor 1 *
If it is agreed that Pitthomacfna and Lingua are the work of tin
Bame author, we may see in the scornful references to Coryat in
Pathomachia a fresh reason for attributing Lingua to Thomas Tomkis,
the author of Alhumazar. In Albumazar Coryat was also ridiculed :
Ron. Look you there, what now |
Pun. Who? 1 see Dover Pier, a man now lauding
Boded by two porters, that seem to grojin
lender the burden of two loads of papier.
Ron, That 1 * Coriatus IVisi< 3Ufl and fe observations
Of Asia and Afric. (Act t, ac. 3.)*
I suggest that Lingua was revived in Kil6 or 1617 and Pathomackia
acted at the same time or a year later. In this case the tradition that
Oliver Cromwell played in Lingua may be trustworthy. He went up
to Cambridge in 1616,
We learn also from the title-page of Pathomachia (if we may depend
on it) that Tomkis had died by the year 1030.
1 Bee D.N*B, under ' Owen, George./
3 The reference here aecms not to be the Cruditiet which are confined to a tour in
Europe made in 1408, bat to Coryat 'a more extended travels in Egypt and Asia on which
he entered in Ul! 4 2. The return to Do?er is a flight of poetical imagination, ae Coryat
never returned but died at JSurat in India in 1017,
O. C. MOORE SMITH
151
This English piny
Antipoe.
is MS. 31041 in the Bodleian. It is beaded
'The tragedye of Antipoe with other poeticull verses written by mee
Nic° Leatt Jim. in Allicant In June 1622/ Nicolas Leatt (who also
writes his name in cipher on the first page) was only the scribe : tin-
author was Francis Verney who dedicates his play to King James I
(/Illustrissimo principi inagmc Britannia,,. Yo r graces most aftectiona**
servant to command Francis Vemey*}. Another letter 'Ad Lectorem'
is also signed Francis Verney. I imagine that the author of the play
is to be identified with a remarkable character Sir Francis Verney
whose life is given in the Diction art/ of National Biography. This
Verney matriculated in 1G00 at the age of 15 from Trinity College,
Oxford, but never graduated. He had been wronged by his stepmother
as a boy and trapped into a niarriaev, and failing to obtain redress sold
his property in 1607 and became a buccaneer in the Mediterranean,
ilr died in 1615. It is curious that the play should have been tran-
scribed in 1622 at Alicant. Had Leatt somehow in the Mediterranean
become possessed of Verney s papers 1
If this Francis Verney wrote Antipoe, its date is probably about
Mink It was perhaps an attempt to interest the King in his wrongs.
The play is written in English couplet- verse, with the exception of
some songs, each of which has the same rime running through each
stanza. It is an extremely crude and boyish production. About a
dozen people kill themselves one after the other at the end of the
tragedy. Whether it was acted one cannot say, but the Prologue
ftflsumee an audience (Von bravo assembly that doe here attend'). The
dedication to the King, especially the form in which the author
describes himself ('Yo r graces most affectiona 1 * servant to command'),
would hardly have been ventured on by a young student who was not of
good family and are thus evidence for the author being the Sir Francis
Verney whose life is given in the IKN.B.
Zklottpue
From the cast given in the Emmanuel College MS., 8. 1. 17, this play
appears to have been acted at St John's College, Cambridge, in 1G0&.
Exchan<;i: Ware.
Ware at tlte second hand, viz, Boial, I info and Cuffe,
lately uut find no & rp. Or A diatogufi ousted in a shew
in the famous Vnieer.titie of ChtmbridgB, The second edition London
152
Totes on some English University Plays
(W t Stansbt/} 1(115. (Reprinted by Halliwell in Contributions to Early
English Literature, 1849, 4.) Phis is a piece of the same character
and apparently by the same hand as Worke for Cutlers, Or a merry
Dialogue betweene Swortl, Rapier and Dagger. Acted in a shew m the
fa moits Vniversitie of Cambridge (T. Creede) 1616 (reprinted by
Mr Sieveking, 11)04). Mr Sii-v^king attributes Works far Cutlers to
Thomas Heywood, but does not take Exchange Ware into consideration,
A MS. of Saohange War* forms the first piece in Add, MSS,
(British Museum) 23723 (* Dramatic Pieces OH the visits of James I to
Cambridge'). Mr R H M^Kerrow has kindly looked at it at my
request, and tells me that it omita the Introductory Fart of the
Interlude and begins ' Enter Band and Gaffe. B. Cufie where art
thou V The MS. however begins at p. 353, being apparently the last
t \ w leaves of a Commonplace Book, and as this piece comes first, it is
possible that the Introduction has been lost, Mr M^Kenow says that
the MS. differs but slightly from the printed text, the chief differ
being in speech 32, where the words * But doe you heare, we will fight
single, you shall not be double Band ' are crossed through, and the
following (not in the printed text) written below : ' B. Well He ineete
yrni. but we will fight single, you shall not come double ruffe 1 ins
though the writer had tried to improve the play while copying it out).
I imagine that both Exchange Ware and Worke fir Cutler*', being
alike so short, were played as Interludes in the course of some of the
longer plays performed before King James an his earlier visn
Cambridge in 1615 1 .
Fraus Honesta.
By Edmund Stub, From the cast of the play given in the
Emmanuel College MS., 3. 1. 17, it would seem to have been acted at
Trinity College, Cambridge, in 161|. The MS. has the note Si ^ r
Florentiai decimo die Februarii, 1616/ but apparently this in a different
hand from the cast. The MS. adds 'Authore M° Stubbe Collegij
Trinitatis socio.' Stub did not become Master of Arts till 1618.
Fr.'US 8IVE HlSTRlOMASTIX.
There are two manuscripts of this Comedy, one at the Bodleian
(RawL poet, 21), the other in the Lambeth Palace Library (No. 838).
The play was classed among Oxford plays by Mr Fleay fi T apparently
1 The Ratio Sttaliorum of the Jeswita mentions, with tragedies and comedies, interludes
between the ads : and in an account of the performance of a play, Thd Comvmoii of
St Ignatim, at the Jesuit College of Pont-a-Moiisson in U\2H we are told definitely Vil y eut
des interroedes entre cbaque arte ' (Gofflot, Lr Theatre au ColUoe t p. 138).
2 Biographical Chronicle, it, 360.
G. C. MOORE SMITH
153
because the Bodleian possessed the only manuscript known to him.
The list oi" performers affixed to the dramatis persona 1 in the Lambeth
IfS. proves, however, that the play was acted by men of Queens' College,
Cambridge, about March 1623. The part of 'Hirsutus 1 was taken by
Peter Hausted, afterwards tYllow of Quins' and the author of The
Rival Friend*, Senile Odium and possibly Senilis Amor. The chief
part — that of ' ' Fucus,' a hypocritical Puritan minister — was taken by
'Mr Ward': who, as we learn from another source, was the author.
William Beale, Fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge (afterwards Master
ssively of Jesus and St Johns Colleges), writes from Cambridge
on Jan. 24, 162}, to William Boswell, Secretary to the Lord Keeper,
Westminster: 'cormedia hnbenda est novissime a nostratibus Jesunnis;
et iam scemr omiies in aetu sunt quotidiano. Gernina enitKedia in
fieri est, BOO quidcin et in agi, apud Trinitarios : autoribus Hacket, et
be: lepidis Jupiter et comicissimis. Altera pol excudenda exelu-
denda [sic] a Wardo rjuodain Reginali Artium magistro et quidem
lepidarum 1 .' Racket's play was Lmola. If Stubs' play was dim -rent
and he was not merely a part-author with Hacket (the phrase ' gemina
coincedia' being rather ambiguous) it was probably not his well-known
Fraus honesta (which was acted earlier) but another. For the Jesus
play, see the next n^
Both MSS. >>t Fucus •t.ntain two Ptologuefl and two Epilogues, the
latter Prologue and Epilogue being written for a performance b
the King 5 . The Bodleian MS. is far more carefully written, but the
in th MS. appears i<> give the text ae revised for the perfora
re royalty. Besides having a number of small all-
in the last scene of Act I of
niea 8j>ectacula...
Qtue ipe* Ac&detn; baruot lamina
Buaquc turn seme] prasentia hmicsUrit princeps augustiHsiruiiH.
Here the Bodleian version bas merely;
Qua luoairtA Academics approbarutit saspuis
Ki pmwmtJfl honestarunt sua.
The date at which Fur perforated before the King (whether
Jam* - a little obscure. We know that King Jamea
d Cambridge on March tS r 18Sf y and then saw Lofofa at Trinity.
But he does not appear to have Been any other play at that time.
r$, Domeitic, Addenda 1580—1688 (vol xint, 1), The abstract of Uii
paper nrintad In the Gataadtx Ei way inaooarafts,
I lie second Epilogue in the Bodleian MS, is headed * Epilogue posterior coram
Beg* ■
M. L. i
11
154 Xotes <m some Exgtfitk University P1a*f*
BLowerer he ome oxer from XewmarkeL and if Fwrue had had a
aoooessfol performance aa Cu&bbdge just at that tame, it is quite likely
thai the actors were ixrrib&d *& give a second performance at Xewmarket.
The Lambeth US. while giving the two Protagnes and EpOogues only
grres «ne list </ players and doe* not speedy at which perf ormance
they aefced. One would therefore oaocmde thai the same actors took
part in berth p ttiuf i nrrr and presmahhr the performances came very
A fitaie addixxnal diftkmhy k csnsed by the met that the Bodleian
MS. after the wxxd Fink' has the dale 1616 * or * 1610 V It is written
howerw in another hand to that of the rea of the MS. and is possibly
jud error. Dr Beaie s letter shows thai Mr Ward oi Queens' was
engaged <n his play in January 162f and makes it dear that Dr Beale
at anr rase thought he was doing something more than patching up a
comedy which had hem acted some years before. The text of the
Bodleian fiay is. as we hare seen, that ot the play as presented before
the King. It is not likely that to this play there should be appended
a extemporary date referring to an earlier performance.
Amllstts parextaxs.
This play is thus described by Fleay, under the name 'Peter Mease ':
'Jtfnuta /wwfa** «W Vindicta^ Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 10,417. Dedi-
cated to Lancelot Andre wes. Bishop of Winchester. Plot from Herodotus.
The date must lie between 161S and 1627/ Mr M c Kerrow tells me,
however* that the MS* has 'Adrastus* not 'Adrasta/ The records of
the Cambridge University Registry show that Peter Mease matriculated
aa a ainar of Jesus College on April 16, 1614, became BJL 161|, M.A.
1631* SXl\ 1628 and IVbendary of Southwell 1631. We may assume
therefore that vidmsta? par**ta*$ was a Jesus College play, the only
one aurviving in connexion with that College. The statement of
l>r Hoalo quoted in the previous note that a * comedy* was being
ivhenraod at Joau* in January 162§ is confirmed by an entry in the
iVIIojfo mvounta for 1628, kindly commimicated to me by Mr Arthur
Uwv ' ' R*r mending Mr Jcnks window broken at ye comodie Ad!
«(if»M«#i«« % Iming a tragedy* can hardly however be identified with this
\\\\\y and the only other reference to plays in the College accounts of
lhe*e \ear* { y 16 IS, To Uond for the common plaie') seems also
liM|»|»lieahle.
» U lw* M*»mM*H,* Ihhmi %va\l v \*\iV Mr V\ Madan. however, Trho has kindly examined
It \\k\ tm>. MtMt«« ltu» \\*to i» WUV
G, C. MOORE SMITH
155
Veksjpellis.
This play, of which the cast is given in Baker's Biographia. Dramatica
from a MS, which had belonged to Thomas Pestell, one of the actors,
appears to have been acted at Queens' College, Cambridge, in 163J,
This agrees with the date on the MS. g 1631/ Another of the actors is
William Johnson, author of VaUtttdinQrimto, acted at Queens' College,
February i\ r 163|,
COKMBSOK,
This Latin play ti MS. 1 4^7 1 (HE Bwri port. 77) in the Bodleian.
It is dedicated by the author Thomas Sparrowe to a Bishop unnamed,
who had probably sent him to College ('Episcope Reverende! Patrone ! ■
* Alumnus wster humilis T ), The Matriculation lists of the University
of Oxford do not include any 'Thomas Sparrow,' but at Cambridge (aa
I am kindly informed by the Registrary) Thomas Sparrow matriculated
pensioner of St John's College on March 22, 16§§, and took the
degree of Bachelor of Arts as * Thomas Sparrowe' in 1632 (that is,
Iti'Jjj), The oomedy is therefore probably to be dated about 1634
Unfortunately the Admission Lists of St Johns College begin just
too late (Jan, 1, If);;') tu include Sparrows nann .
The play contains what appears to be a reference to A Midsummer
M's Dream \
Ab Oberooe Lemma m
Cimeriorum Regulo
Veni gpaoifttor lueuuzn
lllius juami Robbio.
Nunc Cuiifl mine Aooipltor
Et homo oasc oiiambulo,
Nunc equi forum i minor
Et levis* circumcursito,
and also an apparent allusion to Lyly's Sappho and Phao :
Phfttmom regitifi Sappho deperib&t.
FhAUS PI A.
Sloane MS* 1855, art. 3. The reference to Smcctymnuus ill the
Prologue fixes the date as 1640 or after. Whether the play was
need at Oxford or Cambridge is not clear. There is an indirect
rence to Cambridge in Act v. S<\ 3:
Nam Ofl audit ?
Sconce, ita domino : mi ruin in tnodum
litcris instruct us, quern, lioot nunquam
Acadeiniam apptlli£| sutor quidnm
NovanghcuM rit.
11—2
156 Notes on some English University Plays
But this little hit at the Cambridge in New England may well have
come from an Oxford pen. In the next scene there are some topical
allusions :
strenuo impugnando sacratse Monarchies
usque ad raucedinem sed gratias Amnestiae...
communium jprecum codioem sancte lacerasse,
fenestras vanegatas me coelo violasse.
The statement about * attacking monarchy, thanks to the amnesty *
seems to point to a post-restoration date. At any rate I am not aware
of any date before the Commonwealth when it would be applicable.
The ' amnesty ' in this case would mean the Declaration of Breda or
the Act of Indemnity of 1660.
The Bursar's book of Trinity College, Cambridge, has no reference
to the performance of a College play between 1642 'Dr Cooley's
Comedy' and 166£ when we find the entry 'To Mr Hill senio r for ye
expences of ye stage and other charges for ye Latine Comedie £20. 0. 0.'
Whether this Latin comedy was Fraus pia is of course doubtful. But
I imagine that Fraus pia was performed about this time in one
University or the other.
G. C. Moore Smith.
ITE AND THE 'GOSPEL OF BARNABAS/
The Clarendon Press has recently published an Editio princeps of
the Mohammedan Gospel of Barvabax from an unique MS. of the
hitter half of the sixteenth century in the Imperial Library at Vienna 1 ,
This document — apart from its theological and dogmatic importance —
should pTOVe to be of considerable interest to students of Italian
literature, as well on account of its grammatical and orthographic
as fur the positive literary merits which not infrequently
iv ft le in general somewhat rough and bald.
The task of preparing for the press a translation of this remarkable
document could not fail to bring before one's mind certain points of
contact with Dante, more especially as the curious archaic Italian in
which the ' Gospel ' is written lends itself" in a certain measure, to verbal
coincidences and quasi-coincidences with passages in tlu poet's writings.
The*] (Mints of contact which will be adduced in the present paper are
none the less interesting because the date of the oiiginal Oospel of
\aboi still remains, to a certain extent, an open question, and with
it also the nature of the relations, direct or indirect, that may have
subsisted between its compiler and the author of the Divina Commedia*
But first a WOtd is due about the character and scope of this very
apocryphal Gospel The MS., as we have already suggested, is of com-
paratively recent date. Paper, binding, and orthography all combine
ipt to pi M.t, as its eighteenth century critics stro-
ll, in the fifteenth century, or rarlier, but— in the latter half of
sixteenth century 2 , It is, however, of comae possible that the
:iL t \>ole\ may be a ei»py of an earlier MS. : and, eiiriously enough,
l tit- strongest arguments for this earlier original arises, as w.
shall shortly see. Out of an Apparent the famous Jubilee
of 1800 a.d. which looms so large in Dam ud writings.
1 T- liarnabii*. Edited and translated from the Italian MS. in the Imperial
Library at Vienna by Lonsdale and Laura Bagg. Oxford, 1!M)7.
I Introduction to Oxford Ed., pp. xiii tq. and xliii.
158
Dante and the 4 Gospel of Barnabas '
The book is a frankly Mohammedan Gospel, giving a full, but
garbled, story 7 of the life and teaching of Jesus Christ, from a Moslem
point of view* lb claims to have been written by Saint Barn
(who figures in it as one of the Twelve — to the exclusion of poor
it Thomas !) at the injunction of his Master, for the express purpose
of combating the errors taught by Saint Paul and others. These errors
are summed up under three heads: (1) the doctrine that Jesus is Son
of God, (2) the rejection of Circumcision, and (3) the permission to eat
unclean meats. Of these thr n> the first is regarded as of the
greatest importance; and not only is the Gospel narrative opntorted
and expurgated to suit the writer's purpose, but Christ Himself is
made repeatedly to deny his own Divinity and even his Mfwriahftfaip,
and to predict the advent of Mohammed, the 'Messenger pSQ(A!
About two-thirds of the material is derived, without question, from
our four Canonical Gospels, of which a decidedly unscientific * harmony '
forms the framework of Barnabas' narrative ; the remaining third,
Avhich takes the form of discourses put into the mouth of Christ, is
purely oriental in character, and largely an elaboration of germs or hints
to be found in the Koran or in Jewish tradition. It is on this section
of the book that the Dantist's interest will be concentrated.
The brief words of awful solemnity in which the Gospels speak of
the doom of the lost are supplemented in Barnabas by elaborate de-
scriptions of infernal torments which, whencesoever ultimately derived,
are expressed in terms which exhibit remarkable coincidences with the
Inferno and Purgatorio of Dante. Mohammed's two favourite bhemefl
were, the final Judgment and the horrors of Hell on the one hand,
and, on the other, the delights of Paradise. And the second theme
is treated in Barnabas almost as fully as the first, The Pai
Barnabas has perhaps little in common with the Earthly Paradise of
Dante, and still less with the Celestial ; but it gives our author scope
for an excursion into the realms of astronomy, whereby he finds him-
self (perhaps unconsciously), at the end of his journey, much D
Dante's scheme of the Ten Heavens than to the normal tradition of
the Jews and Arabs,
It will be convenient to deal first with this teaching GO Paradise,
secondly with the Itt/erno of Barnabas, and thirdly with certain verbal
and other points of contact between Barnabas and Unite: concluding
with some more general considerations regarding the torn.' and colouring
of the 1 Gospel'
It would be strange if the Paradise of Barnabas had not some features
LONSDALE RAGG
159
in common with Dante's. Man's dreams of an ideal resting-place
whether past or future have a tendency to express themselves in terms
of greensward and flowers and luscious fruits, cool streams and sunshine
tempered by refreshing shade. The name ■ Paradise ' itself means * park '
or *plaisance' as we know, and though Barnabas is not conspicuously
happy when he poses as an etymologist V, the connotation of the word
was too securely established alike in Moslem and in Christian tradition
to admit of much variation. Paradise, of course, has two different
meanings in Dante, and the same is true of its use in Damn has ; but
inasmuch as the distinction in the latter is not expressly marked, it
will be convenient for our purpose to group together the conceptions
of the Earthly and the Celestial Paradise. In Barnabas, as in Dante,
the name is applied to the scene of mans creation,
il loco
Fatto per proprio dell 5 uniana spece a ,
and of his temptation, fall and expulsion :i . In both again it is used
also of the eternal home of God, the good angels and redeemed man-
kind 4 . Speaking generally, the main features of the Paradise of
Barnabas resemble more closely those of Dante's Earthly Paradise;
while its position in the scheme of the universe corresponds rath* I
that of the Celestial Paradise of Dante. Thus the four perfumed
riven* of this * Gospel/ though derived, almost certainly, from the Koran,
correspond, in a sense, to the miraculously clear and limpid stream
which arrested the poet's proi while its profusion of Hewers and
fruits 7 recall the scene pourtrayed in Virgil'fl parting words:
.,.!' erl»ettn, i Mori e gli ftrfaoSOeQl 9 ,
and
Li gnm n dei freachi mai",
which drew Dante's wondering eyes across the stream to where Matelda
tripped singing through the painted meadow:
Hkdo ed isoegliemln tier da fiore
Ond' era pinta tutta la sua via 10 .
m, a somewhat terse definition of Paradise in Barnabas reminds
OOe ill shorter phrase of Dante's, The author of the De
1 As (ur hftltooi in hli 1 1 • I l ■ 1 1 1 1 • ■ i ■! tho word * Phftri >eo propio uolU dire
cercha DIO tutu* lintjtjna di chumtitm* {l><nmit>/ix } 157*).
* Par. i, Barn, io*, iq 4
L1 Vnnj, xivm, (M dkdof. Bam. i\ %
189*. Of, (fttt ft&gl XX, 102.
mi 180*, Koran, Surah xlvii. Tlio it, lOsqi].
■iq. ' J:<trn. 1*7*. 180*. my. xxvn, 184.
9 J'< iil Punt, xxvin, 11, It,
160
Dante and the f Gospel of Baimabas'
Vulgari Eloquentia describes the home which man forfeited by his
first sin as i delitiarum patria 1 ' ; while far Barnabas, ; II panadisso he
chassa done Dio chonsserva le sui dclitie*'; or, as be puts it further
on, ' DIG ha ehreato il parradisso per chassa delle Btti deliti-
But the heavenly Paradise of tlie Empyrean is also described by
Dante in material phrase as 'Gods garden/ ' Questo giardino 1 * is the
name by which Saint Bernard designates the Mystic Rose, as he
unveils its mysteries to Dante ; and already in the Eighth Heaven
Beatrice had essayed to divert the Poet's gaze from her own loveliness
...al bel giardino
Che aotto i raggi di Criato s l infiora 6 .
Here we may note that in Barnabas* God (nob Christ, of course) is
the sun of Paradise, while Mohammed is its moon.
But there is another passage in the Paradisa, where Dante himself
is speaking in answer to Saint John's catechizing ; a passage which
may well detain us a little longer. Here Paradise is described in so
many words, as the ' Garden of the Eternal Gardener ' :
Le fronde onde a' infroudii tutto V or to
Dell* ortolano eierno, un 3 to ootwto.
Quanto da Iui a lor di bene e porto 7 .
Is it fanciful to see a subtle resemblance — in thought, perhaps, more
than in phrase (though Dante's symbolic meaning is wanting) — in
Barnabas* description of Paradise as a place ( doue.,,ogni chossa he
friffuossw, di Jrnti proportiovati ha choltti che to ha cholliuato*' 1
There emerge, at any rate, from both passages, the thought of the
Divine Gardener... and of a proportion for which He is in some way
responsible. But perhaps a more striking coincidence — if coincidence
it be — is that between the answer given to a problem raised by Saint
Bartholomew in Barnabas and the assurance vouchsafed by Piccarda*
in resolution of Dante's difficulty concerning degrees of glory in Hravm,
*0 Master/ says Bartholomew^, 'shall the glory of Paradise be
equal for every man? If it be equal, it will not be just, and if it be
unequal the lesser will envy the greater/ Jesus answers: ' Non
eqiialle perche DIO he ioato he ogniuno si chontentera perche hiuui
non he inuidia'; and again, There shall be 'tutta una gloria sebene
sara ha chi piu ha chi meno. Nun portera alloro inuidia ueruna/ 80j
1 V. E. i t 7, 10—11.
* Par. xixj, 1*7; sxxn, Bfc
7 Par. xxvi f «M—06.
10 Barn. 189*.
a 185*.
6 Par. xini, 71, 72.
• 190*.
• ftw. ni, 70 aqq.
LONSDALE RAGG
161
when Dante questions the beatified Piccanla, in her earth -shad owed
sphere;
hisiderate voi piu alto loco...? 1
the spirit replies, in words which, though more beautiful and more
profound, are inevitably called up by the passage of Barnabas just
quoted
lie, OOSM not seni di soglia in soglia
Per questo regno, a tutto il regno pi ace
Come alio re ch J a suo voler ne invoglia :
E la sua volontate e nostra pace*.
Turning now to the geographical or rather astronomical aspect of
subject, we find in Barnabas a « Infinite divergence from the doctrine
of the Koran, and adoption of a Ptolemaic scheme closely resembling
that of Dante's Paradise, There are nine heavens, not counting Paradise,
!.«, ten heavens in all. * None Bono li eielli li quali sono distanti luno
da! altro chome he distante il primo cielo dala terra. II quale he !<>n-
tano da! la terra cinque cento hanni di stradaV In the ' five hundred
l 1 journey 1 there is a reminiscence of Jewish tradition: but the
h< avons of the Talmud and of the Koran have become ten. And
though these heavens are not definitely stated to be arranged, like
Dantt 's, as a series of concentric spheres with earth as the centre, they
form a graduated series, in which each is to the next as a 'punto di
ago*/ or as a grain of Band* The planets, again, have their plaoe in the
scheme. They are not, apparently, identified with the several c cieli/
BB in Dante's arrangement, but are ' set between ' of ' amongst 1 them :
* h eielli fra li quail i stano li pianetiV
The point of resent blanc • is to be found in a graduated series of
ken (and not eevfcn) heavens, characterised by an ascending scale of
magnitude, and culminating in the Paradise of the Bleated
So far, it may be said, the suggested points of contact between
tabas and Dante have been some what vague and hypothetical.
They may, perhaps, bv adequately accounted for on the basis of a
common tradition — the practically universal tradition of a Garden-
Paradise, and the Aristotelo-Ptolemaie scheme of astronomy common to
all the civilised WYst, whether Christian or Mohammedan, till the days
air us and Galileo. But in the Inferno of Barnabas we may
1 r
1 PftTi m t H'2— 65. A reviewer of kht Oxford Etlition {dmuduni, Aug. 21, 1807) poinU
farther significant resemblance between Par. xxxt, 7 «qq. aud Ham. W, when* it il
ftuiti of the ADgab that, ' chome appe ueniratiu mtonio per eircuito dello nontio di DIG,'
Lll\cf 1." * 111\ 3 m\ VM)K ■ UMh
162
Dante and the 'Gospel of Barnabas 1
disooTOg more definite and more convincing resemblances to features
and passages of the Divi/ttt Oom/frwdicL
Islam, except in its later developments 1 , has no place fur a Purgatory.
There is no mention of a Purgatorio in the Koran or in tins 'Gospel,'
though Barnabas gives even the Faithful a probationary reside nee of
torment in Hell, varying from Mohammed \s own brief term of * the
twinkling of an eye * to a duration of 70 t 000 years 2 ! But the Baraaban
arrangement of Hell itself furnishes an almost exact parallel to the
scheme of Dante's Purgatorio. Tin- framework of the arrangement is
that of the seven capital sins. Hell is divided* into seven circh 16 or
'centri' wherein are punished respectively (1) lo iroehomlo, (2) il
gollosso, (8) lo aeidiosso, (4) il lusuriosso, (5) lo hauaro, (6) lo inuidi
(7) il superbo. The order of the sins differs considerably from that
adopted by Dante, and indeed is not repeated in any of the typical
arrangements given in Dr Moore's well-known Table 4 ; coming nearest
to that of Aquinas, In common, however, with Dante's arrangement it
has tie juxtaposition of Pride and Envy and their position at the lower
end of the series: a point which is perhaps the more significant in that
Barnabas approaches his Inferno from the bottom (not, as one would
have expected, from the top), beginning with 'il piu basso centre" of
Pride. There is another point also, in which the Inferno of Barnabas
i ables both the Inferno and the Purgatorio of Dante — the principle
which runs through all its torments 'per quae peccat quis, .pn
hare rt torquetur.' The proud shall be ' trampled under-foot of Satan
and his devils 5 *; the envious shall be tormented with the delusion
that even in that joyless realm 'ogniuno prendi allegrezza del BRIO malle
he si dolgia che lui non habia peggio*'; the slothful shall labour at tasks
like that of Sisyphus 7 , and the gluttonous be tantalised with elusiv
dainties*. Nor can we fail to notice here how in the story of the
serpent's doom* there comes out the idea of all pollutions of human
sin — especially repented sin — streaming back eventually to Satan: the
conception which underlies the system of Dante's rivers of Hell,
including the 'ruseellctto' that trickles down from Purgator
There is a vivid description in Barnabas of the ' Harrowing of Hell '
at the coming of God's Messenger, which though it has nothing in
Common with the &0COUHt Of the Saviour's Descent as related by Virgil
! En. id the Motalizit© Sect (see Ettrt/rl. lit it. vol. xvi. p. 592).
1 19* sqq, » U&>— 149". ftudfet in Dante, Series n.
9 147*. 7 148*. a 14S b .
v 43 B . l0 Inf. xiv, 85 gqq. ; xiwv, 130.
LONSDALE RAGG
163
in Limbo, is strongly suggestive of a later scene where at the advent of
the much-di b.ih-d M 8080 del ciel 1 / who comes to open the gates of
both hanks of tin- sty\ tremble, and more than a thousand ' anime
distrutte ' fly headlong like frogs before ;i water-snake'-, ' Onde tremera,
says Barnabas, * lo infferao alia sua pressenzza^.quando elgi ui endear*
tutti li diauoli stridendo cercherano di asscondersi sotto le ardente
ii f-ndo lime alio altro: scampa scaotpacbe elgi uiene machometo
uosstre, innimichoV
While the general atmosphere of Hell in Barnabas, with its 'neui he
giazi intoIIerabiliV its torturing fiends, its biting serpents, its Sisyphus-
labours and Tantalus-pains, its harpies, its luiniintr tilth and nameless
horrors, has the same ' ret k T as that of Dante's Inferno, there are
passages which present an almost verbal parallel. In his description
of the cries of the Inst, Barnabas says: ' malladirano,..il loro padre he
raadrc he il loro chreatore/ Who can but recall Dante's wuids about
the dismal spirits assembled on the bank of Acheron, who
BttteTiimiavaiKi IcMio e lor pan i
Tins brings us to the subject of actual verbal coincidences, of which
we must confess pre have found but two, though a more systematic
investigation might well yield a much larger numb
Barnabas* recurring characterisation of the idols of the lira then as
K dd falsi he bugiardi 7 ' is surely too remarkable to be without signi-
ficance, and is enforced and supported by the occurrence of another
eadence of the same canto of the Inferno in the phrase ' rabbiosa fam» ,
which in Barnabas, however applies not to the symbolic lion of the
no t'ofti media*, but to the torments of the Lost,
There remains one more point to be adduced — an incidental and a
somewhat subtle one which makes, qoI mo much t"i a relation between
and the Qo*p& <>t Barnabas as for a relation of con-
temporaneity between the two writers. The inference which it would
suggest is so definite and precise, that it is only fair to remark that
are puzzlingly contradictory arguments to be drawn from the
language and style of Barnabas.
Our point, then, is as follows. Barnabas puts into the mouth of our
1 above, numerous predictions of the future
§/« is, 85. * Inf. ix, G6 aud 76 MS.
M; i [flfo,
'in. 113\ cf. Inf. xixn, 23 &q<J, « 0am, I
i 23*, 81*, 2*25*. It i* eharocteriatie of the |f& that the three passages furnish as
nuuiy d I the last word: bugiari. bugiardi and huoyiardi \ Cf, tnf, i. 72-
* Inf. r, 17 j 8
164
Dante and the ' Gospel of Barn alms'
advent of Mohammed as ' Messiah ' and * Messenger of God/ In one
of these a Jubilee' is spoken of as recurring every hundred years: *il
iubileo,,.che hora uiene Ogui cento hanni 1 / The writer or compiler here,
as often, fails to throw himself back into the Palestine of the first
century, in which, as his very considerable knowledge of the Old
Testament 1 should bate reminded him, the Hebrew Jubilee of fifty
years would have been in force. Whence, then, comes this Jubilee ?
He cannot have derived it from the Koran. We are almost forced to
the conclusion that the * hora ' of the passage quoted is a literal f now '
and refers to a contemporary institution- — to the Jubilee as conceived
of at the moment when the tines were penned; and that, the Jubilee of
Western Christendom, This carries us back beyond the twenty-five
years* Jubilee of modern times — beyond the year when Clement VI,
for hi* DWa ends, instituted a Jubilee of fifty years after the Hebrew
model; and would give us as our terminus ad quern the year 1340.
Wot the upper limit — the terminus a quo of the original Barnabas we
must turn to the famous Jubilee of 1300, the ideal date of Dm
pilgrimage, For though the Bull 1 by which that Jubilee waa promul-
gated alleged antecedent tradition, and the contemporary chroniclers
naturally followed suit*, there seems to be no sufficient historical
evidence for a preoede&t, Thus, between the years 1300 and 1350 —
and, apparently, only during that period— it would have been possible
to speak of the centennial Jubilee Ofl an established institution. If
this be so, the writing of this passage in Barnabas is relegated to the
years in which the Divina Commedia took its final shape, or those just
after the poet's death in 1321 when the poem so swiftly took its place
among the classics of the world's literature.
The foregoing .sketch does not pretend to be exhaustive 5 ; it does
not ©Ten claim to have proved anything of a substantial nature : but it
may perhaps suggest to some more competent mind a line of study
which has at least the merit of fivshurss, anil it may serve to introduce
to those who are imi acquainted with it, a document of no ordinary
interest and of no little beauty.
. tad si".
3 A little earlier (7Ci b ) he has what eeems to be a quotation (torn memory of Lev. xxvi,
11, 1*2; the Law of the Jubile is to be found, of coarse, in the chapter immediately
AnHfUomm hahet (Coqneline, m, 94).
4 K.tj. Cron. Astense (Muratori, R. 8. I., torn, xi, p. 1!>'2): Jacobus Cardinally (in
ltavnaltl., torn, rv, sub an. 1900): Villani, vm, 30.
1 Another point that might have been adduced is the counsel * babban donor© il percheV
; el Piny* in, 37.
LONSDALE BAGG
165
It is sometimes stated that Dante places Mohammed nut among
pagans nor among heretics but with the schismatics: as though he
shared the optimistic view of some of his contemporaries, th.it the
Moslems wore but an extreme form of Christian 'sect/
But Dante distributes his pagans without prejudice throughout the
successive circles, from the 'Nobile Castello* in Limbo to the central
of infamy in the Giudecca ; and, as a matter of fact, a pagan, Curio,
is partner of Mohammed's doom in the penultimate ( bolgia J of Malebolge.
Obviously ' scisina ' must not be taken too technically from Mohammed's
lips, supplemented as it is by the more general phrase 'seminatm li
BCandaloV The 'schism 1 of which the False Prophet is guilty is rather
that introduction of discord and strife into the civilised world, which
makes ' Macometto cieco * in the eighteenth canzo&e a personification of
US spirit of Florence.
Yet if it had fallen to Dante's lot to judge the Founder of Islam by
the spirit of this Mohammedan Gospel, he might have shared that
milder and more optimist i< \ [< -w of Mohammedanism which, according
«nt writer 3 , inspired Suint Francis when be set out upon his
;>tian mission. For here he would have found, side by side with
tin inevitable denial of our Lord's Divinity, an attribution to him not
only of the Gospel miracles, but of others besides. He would baVfl
found deep teachings on prayer and fasting and almsgiving; on humility,
penitence 1 and Belf-discipline ; on meditation and mystic love. He would
found an asceticism in some ways as extravagant as any to be
discovered in mediaeval legend, yet tempered with saving humour and
common a tolerant and charitable spirit which rivals even that
of the '< Yisto d* Italia/ and ' a succession of noble and beautiful thoughts
concerning love of God, union with God, and God as Himself the final
reward of faithful service, which it would be difficult to match in any
literature 4 ,'
LoKSDALB Ragg.
1 Inf. xx vi it.
■ Prof. N, TtmoMJ nee *V AuUi #« hi m i, p. 88.
* Including (33 b ) a striking statement of the impossibility uf \n uiU'iux- (ind therefore
of absolution) to oue meditating freah pio : cf. Dante, Inj\ xxvu, tl c
* Introduction to Oxford Edition, p, xxxiv.
THE MISSING TITLE OF THOMAS LODGE'S REPLY
TO GOSSON'S ' SCHOOL OF ABUSE/
Stephen GossoxVpleasaunt invective against Poets, Pipers, Plaiers,
Iesters and such like caterpillars of a common welth,' published in the
gammer of 1579, raised quite a storm of opposition. Only two of the
replies haw oome down to us, one being Sidneys celebrated Apology
for Poetry and the other the earliest known work by Thomas Lodge,
the author of Rosalynde. Lodge's counterblast was first reprinted in
1853 for the old Shakespeare Society, under the od inn-ship of David
Latng, He gives its title as A Defence of Poetry, Music and Stage
PlaySj but this is nothing more than a convenient description of its
contents, as the tract originally appeared without a title-page in order
to escape the censor's eye. At that time books were licensed, not as
later, by the Archbishop or the Bishop of London, but by the Stationers*
Company acting upon the advice of some 'discreet minister/ Perhaps
the said minister in 1579 wis an opponent of plays', or perhaps the City
Corporation, always ready to do their enemies the actors a bad turn,
brought their influence to bear upon the Stationers' Company* In any
case, Lodge was refused a license, and his book could not therefore be
published in the ordinary fashion. Apparently only a very few mutilated
copies found their way into circulation. In spite of this it is possible,
I believe, to reconstruct in part the missing title-page. In his Ap*
for ike School of Abuse published late in 1579, Gossou declares that he
has heard that the players had ' got one in Loudon to write certaine
Honest E.tCNxes, for so they tearuie it, to their dishonest abuses which
I reuealed.' My object is to prove that Honest Excuses was the name
which originally stood in the forefront of Lodge's book,
G oss on had not seen Honest Excuses at the time of writing, so that
what he tells us about it in his Apologia is only hearsay, and he promises
to answer it properly when it reaches his hands. He did not actually
reply to Lodge until 1582, when he devoted a large portion of Playes
1 This view receives support from Lodge's words, l the godJv and reverent that had to
deale in the cause, misliking it, forbad the publishing. ' (Alarum atjaimt Usurer*, Dedica-
tion.)
J. DOVER WILSON
167
Confuted in Jive Aetiom to a consideration of his * patch te pamphlet/
We are therefore in a position to compare his description of Honest
Excuses in 1579 with that of Lodge's tract more than two years later 1 ,
which he informs us * came not to my hands in one whole y^ere after
the priuy printing thereof.' These passages, together with what
we know of the condition and publication of Lodge's book, are all the
evidence we possess upon the subjeet.
Let us first see how far Gosson's remarks upon Honest Excuses and
its author tally with what we know of Lodge and his book. The s-
publication, the limited circulation and the suppressed title-page, seem
to be indicated in the words How he frames his excuses, I know
not yet, because it is doone in h udder madder*, Trueth can neuer be
Falft i|s Visarde, which maketh him maske without a torch and fceepe
his papera very sivret/ Yet, though he has not seen the book, he
appears to know the author by name and reputation. This is not
unimportant nzuse we have proof that he was a contemporary of Lodge
teford, and knew him later in London 3 . The only difficulty is to
be found in certain expressions which have been held to prove that
tses was not written by a University man. It is true,
edj that, Gosson tells us how the players had 'trauailed' to some
of liis 'acquaintance of both Vniuersifcies ' to induce thorn to take up
the pen against him and !mw when neither of both Vniuersities would
heare their plea 1 they were forced to fall back upon a Londoner.
My, for spiteful reasons, be wished to suggest that his opponent
was not a man of University education. The point he makes, hov
is that the players had t;ikt n the trouble to jounn-y np bo the Uni-
atiee and had returned home empty banded Lodge was undoubtedly
at that time living in London, having been admitted at Lincoln's Inn
m loT'N. If ( Josson be here referring to him he would not spoil a good
point by going out of his way to remark that he had previously been to
< hefbrd. In short, Gosson s words describing Honest Excuses encourage,
rather than forbid, us to believe that it. was written by Lod
The passage in Pkiyes which saw light more than two
ra later, teavee ua no doubt upon the point. 'Amongest all the
fouorera of these iincireutnsised Philistines' the Puritan play-hater
declares, 'I mean the Plaiers, whose hearts are not right, no man til
of late Hurst thrust out his heade to mayntaine their cause, but one, in
Pai
ibute, pp. 78 — 75 and Hazlitt's En#ti*h D>
* La. hurriedly and in secret; cp. 'in hugger-mugger 1 Hamlet, it, 5, t>7,
■ Lodge himself tells us this in hia * Beply,' see Saintsbury, Kliiabethan and Jocq
Pamphlet!, pp. 8, 2B.
168 Missing Title of Lodge s Reply to 'School of Abu
wit simple: in learning ignoraunfc: in attempt rash: in name Lodge.'
If Lodge be not the author of Honest Excuses of which Gosson had
heard in 1579, then it is nonsense to describe him as the first to reply
on behalf of the players. The words have but one interpretation:
that Lodge wrote Honest Excuses and that this pamphlet, long known
to Gosson by hearsay, did not reach him till a considerable period after
it was issued 'in hndder madder. ' Both Payne Collier and Profee&OT
Arber assumed without question the truth of what is here for the first
time proved, But Lodges earliest editor, David Laing; has led subse-
quent opinion astray by some very loose reasoning in his introduction
which has hitherto passed withmii , T i, One of his arguments has
already been considered. The other is, that since Gosson declares that
Lodge's pamphlet did not come into his hands until 'one wh*>le \
after 1 its publication, he cannot therefore have been .shaking of it in
his Apologie for the School of Abuse. This argument, which is blindly
accepted by Dr Elbert Thompson in his Controversy between the Puritans
and the Stage, the most recent book upon the anti-dramatic writers,
proves nothing except that neither David Laing nor Dr Thompson can
have read the Apologie which, as has already been noticed, e\pn-s]y
states that Gosson had not seen a copy of Honest Excuses at the time
he was writing. As a matter of fact we know what the date of
Lodges tract was, for it must have appeared between The School and
the Apttlvfjie since it makes no reference to the latter. In other words,
it was published about August or September 1579; that is, just when
rumours of Honest EmotoMS began to reach Gosson.
Any future editor of Lodges reply to Gosson may* I think, without
hesitation write the title Honest Excuses at the head of his pag
J. Dotos Wilson.
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES.
A Note on Bishop Hall's Satires, ' Viruidemiak,' v, i, 0") 72.
There is an allusion in the following passage from Bishop Hall's
Satires that requires explanation :
A starued Tenement, such as I gesso,
Stand stragling in the wasts of IfoMermw.
Or such as shiuer on a Peake-hill side,
When Marches lungs beate on their turfe-clnd hide :
Such as nice Lipsius would grudge to see,
Above his lodging in wild Westphalye :
Or as the Saxon King his Court nnght make,
When his sides playned of tho Neat- hoards cake.
Virgidemittt\ Hk v, Sat. i, 11. lift 7i*.
The text is quoted from the 1st edition of Books iv — vi : The tlurv last
Bookes. Of byting Satyres (1598), pp. 5(5, 57.
In Warton and Singers edition (1824), whore stand of 1. 66 ap|>ears
as stands, no comment is offered on * Such as nice ////m//* ... wild West-
phalye.' Hall is here alluding to the singularly vivid account which
Lipsius gives of his unpleasant experience of Wcstphalian inns in tho
month of October, 1586. This account is not included in the editions
of Lipsius's Opera Omnia. It is to be found in the four letters after-
wards suppressed which were printed as xm — XVI of his Kpistolarttin
Centuria Secunda 1 , the dedication of which is dated April 11, 15i)(). On
learning that his sarcastic remarks had given deep offence in Germany
Lipsius withdrew the obnoxious letters, renumbered XVII to <\ and
added at the end four others (the first, * Typographic Lectori/ being
dated September 1, 1592) preceded by a notice to the reader in which
any intention of assailing the Germans as a nation is disclaimed. (See
his Op. Omn., ed. 1637, torn, n, p. 108; ed. 1675, vol. n, p. 207.) His
criticism of their inns had certainly been unsparing. Ep. xm written
at Oldenburg, is dated 'in Barbaria.' In Ep. XIV after writing 'Credo
mihi amice, barbaria nulla barbaria est, prae hac Westphalia/ ho
1 Pp. 203—207 of Ivsti Lip*i Epistolarvm Centuriae Dvae (Lugd. Bat. Ex Ofllcina
Plantiniana, 1591).
II. L. R. III. 12
170
Miscellaneous Notes
concludes with ' Oldenburg, at a pigsty which they call an Inn/ In xv
on mentioning the inns of the country, he says that he will call them
so, but they are really stables or rather pigsti
Lipsius's ' niceness * though partly accounted for by the state of his
health was chiefly due, no doubt, to the superior cleanliness and comfort
that prevailed in the Netherlands. Erasmus in his Colloquies
Biversoria) had emphasized the .same contrast in dealing with German
inns, and Nisard in his life of Lipsius (Le Triumvirat litteraire ait ZVP
8Hde $ p. 07) refers to Clenarduss similar complaints of Spanish
hostelries. Sir W. Templet story of what happened ta him in the
house of M. Hoe ft in Amsterdam (Memoirs from 1672 to 1679, Works,
ed. 1750, vol I, p. 472) proves that to an English gentleman in the last
quarter of the seventeenth century one of the first principles of domestic
decency still presented itself as a piece of humorous eccentricity.
Joseph Hall is not the only English writer who gives evidence of having
read and marked these suppressed letters. Robert Burton (as I pointed
out in Notes and Queries, 9th series, vol. XI, p. 264) has referred in his
Anatomy of Melancholy (Partition I, sect, ii, memb. ii, subs, iii) to a
passage in Ep. XV.
Edward Be&sly.
An Unrecorded Reading in l Piers Plowman/
In line 215 of the Prologue of the C text the Phillipps MS. printed
in the E. E. T. S. edition reads :
Fur hadde je ratooes joure reed >e couthe nat reulie >ow-selue,
Prof. Skeat gives no significant variants. But MS. Bodl, 814 has :
For hadde 30 ratouns your reik 30 couj>e not reule jowsylue.
There seema to be no doubt that reik (— * course/ 'way/ Old Norm t*eik\
M b Raik in the Oxford Dictionary) is the superior reading 1 . It DBSkefl
better sense than reed — it Indeed the latter makes any at all — and is
supported by the occurrence of the phrase to have one's raik, exactly
corresponding to rood. Eng, 'to haw y/ in the Political Poems
(Rolls Series), vol. 11. p. T3> of data 1401 :
that 30 my 3 ten have 3 our royke
and pKObeO what you I
1 The reading appears first in print (so far as 1 know) in my little edition of the
Prologue in Messrs Horace Marshall and Sou's Carmelite
Miscellaneous Notes 171
Moreover, the word, being peculiar to northern dialects, would be very
liable to alteration at the hand of a southern scribe. The line was
evidently a general stumbling-block to the copyists. The unintelligible
' no roife ' of MS. Douce 104, may very well be a scribal mangling of
'jour reik/ The corresponding line of the B text has been so far
mutilated as to lose its alliteration in the first half: 'For had je rattes
jowre wille/
C. Talbut Onions.
Middle English 'Coveise/
This word seems to have been missed by the lexicographers, yet it
appears to be sufficiently well authenticated by the following two
And by pis hope binej>e bileue shulden be two synnes fled, pride of men, and
coueise. (Tractatus de Ecclesia ascribed to WyclifFe, ed. Todd, cap. I, p. vi.)
For coueyse of copes contrarieden summe doctoures. (Piers Plowman, Pro-
logue, C text, line 59, in MS. Bodl. 814.)
It represents, of course, the Old French covise (from Latin cupiditia)
which existed side by side with the more usual coveitise (answering to a
type-form *cupidititia). It is probable that in some Middle English texts
where covetise has been printed, this is due to an editorial ' correction '
of a manuscript coveise.
C. Talbut Onions.
Shakespeareana.
(1) Twelfth Night, I, v, 150:
01. What kinde o' man is he?
Mai. Why of mankinde.
A little knowledge of Elizabethan phraseology would save editors
from stumbling over this passage. Mr Furness, for example, says * this
dallying with words ... I do not understand/ ' Mankind ' is regularly
used of women in the sense of ' virago/ and there is dramatic irony in
making Malvolio apply it to Viola who is disguised as a man. He has
an instinctive feeling that she is a woman, though he has not defined
it. ' He speakes verie shrewishly/ he says afterwards. For • man-
kind ' = ' virago/ cf. Roister Doister, iv, viii, 41, 'she is mankine';
Tell-trothes New-yeares Gift (ed. Furnivall, p. 80), 'She was a mankinde
creature'; The Two Angry Women of Abington (Hazlitt's Dodsley, VII,
12—2
172 Miscellaneous Notes
319), 'Why, she is mankind'; Grim the Collier of Croydon (Hazlitt's
Dodsley, vm, 439), 'O, she's mankind grown'; Coriolanus, iv, ii, 16,
'Are you mankind?' [of Virgilia] ; Winter's Tale, II, iii, 67, 'A mankind
witch,' [of Paulina].
(2) Twelfth Night, I, v, 205 :
Tell me your rainde, I am a messenger.
Warburton, followed by other commentators, unnecessarily proposed
to divide these words between the two speakers. Others have suspected
corruption. They are quite intelligible as they stand, if it be remembered
that a common formula of dismissing a messenger in the Tudor and the
Elizabethan drama was ' You know my mind.' The converse of this is
' tell me your mind.' In answer to this request Olivia says, ' Your Lord
does know my mind ' (i, v, 255). For * you know my mind,' cf. Roister
Doister, I, ii, 175, 'Ye knowe my minde'; Marlowe, Jew of Malta, iv, i,
' Friar Barnadine, go you with Ithamore, You know my mind ' ; Edward
the Second, I, iv, 423, ' You know my mind : come, uncle, let's away.'
W. H. Williams.
REVIEWS.
ETtl Poke Reahste Arifjiais, George Crabbe, 1754-1832. Par Ken£
HrrHox. Paris: Hachette & Cie., 1906. 8vo. xi + 688 pp.
Qe&rae Crabbe and hia Times\ 1754-1832. A Critical and Biographical
Study. By Ren£ Huchox. Translated by Frederick Clarke.
London: John Murray, 1907. 8vo. xvi + 561 pp.
M. Huchon's excellent bibliography of the successive editions of
Crabbe s works and the principal articles relating to thorn modestly
makes no pretension to completeness ; but it shown how timely is his
own study, and it justifies the fullness with which he bus treated The
Village, The Borough and the Tales m Verse. To the first life of
the poet, by his son, M. Huchon will not allow substantial merits. He
insists that it was the biographical effort of a 'pasteur nullennnt po&te 1
and therefore apologetic rather than appreciative in reference to the
poetical part of its subject. More cogent objection is urged that what
it might have had was spoilt by its inaccuracies and its abuse of
editorial power. It is probable that higher recognition should be made
of its qualities of construction and proportion, as also of its fine balance
in filial tone. But students of Crabbe will agree with M. Huchon that.
the work of its redactors Mr Kehbel and Canon Ainger has been merely
perfunctory, repeating earlier BROfS and making no essential advance
in critical standpoint. In the bibliographical list a striking illustration
is offered of the varying mood of a century in the frequency and
importance of its references to Crabbe. Three pages are occupied in
ranting for the years 1780 to 1854, one more suffices to bnng the
reference up to date. It is safe to say that *a neglected c I is a
recurring phrase in tin* m aj ori ty of t h ese lat er articl es ; and even th e
n's, of which the three Cambridge volumes are the
m, has lift this author in what one reviewer aptly calls a state
of 'suspended animation/ At this juncture M. Huchon presents AQ
elaborate and authoritative study, which is not only the first adequate
btnent of a poet who has every claim to it, but will be readily
accepted as a standard of accomplishment*
M. Huchon has had access to many important sources of information,
of which use h;is not In tin i to been made ; and he has spared no labour
in interpreting and supplementing them. He has travelled observantly
through partfl "I England associated with Crabbe, acting on the assump-
174
Reviews
tion, with which few will quarrel, that the subject of his study is ' im
poete dont le regard est toujours rested fixe sur le sol natal, 8iir les
spectacles et les homines familiers a son enfance/ And there is no
quarter of information or suggestion that has not been searched.
Collections of letters and of miscellaneous material, unpublished poems,
sermons in manuscript, the resources of the library it Be] voir Castle,
the papei-s of the Historical Manuscripts ( ommisMon — all that ii
available has been pressed into service. And the result is a minute
and consecutive narrative that gives 08 a new sense of intimacy with
th» Reverend George Crabbe. As usual fuller knowledge implies
rejection of some well-established and phasing fictions; but OD the
whole the proftasBefl of reaearcli are here constructive; many points are
brought forward and elucidated for the first time, and passages from
the poems have their natural place in the story, and bring their proper
contribution to the whole psychology, We subscribe Without re-
to the praise with which M. Huehons biography has been received ; but
we would remind his readers that the volume had a farther pur}
its aim was not only to rewrite with modem resources the life of 1834,
but to analyse and criticise in detail tin ■ talent of the poet; ami some
reservations must be made in indicating the success of this second
endeavour. It is true that M. Huchon confesses that the biographical
part of his task proved for him 'de beaucoup la plus interesting-.' And
it is true on the other hand that the final judgment of his criticism is
admirable for its penetration and its sincerity. On p. 627 he writes:
* Ecrivain de transition, classique d'origine, realiste par temperament
et roiuantique en de tres rare instants, il ne reussit pas a eoncilier les
eontraires qui se heurtent en lui-meme et dans ses vers. .....Son caractere
et son oeuvre manquent de cette elevation, de cette harmonic auxquelles
se recommit la vraie grandeur. It demeOTfl isole, sans imitateurs, et
sans disciples. Mais i( avait ex<Tce une influence decisive, au moment
opportun. Mieux encore, il avait we an de ees homines, rare en tout
temps, qui o&ent, ne fut-ce qu'en un point, regarder la realite en face,
et dire ce qu'iis ont vu f sans se soucier des prejuges. Qu'importent
apres cela les timidites de sa penseo philosophique on roligieuse et les
faibl esses de son style V
That is a summary that leaves Crabbe exactly where he was, at the
pirting of the ways; like Cowper in some aspects but with a stronger
interest on the human side, like Thomson also, but more realistic and
more detailed. In his earlier period he has almost the manner of the
eighteenth century, in his later he is almost of the nineteenth. But
he does not belong exactly to either The true parallel to Crabbe is
Gray. Both are romanticists only in a very limited sense, yet neither
of them is a classicist as Pope is a classicist. M, Huchon does not fail
to disengage in the poems the true transition quality of his author;
but he is less clear and less convincing where he attempts bo relate it
to the past and to the future. His critical perspective is not quite free
from fault,
His thesis, for instance, of Crabbe s realism is that it was in harmony
R 'e views
175
with the tradition of the eighteenth century, and opposed to the
dawning Romanticism, And he presents the real ism of the century in
these terms (p, 329): 'En philosuphie Locke fiit conduit, par la nega-
tion des idees innees, a fa ire do ^experience la source unique d€ BOS
eminrtissrniers j en theologie, Irs d&stes vouiurent rarnener la religion
du ciel sur la terre, et la jitstifier, non plus par line revelation sur-
naturelle, mais par tine interpretation rationnelle de la creation et de la
conscience. La poesie elle-meme, renoncant anx accents lyriqucs et
aux chansons du paso6, Be rapproeha du sol et de la vie reelle, so plot
avec Thomson ct (Wpcr a docrire la nature sous ses aspects grandioses
on faijiilhrs 36 fit satirique, affronta hardiiuent la lutte des partis avec
Dryden. se in it au service des rancunes personnel les de Pope, et fustigea
lement tea tracers de la socie'te oonfcemporaine dans lesdisi iqu< s
antithitiqucs de Young/ We have not Bgnee within our limits to
analyse this unhappy page, or to go beyond it and ask what tfl meant
by the statement that 'it was in order to accentuate the realism of his
illustrious predecessor that Fielding wrote his Joseph Awfrews' But
surely the whole passage, with its inconsequent grouping, its partial
reference, its inept epithet, is quite inadequate as a resume of the
classical tradition, and thus fails to he only historical back-
ground for the treatment of The Borough, The impression c onv e ye d
h\ tin whole chapter too is the same, that M. Huchou has not realised
sufficiently that Pope is the centre and eulrnination of the classical
movement, and that no theory of natnr. available for critical
purposes until it. has squared itself with Pope's explicit exposition of
what his age meant by Nature' as the basis of Art This is not
merely an initial consideration for the century in general; it will lead
direct to the definition of Crabbe'a place in the English sequence from
which M. Huchon always seems to escape. Nor is it to call for any
unusual appreciation of Pope and his creed. On the contrary it depends
upon a clear discrimination of its actual limitations, And this is not
difficult, To follow the ditVen of. channels of Romantic reaction requires
a nice critical equipim ni \ to note the points at which it began is a
simpler task. It is easy to deled the maker elements of aooae; and
the critio <>t Crabbe must begin in that way with Pope, by defining the
limits of his aesthetic conception. In placing nature in front of the
artist as the source of his copy, and requiring his imagination to limit
itself to tracing out or completing the processes of nature, Pope does
m.i allow for his imitation an unfettered choice even of what i> in
nature; he must not copy at hazard and without discernment. There
are functions in life that are either indifferent and nonproductive, or
are low and ignoble, humiliating in their consequences, yet both natural
,11 that. And Classicism will not admit their ignominy into Art for
the sake of what is natural in their suggestion ; it would pay respect in
Art to the etiquette of life, to the sentiment of what is ordered and
ut. Roscommon's couplet was:
[tnmodest wordrt admit of no defence
For want of decency is want of sense.
176
Rev
This elimination of the representation of inferior orders in nature is
inherent in Pope's injunction to 'follow Nature.' He meant, and he
was the epitome of his age in this as in other respects, that lower orders
of experience are held by us in common with the animal creation, that
it is not by virtue of then) that we achieve our human nature, but in
jite of them ; that what makes us human is that we can parry their
BolHcitations with the power bo check or guide them. we add to
instinct reason, and usee the latter distinguishes us it rather tha
instinct should form the main reference of Art. And where lower
orders lire used it is in subordination to a strict didactic purpose ; and
the choice of language much he such that the things of original
experience jkiss th rough its medium into intellectual recollections «
summaries of what they were. 'Homer' says Bossuet * and so many
other poets whose works are as serious as they are agreeable, extol only
the arts that are useful to humanity; they breathe only the public weal
and its admirable civility.*
Crabbe is the inheritor of this code. But his poetry is essentially
a modification or an extension of it. He is partially in sympathy with
it, in its emphasis for instance on the normal average elements in
humanity. He chose his characters from the middle class, * because on
the one hand they do not live in the eye of the world, and therefore are
not kept in awe by the dread of observation and indecorum ; neither on
the other are they debarred by rh< n want- of means from the cultivation
of mind and the pursuits of wealth and ambition. 1 But his sympathy
ends there; and his real work is the restoration of the lower orders of
rienoe that Classicism had proscribed The sordid and the ugly
and the unvarnished, the outcast and broken in life, the noxious or the
despised in nature -his material always tiee there, and the resultant
picture conveys their original gloom, the almost unrelieved despair.
Ili^ lemper is not exactly pessimistic, and it certainly is not cynical.
The personal motive is practically always one of compassion. But the
Uteninj presentment rests on a deliberate choice of the process*
depression and degeneration. It aims persistently at the reproduction
of the elements that Pope ignored; and it cannot therefore be repre-
sented as ' in harmony with the tradition of the eighteenth century, 1
We know that Jeffrey who was in such harmony censured Crabbe on
the ground of indelicacy.
This differentiation of Grahhes method from the procedure of
Classicism does not imply however its approach to positive Romanticism.
Id Huchon recognises this amply, and is drawn into no misleading
parallels; but he Boarcely states the reason for it with sufficient
emphasis. The old charge against the eighteenth century was that it
artificial and iaailicere. As a matter of fact artificiality is now
more apparent in the reaction ; the early Romantics are seen to be less
sincere than what they reacted against. And Crabbe though he
extended the classical interpretation of Nature is not in sympathy with
the Romantic mood simply because of his plain sincerity. He is alien
to the dilettante experiment of the Sentimentalists, and his art is not
Reviews
\1\
a pastiche as is that of the Walpole group. He protested more than
once against their unreality. Their characters he said Were
Creatures borrowed and again conveyed
From book to book— the shadows of a shade.
And it is his sense of this that gives htm his essential independence.
His conception of Nature is not Pope's; but like Pope he is as a literary
factor artistically and aesthetically sincere. And that is why he has
points (if contact with the naturalism that succeeded the Etomantk
expression than with that expression itself The exact nature of that
contacl M. Huchon indicates succinctly and accurately when he says
{p. 389), ( Le realisme psychologique <1< I Yabbe a ses limites e>identes.
Son domaine est I'individuel ; *a matiero est la passion tsol£e'; and
that the task of modern naturalism was (p. 390) ' replaeer Is per&onnage
dam son milieu social, le suivre dans so* demarches, dans ses cama-
raderies, dans ses occupations/ But is not the same argument an
insuperable proof that Crabbe was not in ' harmony with the tradition
of the eighteenth century,' which everywhere subordinated the individual
to the genera] in ton
A, Blyth Weusteb.
Victoria A Latin Comedy. \W AmtAHAH Fkaunce. Edited from
the Penshurst Manuscript by G. 0. MoOBB Smith, (Materia* Km
zur Kunde des tilteren Enfflischen DrOVM*, XI v. Band.) Louvain :
A. Uystpruyst, 190(5. 8vo. xl + 130 pp.
Professor Moore Smith, dem wir schon eine treffliche Ausgabe der
Lateinischen Komodie Ptdcmtius verdanken, hat uns hier mit einem
Universitaisdrama aus dem Anfaiig der achtziger Jahre des sechzehnten
Jahrhunderts liekannt geiiiaeht, von dem die Literarhistoriker hiattef
ooch gar oichts wussten. Ks jst < in erfivuliches Zeichen wio das
InterBase as den lateinischen Dramen der Elisabethzeit gewachsen ist.
Dies 1st ein Lustspiel von Abraham Fraunee und keinem Gteringeren ate
Philip Sidney gewidniet. Der Herausgeber hat das bis heute in Sid:
Schloae Penshurst erhaltene Originalmanuskript genau abgedruckt und
durch knappe, sehr fl \nmerkungen erlautert, die vor allem die
m dem StUck vorkoininendeu Citate und sprichwortliehen Tiedensarten
naohweiaen und die okkultistiaehen Riten erkliiren. In der Eiuleitung
erhalten wir amen erechtfpfenden Bericht iiber das Leben und die
sonsiigea Werke von Fraunee, der auch far die Schulverhaltnisse der
Zeit allgemein Interessantes bringt. Dagegen ist der Heraosgeber auf
die literarhistorische Stellnng der Victoria nicht eingegangen, ohwohl
Big inn das Wit-Is i ier Veroffentlichung zu sein scire int. Nur
eine Inhaltsangabe des Stiiekes bringt <lie Kmleitung. * Es ist eine alte
liichte/ von Fidelia dem fereuen, mid Fortunins, dem glucklicheu
Liebhaber der Victoria, die bei der Barbara ihre Bolleu rartauscht
habem also einer Eiebesketfce, aoch geschlossener als iru SofrtmernachU-
m. Die Knoton siml gut geschiirzt, aber die Loeuog ist ungeschickt
178
Her
und gewaltsarn. Victoria wird Fidelia wieder zugetan, weil dieser ihren
Gatten Cornelius, deffl er rrst selbst ^n die Treulose aufgehetzt hatte,
wieder besaoftigt; Barbara aber Rigt sich einer ans Verweehslung
entstandenen Tatsaelie und niinmf Forrnnius zum Geniuhl. Pazu
kommt Gift und Liebeszauber, ein verliebter und genarrter Pedant
und ein mit Piiigeln bedachter Bramarbas. Dinner und Magde, die in
del X«'t fur die Herrschaft genoinmen werden, diirfen natiirlich nicht
fehleiL Ks ist der typi^f-h*" Apparat der italienischen EomOdie des
sechzehnten Jahrhunderts,
Dass Fraunce also cine italienische Quelle vorlag T ist anf den I !
Bl ick zu rrkennen. Aber die Naraen der heiden Liebhaber Fidel is und
Fortunius, aowifi der dee Bramarbas Frangipetra weaaennoch uaeh einei
anderen Richtuiig. Ieh nieiru' das Anthony Monday zugesehriebi n<
Lustspid The Two Italian Qfonttonm, in Am auoh ein Ltebhaberpaar
Fidole und Furtunio und ein Bramarbas Craekstone vorknuimeii.
Collier kannte nocfa zwei Exeinplare dieses Stuekes, Hall i we 11 Bcheint
nur fines grsrhcn zu haben : heute sind 816 beode, wril sie keine Titel-
blatter mehr batten, verschollem Es ist klar, dass Bowohl das euglische
als das lateinische Liist.spirl auf ein gerneinsames itatienisches Original
zuriickgehen, schon doshalb weil das erst ere, das die italienischen
Namensfonneu beibehalt, ausdriicklich als tTbcrsetzung bezeichnet wird.
Ich teilte meiiie Bemerkung Herrn Professor Moore Smith mit, und es
ist nun iliiu gelb&l gelungen, die gememsame Quelle zu linden, namltch
in Luigi Pasuualigos naeh der Vorrede zuerst 1575 crsehienener Komi
// Ft'tit'le. Er hat mir freundlichst gestattet, die Vergleichung vor-
zun<»hmeii und sie hier zu verwerten. Ieh habe das Exemplar *\*v
Weirnarer Bibliothek beniitzeii konnen : * II Fedele, Oomedia del
clnrissiino M, Luigi Pasqnaligo. Di nuouo ristampata, ft Henrietta.
Con priuilegio. In Venetia, Appresso gli Heredi di Francesco ZilettL
1589/ Dabei stellt sich heraus, dass Fraunce ira Allgeineinen eine
fast wortliche Ubersetzung geliefert hat, Er hat die italienis* she
Prosa in srinen terenzischen Rhythmus nmgegossen und ist dabei
in i Wesentlichen nur kiirzend verfahren. Gewonnen hat das Stiick
dadurch nicht vie!, der Realismus ist in deni akadetiHschen Stil
\'i irloren gegaDgec, und die schon so nicht einfache Li< besintrige ist
ilnnh seine Kiirzung nicht klarcr gewordeaL Setbstandige Zn-
hat Fnumce in der ersten Hiilfte des Stiiekes geniacht: im ersten Akt
Monolog und Lied des Dienera Gallulus (Sc. 8), im zweiten emeu
philusophisehen Dialog zwischen den Dienstboten Narcissus und
Attilia (Sc, 7, Vers 929—977), der wahrhaftig keine Besserung
bedeutet, und im dritten, ausser der Scene 7, wo der Pedant nut
seinem Knaben eine LiebesetUfirung einiibt^ein oft wiederholtes
Motiv— noch eane Diebsgeschichte (Sc. 8), die, wie Koeppel, Angtia
Beiblait, xvn t 865, gezeigt hat, ans Boccaccios Decam&rons, n, 6
stammt. Fur die eratere Zugabe braochte er den von der Pedantm-
fignr fast unzertrennliehen Schiller, den er Pegasus nennt und zum
Teil mit der einen Dienerrolle (Renato) ausstattet, und ftir die
letztere zw T ei Diebe, Pyrgopolinices und Terrapontigonus. Aber dann
179
scheint er gefiirchtet zu haben, das Stiiek werde zu lang, und kiirzb
nun energiacher als vorher. Er la\sst zwei Scenen izn dritteii Akt
(9 und 12 bei PaecjuaHgo) zwischen Victoria, der Magd Virginia und
dem Knaben Pegasus (bei Pasqualigo Vltfcoria, Iit-atrice, Rex&ato) und
zwischen der Zauberin Medusa und Virginia (Beatrice Em [talieniachen)
weg; ebenso iiu vierten Akt ein SelbM-gospraVli dee Pedanten (9 bei
P&squaligo) und im fuoften eine sehr wirkungsvolle Scene, wo der
Bramarbas wie i do Kalb im Netz durch die SuasM n geschleppt wird.
Dass Fraunee sich diese pack en de Situationskmnik entgelx tellt
•in Hnrnnr kein gutes Zeugnis ans. Sein Work ist also wenig
mehr als eine kiirzonde ubertetaUIlg too Pasqualigos Konuidic. Aueh
die lairiiiisehen Nentenzen, niit denen namentlich die Redeu dee
Pedanten fleissig gespickt sind, tiiiden adch moist schon dort.
Wesentlich anders ist das Verba Itnis von Monday EH firm it a lien-
ischcn Original. Leider ist ja, wie I rwahnt, kein Exemplar der ZVo
Italian Gentlemen auffindfaar, so dass wir auf den Auszug asgewi*
Bind, den J, ( ). Halliwell 1S51 in dem Privatdruck The Literature of the
Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries * I hot rated by Reprints of very
Tracts gedrackt hat Die Widmung des am 1'J. November 1">S4 in die
Register der Stationers' Company oingetragom-n Baches tragt die
Unterschrift A. It/ woraus Collier (History of Engiieh Dramatic Jroe&rjfj
in. 80) auf Anthony Munday als Verfasser bcUo8& Dureh die Lichens-
wtirdigkeit des Herrn Professor Robertson habe ich eine Abschrift von
Halli wells Auszug orhalten, der mir eine Yergleiehung ermoglicht hat.
Munday hat in seiner Koniodie, die in reimenden Septenurpanreu abge-
fasst ist, die Namen Pastpialigoe nnveiundrit beibehalten, wahn n«l
Fraunee aus irgend einet Lanne den Names Virginia von der Hebenden
Jungfrau auf eine der Kfigde ubertrug. A her von dirser An
lit hk» it abgesehen halt sich Munday dnrchaus uieht sklaviseh an die
Voriage, obwohl sein Stiiek als Ubemeteung bezeiehtiet wird ('translated
into Englisho.' Stat RegX Namentlich hat er die Roll* 1 <U^ 'miles
iter aiisgestaltet und diese Figur in den Vordergnind Avs
InteivssL s gerlickt : er hat deshalb aueh im Titel 'The nicrie deuises of
Catitaine Cracks tone * besot iders erwahnt. Wahrend der Bramarbas no
iUilienischen Stuck nur eine passive Xrbenfigur ist, graft er bier von
vornherein selbst aktiv in die Intrigr ein : er ist nieht nur wie doit ein
gemieteter Bravo, sondern er handelt auf eigotn Faust und fiir rich
s< Ihst. Er hat zum grossten Teil die Belle des vorliebten Pedanten
OnofrlO idu rnonunen. Ebenso sclieinrn Indole und Fortunio hei
Munday ihie ( 'haraktere gettuischt zu haberi. Die Koruik ist natiirlich
in dem englisrhen Volksstiiek viel dorber als in der Komodie des
Italieners oder dem akadeniischen Lustspiel v«>n Fran nee. Eine sehr
wirksame Situation ist die, wo der Pedant rich in dem alien Sarkophag
verst<ckt hat, urn die andertn zu belausehen und dann angstlieh den
Kopf horausstreekt und sofort wieder einzieht. Bei Munday bauoht der
'Capitano ' ' 'continually * auf und unter, war der Teufel im deutsc
Kasperle*Theater. Die Frauen haben die Kerzen in don Sarkophag
geworfen, die rie bei ihrem Liebeszauber gebraucht batten, und Onofrio
180
Reviews
eteigl in it einem brennenden Licht in der Hand heraus. Das ist
Munday nicht drastiseh genug: 'Crack-stone riseth out of the tomb,
with one candle in his mouth, and in each hand one/ Da ist es kein
Wunder, wenn ihn die Anderen fur den Teufel halten und davonkuifen.
Der gelehrte Fraunce dagegen hat aus den Kerzen Lampen gemacht,
die in dae Grab geworfen warden Noch viel derber ist bei Munday die
Scene, WO der Bramarbas im Netz gefangen hereingebracht wird, wobei
« r von der Magd Attilia mit etwas Husslichcin begoeeen wird — auf
offener Biihne ! Mit deca BOenischao Aufbau seiner Vorlage ist Munday
sehi * frei vcrfahren. Seine er>- isl ;ms der vierteii bei Pasipialigo
abgeleitetj seine eweite entepricht der rierten und tunfton dort. Das
konunt wohl daher, daaa Munday den Dienerapparat vereintacht hat:
der Pedant hat die Rolle der Diema iib«Tinnnmen, hide in er seine eigene
an den Bramarbas abtrat. Noch niehr als Fraunce hat Munday Lieder
eingefiigt Ein Lied der Victoria, das sich auf eine Stelle in der fiinften
So n. dei ersten Akts bei Paequatigo grtindet, und ein zweites von
Ki dele hat Halliwell abgedruckt ; daa cnstcre steht auch (mit einer
bedeutungslosen Abweichong) in Colliers History of Dramatic Poetry,
III, 62. Eine Zauberstmphc der Hexe Medusa mederholt genau die
Prosawoite des Italienischeii, wie tiberhaupt die gauze Licbeszauh« t ■-
Scene rich vielfach wortlich an Akt I, Sc. 9 des Originals anlehut. Der
zweite Akt wird mit derselbcn Scene bei Munday wie bei Paaqaaligo
eruffnet, aber aus dein Fed an ten ' Onofrio travestito da servitor* ist
'Captain Craekstune als Sr] iuhneister verkleid* t TOWOfdeo. Wenn es
dann weiteV heisst ' Fedele reads the letter in Italian, and Pedante
interprets it in English/ so erinnert diese Ungeschieklichkeit sehon
Bt a rk a 1 1 d « -sal te n H i e r o ny mo T ragod ic "in sundrie 1 angi lages / W a h rend
in der dritten Scene dieses Akts im italienischen Stiick die Frauen als
tt&gde verkleidet auftreten, lasst sie Munday N a&nenkoflttlroe anziehen:
den ii der Sarkophag oder das Grab beflndet sich in einem Tern pel oder —
wie es sp&ter heiaai in einer Kapelle. Uenarbeitungen von Scene 4
und <3 druckt Halliwell aus dem zweiten Akt der Two Italian GerUle-
wen ab, wahrend die Bramarhas-Se.-ne (n, 15) bei Munday in den
dritteu Akt gezogen zu sein scheint Sehr frei sind auch die beiden
letztcn Akte bchandelt, von denen Halliwell IV, 1, 5 und b* (auf IV,
8 und 11 bei Pasqualigu zuriickgelu ml) abdruckt. Es linden sich kauin
mehr als ein paar Anklange an das Original* Dann fulgi in seinem
ug die von Fran nee weggelass. im- Scene Fedele, v, 6, WO Craekstone
im Netz dureh di> Stni>- hleppt wird. Dies ist von Munday in
der oben angedeuteten Weiae inmiickl wrorden^ Ansserdein aber
singt auch bierwieder Crackatone sin Lied auf seine traurige Situation.
Mil einer Rede des Bramarbas und einer 'Allemande' des Orchesters
schliesst der vierte Akt. Der fiinfte beginnt mit Akt IV, Sc. 18 des
Originals, wo der Pedant, liter der Bramarbas, die Magd fur die Herri u
nimmt und mit ihr verhaftet wird, Endlich druckt Halliwell noch eiiien
Teil vun Akt v ( Sc, 4 (v, 7 bei Pasqualtgo), ab, die die Losung und die
Vereiziigiinff der Liebendec bringt. Die Cnppelhexe lleduBa spricht
sebr passend statt des Pedanten die SobluBsrerae des Stiickes.
lit rit'trs
181
Die beiden englischen Dichter haben ungeiahr gleichzeitig Pasqua-
ligos Komtidie bearbeitet — Fraunce vor 1583, Monday vor Novei*
: aber wie w ten stehen sie dem Original gegentiber] Der
pedanttsehe Getehrte Fraunce lieferi. erne feat wbrtliche tateiniache
Ubersetzung. der volkstiiniliche Poel Munday dagegen schafft das Shirk
riindig urn zo eiuem zwar derben aber ganz geschickt aufgebauten
engUschen Bramarbas-LustgrieL In seiner Yorrede za den Fwa fte&tafl
mptiehlt l A. M. ' (Munday) seinem Gdnner this prettie
II for the invention, as the delicate contrivance thereof
not doubting but you will bo esteeme thereof, ae it dooth very well
deaerv.'/ Dazu bemerkt Collier (//tW. DramaL Poetry, m, 61): I! ad
Munday been more than the translator, he would scarcely have spoken
of the piece in the terms he has here employed/ Das sollte man nller-
dinga oenken: and doch hat sich bei dem Vergleich noit Pasqual
Fe<r igt a dass Munday viel raehr ist als ein blosser tlbei
Zum Schluaa m5chte ich noeh Professor Moore Smith and detn
Eerausgeber der MateriaKen, Professor Bang den beaten Dank aus-
SiJn fllrdie \ Vrotlciitlichungder iiiteressunteii lateinisehen Komttdie,
die club zum Verstandnis cine* halbverscholleiiez] engliachen Luatapiela
au8 der Friihzeit des Dramas wrholfen hat,
Wolfgang Keller.
English Metritis in the Eighteenth and Nineteen tit C$ntw%48< Being a
Sketch of English Prosodieal Criticism during the last two hundred
years. By T. & OMONU London: H. Frowde, 1907. 8m
viii -1-274 pp.
Mr Omond's new book is a thorough and conscientious study of
English metrical theory, written wit hi nit undue partiality; but the
exposition is coloured, unwittingly DO doubt, by the writers own views
of metre. This has the advantage of giving unity and cohesion to the
ntment of a hundred and one theories all at sixes and sevens, but
it also means that Mr Omond'fl history must, to a considerable extent,
1 or fall with his own theory.
To the main position of this theory, that (to quote from Mr Omond's
Study of Metn\ p. II) ' time is the real basis of. ., metre, and syllables are
aratively unimportant*; that, 'in other words, the periods may be
either occupied by soma! or left blank (to some extent at lead )
apparently as the writer wills, 1 no exception can be taken, except by
uncompromising exponents of the historical or of the pseudo-historical
position, who refuse to go behind the facts, real or supposed, of
prosodieal history. But the nietrist h«is next to face the question: How
are verses to be read f As prose or as verse? On the answer to this
depends the nature of all that follows. Professor Gum mere answers
unhesitatingly, and Mr Oinorid with some restrictions and provisos, * as
verse/ Both insist, that those subtle effects in rhythm which mean so
much in the poet's art" can only he brought out by a certain insist
1S2 Bedews
on the metrical structure. Although Mr Omond expressly denies
<jx 152* * that word-accent and metrical beat moss coincide/ his insist-
ence on 'the process of adjustment which has to be reckoned with in
addition to prose feet and accents' and 'which constitutes the life of our
verse/ would seem to indicate that the essential difference between a
prose and verse reading is not in the main, in his opinion, a question of
accent but of time. It is difficult, however, to accept this point of
view. that, namely, the same syllables can be * marshalled to various
times.' The facts would seem rather to substantiate the view that the
poet uses the prosodic elements with which the normal rhythm of the
phrase provides him. without attempting to force words into a metrical
scheme to which they do not naturally correspond. In met, Poe is
right, in spite of Mr Omonds disapproval m. 143k, in asserting that
* in perfect verse there would never be any disagreement between the
rhythmical and the reading flow/
The next problem which confronts Mr Omond is the relation of
accent and quantitv. Xo one. except Mr Dahney. now holds with
Lanier that * English speech habitually utters syllables in definite and
simple relations of equality or proportion/ and that English quantity is
as definite as Latin or Greek quantity ^hypothetkalryk was. But the
Juestton cannot be evaded : Does the quantity of a syllable in English
epend on its accent or not ' Mr Omond denies this, while Professor
WultT and many of the metrists criticised adversely in this particular
by Mr Omond. as unhesitatingly affirm it. Bat the question is, after all,
not fundamental As long as we scan by groups of syllables and not by
separate syllables, the value to be a ssigned to each syllable of die group
is of little importance compared with the value of the whole group.
Mr Omonds is the first attempt to write a history of English
Svtsodkal theory, and he deserves the credit due to a pioneer in a very
rficult suhiect : he has done more than anyone efae to throw light on
the obscure byways of English prosody. He has done ample justice to
the work of Mont**fck\ Steele and. nearer at hand, of Foe, Guest and
Coventry Paimore. besides rescuing from oblivion many lesser lights.
I; is to be regretted that Mr Omond did not see his war to include, in
Lis b:K;o£T*pi:y at kass. Ktei^n work on English nrosody r but he must
be juiiced by what he basset oct to demand that he has dVme exceedingly
well
TtaNous BL RrnansavBftowx.
lV.\:*f# Cl~y-Ku*~ Tr*z*si*wl bv Ross H Self*, and edited by
rn::;- H W-xsrcci L^ooc: Constable, 1907. 8va
vv. \**«; — V. : l.
T>.;> *.;::*» >.vi s^r.-^ a i:cK* wnme-.. as was no doubt intended
rv ::< ;■, :r.:^u;>. ;.ts* I; yet* :ii r^osh amder in possession of a
s*.t«.-:: c\ fr:-:v. V.;;c;> C>.r.*c.x*if w*x*i is. fee hs object* complete, and
:r a »^;: sx-sss* rvrcvs^cirauv*. yv; will whet his appetite lor more;
Revif W8
183
and at the same time it supplies him with a running commentary on
what may be called the political background of Dante's writings,
To get a really vivid glimpse of the life of that earlier generation
whose heroes figure preponderating!? if] the Dlvina Commeilnt^nw Hies,
q| i i nils. , instinctively to Saliinbene. Arid for the Florence which saw
D<te'fl political activity and exile — the Florence of 1300 — Dino
Compagm supplies, perhaps, a more detailed picture, and one more ap-
proximate to Dante's own point of view. But * John Villani/ as Miss Selfe
boldly styles him, remains as indispensable as ever he was before these
other two became accessible ; and, in Books iv — vni becomes, as the
editor of this selection well puts it, *the best of all commentators upon
phase of Dante's manysided genius/ giving us, and from a point of
i&l slightly different from Dante's, * the material upon which Dante's
judgements are passed.'
It is well that the Dante student, even in the elementary stages of
study, should have a more continuous and satisfactory acquaintance
with Villain than is afforded by those little entree-like portions that are
served up in the footnotes of commentaries on the Diriua Cum media \
And the reader is fortunate in having his Villani 'dished up ' by Mich
competent hands. The editor of these selections is well and widely known
as a meritorious popularizer of the poet's writings, and a deadly for to
certain traditional 'popular errors/ to some of which, it may be hoped,
he has here given the coup de prace. The translator, if she had only
this present work to shew, would yet have earned our congratulations
on a presentation of Villanis classic proee in a garb at once pleasing,
dignified and literal. The book is well printed and bound and pleasant
to handle Perhaps we ought to notice an error on p. 22, whereby
four misplaced lines make nonsense and the reader is left hopelessly
mystified.
LuNSDALE RAGOt
L<> V*t<t Nttom di Dante Alighjeri. Per cura di Michele Bakul
Milan: Hoepli, 1907. 8vo. eclxxxvi + 104 pp.
' Exspectata venis!' we may well cry to Barbi's critical edition of
the Vita Jfuow, for, as he reminds us in his preface, it has been
announced to 'appear shortly ' for fourteen yearn 'Other occupations,
and the discovery of a fresh MS. of great importance, of which I was
unable to obtain an adequate collation before November, 1905/ says
Barbi, are the causes of this delay. The MS. in question, which is one
of the Zelada MSS. in Toledo, is of extreme interest. It was known in
students of bhe text of the Vita Nnova that the majority of the existing
MSS. preserve the work not in the form in which its author left it, but
in a reoenaion due to Boccaccio. Several of these MSS. preserve a
mal tmte, in which Boccaccio gives a charmingly characteristic
lint of Ins proceedings. He relegates to the maigin the analyses of
184
Reviews
the poems which Dante (to the great annoyance of his readers, it must
be confessed) had incorporated in the text; and this, in the first place,
because he thinks that LB their most fitting place, and, in the second place,
because he has heard on good authority that Dante himself was ashamed
in his maturity of ever having w ritten bo juvenile a work as the Vita
JTuotKiyfiod was < .-specially distressed at having incorporated the analyses
in the text. So Boccaccio, 'being unable to remedy the other defects/
at leasi consulted the wishes of the author in this, and made his copy
accordingly' It should he adder! that a few n>ns> <|Uonlial changes are
introduced into the text. The result was exactly what might have
been foreseen. A few of the copyists fallowed Boccaccio exactly.
Others dropped his note, preserved his changes in the text* and re*
incorporated the analyses, putting them all alter the poems to which
they roter, instead of making thera precede the poems from the point of
Beatrice's death onwards. And yet others omitted both the note and
the analyses, and presented the continuous text, as modified by Boccaccio,
without them.
Now the Toledo MS. turns out to be nothing less than the original
MS., in Boccaccio's own hand, from winch all this family is derived. It
is, in fact, Boccaccio's original recension of the Vita Nttova. Hon
it is one of the oldest MSS., and according to Barb is grouping there are
only two (lost) codices between it and Dante's autograph, whereas there
are respectively three, four, and five (all lost) between the autograph
and each of the other three MSS. which rival Boccaccio's in antiquity.
Seeing then that the alterations introduced into the text are fen and
easily recognised, the Toledo MS. must rank with the very first
authorities for the construction of a critical text. Had Boccaccio boon
intelligent and more careful than he actually was, its authority
would have been higher xat: but his carelessness allowed him to drop
out many words and phrases and his intelligence often induced him to
alter expressions, which a more plodding scribe Would have copied
exactly whether he had understood them or not
The four earliest MSS. — the Chigi, the Toledo, the Uagliabecchian,
and the Martelli — are representatives of four distinct families of MSS,,
denominated respectively k f b t s, and ,r by Barbi, The archetypes of the
families k, s and x no longer exist, and they have to be reconstructed
by a comparison of several descendants. The archetype of s for example
was copied by the scribe of the Magliabecehian MS. and the scribe of ;
Verona MS. of half a century later. It is by comparison of these two
that the archetype of the group must be reconstructed. The archetypes
A: and m have to be recovered from more complex and abundant data,
and by a more elaborate process; but the immense progeny of b Oar
more numerous than all the others put together) now rejoice in the
possession of their actual paterfamilias, so that there is no need to
n construct their prototype conjectural ly. Ii stands before us. Of these
four groups or families, k and b are assigned by Barbi to a common
tradition — a, and s and ;r to another common tradition — ft. The proto-
types of a and £, Barbi supposes to have been copied from the same 1
Reviews
185
MtS. But it was nob the autograph, for it already contained some
obvious corruptions.
The proximate sources for the establishment of the text, therefore,
an the recount met id archetypes a and ff t and the proximate sou rets for
the reconstruction of these latter are the reconstructed archetypes of $
.c for /J, and the reconstructed archetype of k together with the
Toledo MS. itself fur a. Thus:—
Autograph
I
#
r
To. {h)
These results are reached by B minute examination of the ultimate
via criHoQ in the 77 existing manuscripts (complete, fragmentary
elective) of the Vita Ifuova or ita poems.
By far the most valuable and laborious portion of Barbi's work
consists in the collection and tabulation of the characteristic variants 083
which his genealogical tree of the texts is based. Its accuracy must be
■ I by time, but its acuteness, caution, and minute conscientiousness
proclaim themselves at a glance. It is interesting to compare the results
with those y*[' Beck's edition of 189*5, and to note the immense a<l\
in precision and system. Even in the numerous cases in which Barbi
• ojitirms Beck's general grouping, he constantly corrects it in detail,
showing for example that two MSS. directly affiliated by Beck must be
regarded as independent copies of a losi codex
Assuming that Barbi's work stands the test of future verifications,
il is impossible to speak with too much gratitude of what he has given
us, and yet he has not given us enough. There is no complete register
of the variants. The tables give those readings that Barbi regards
as characteristic for the grouping of the MSS. and the determination of
the reading of the archetype. And on this point there is, of course,
ample room for diversity of judgment. At the foot of the text itself
there are discussions of special points and a meagre apparatus vriiivits,
thus described by the editor: * I n cases of disagreement between a and
/8, the variant thai has been rejected is registered,,., If special reasons
line B departure from the reading common to the two traditions,
or the reading common to one of them and a family of the other, the
[ejected reading is n ! The variants of a single group are aba
registered, when from their nature it seems impossible absolutely to
exclude their attribution to the author, however improbable it may
seem. Only where the readings of the archetypes cannot b shed
certainly by a comparison of the thrived IfSS, are the eleh
for its critical reconstruct ion supplied;' In other cases the
far is referred for information as to the actual MS, readings to the
K. L. H. HI, |3
186
R*riew8
elaborate tables that have bees drawn out in the Introduction. It is
obvious from this that the reader is almost entirely at the mercy of the
editor It seems a pity that having given us so much he has not been
more generous here. Moreover, he barely fulfils even his promise.
There are numerous ruses, for example, in which words have fallen out
from one of the traditions, leaving a more or less obvious hiatus. The
letter of Barbi's promise would had us to expect that these cases would
be noted in the apparatus critic its ; for it is clear that the hiatus may in
theory be due to the common source of a and 0, and that one or other
of them may have conjectural ly rilled it. The expectation however is
not fulfilled. Beck's edition, then, remains the only one in which the
editor, to the best of his power, has given us the whole material at hia
command ; and a glance at his edition will at once reveal variants
which Barbi does not register.
It should further be noticed that Barbi excuses himself from any but
incidental notice of those MSS, of the Vita 3 mzuni, which are
not obviously excerpts from the complete Vita Nuova itself. He does
so on the ground that the relation between the text of the Canzoni as
incorporated in the Vita Nuom and their text as independent poems
is unknown to us. But surely the fact that the external tests for the
value of evidence are as yet doubtful is no reason for suppressing the
evidence itself. We ought to have before us the whole material, and
nothing short of it should have been offered us in so elaborate and
laborious a work as this.
To have given all the MS, readings at the foot of the page, as Beck
has done (though very inaccurately, according to Barbi and the
authorities he cites), would no doubt have involved much labour, but it
need not have swelled the bulk of the volume inconveniently, and the
absence of such a register leaves us, after waiting fourteen years, still
without a reliable edition of the Vita Nimva which places the whole
critical material before us.
Barbi has bestowed extreme care on the question of orthography,
1 taken in its widest sense/ as he well says. In the absence of any
evidence as to Dante's own practice in the matter of spelling he ha3
attempted to establish the text on phonetic and morphological principles,
and to make it represent, to the best of his power, the actual linguistic
usage of Dante s time ; and for this he deserves the grateful thanks
of the reader who is not an expert. All the genealogical and other
tables are models of clear arrangement. Beautiful facsimile specimens
of five MSS,, including the chief representatives of the four great
families, are added.
Philip H, Wicksteed,
Mevicws
187
A Grammar of the German Language. Designed for a thorough and
practical Study 0$ the Language as spoken and written to-day.
By GeOBGS O. CURME. New York : The Macniillan Co., 1905.
Bvo. xix + 602 pp.
A grammar of more titan 800 pages written in English and devoted
bo German, is a noteworthy event. That such a book come from the
pen of an American scholar is a proof of the thoroughness with which
the 'motley crowd ' of modern languages are being studied in the
United States, and wilt serve, it is to be hoped, as a stimulus to scholars
in England, whose interests lie in the same direction. Up to the present,
Mr Otirme's subject has been very much neglected by English scholars.
There has been little or no attempt to discharge the debt which we owe
to German scholarship for its contribution to the scientific treatment of
the English language. We have in this respect been receivers, not
givers. Would that Mr Curme's book might be the herald of a new,
and for English scholarship more flattering state of a flairs ! The author
of the present book has performed his task with great industry. The
capacity for taking pains may or may not be an attribute of genius,
but it is certainly a very necessary quality in a scholar; evidently
Mr Curiae has not that contempt for ' spade-work,' which is perhaps
086 reason why < Jet man exponents of the methods of modern philology
met with so few rivals of equal calibre among the two great
Anglo-Saxon nations of to-day. If the present book does ever so little
amove the reproach of dilettantism from Anglo-Saxon scholarship
in such fields it will more than justify its exist* nee,
If I am inclined to criticise Mr Cunne's work adversely in certain
particulars. ii ji for the present almost entirely on the score of method.
It has to be admitted that our ideas of method, as regards the treat*
ment of a modem Kultursprache,' are still in a transition stage I hold,
however, that for the ends indicated, the proposals of Ries, and
following on those, the break with tradition made by Siitterlin in his
moat stimulating book. Die deuteche Spwxche der Gegenwart, represent a
great advance in the treatment of modern German grammar. Of this
movement, however, there is little or no trace to be found In the present
book, greatly, as it appears to me, to the limitation of its usefulness,
Perhaps Mr Cuime meant to disarm criticism of this kirid by the
meiit in his Preface — where he might certainly have found room to
discuss Ins attitude to the theories mentioned — that the book 'is written
entirely from the standpoint of the needs of English-speaking students/
This hat the grammar is intended for such students as a means
not only for theoretical, but also for practical study of the language: in
other words, a repetition of the fatal mistake which for long smot.li-
(by making Grammar essentially the theoretical study of
uago— the slave of practical aims. The present book seems to
dem anew the fallacy of this. To mention only DBS of many
disadvantages, it crowds up the book with a great deal o( unnecessary
ballast. For example, six closely printed pages ore devoted to rules of
13-1'
188
It, i >'rtrs
gender, Tin no theoretical value, as the author eon fosses when
In rjills I hem "only.., a practical guide/ But they have also no practical
value, on ;in'iiiinf t>f (In number of exceptions. The practical observa-
tion thai in cases of doubt one refers to the dtctioii- the gender of
a word ratlin than to the gtm&UIl that such rules,
if to be made at all, do not belong to the granim u. The scientific
u ion of ill. the language, which Mr Oirme has doubl
aimed at, suffers tremendously by the frequent interruptions rendered
necessary in order to tell the student hew to translate this, that and the
other into Unn tetimes the effect produced on the reader is
almost comic itement as 'the English
MTOad il marietta)) tn * rertnan speakers were translating
I lien thoughts out of English! Surely it is time we freed ourselves
from the nar on that the student of a foreign laaguag
burning with the deau insists his mother-tongue into it, and that
this is the attitude of mind in which it must D m !v be approached
by lino should this be so, that the grammarian is necessarily
id to mil tit tide of mind. If grammarians really
undertake thoambiti vtueh Mr Curme has mapped oat
lei ilu m show the power of language to express mans highest
thought* and feelings/ it may be suspected that they will have
eonsiderable difficulty in i 'inn to siieh
limitations, It is accordingly my opinion that the authors plan of making
■■'iily an ' outline o( German Grammar/ but also *a valuable book of
coos/ and one l as complete a* pmiJlMo' on the lines he has ado]
was n mistaken plan. A scientific gramn. lennan in Etk
int. probably work of reference on the lines of
Paul's nut hi \a!uod /VsittAss WorUiimch, but can these things
he combined It i^ admittedly difficult to draw the line the
Id be a great g»i? add
do no, however I erbuch, - nnan is
i long many other merits that of being a contribution
towm ng the problem.
The beat feature of the* to be found in the fact that it ia
l In fruit of an independent u of the linguistic material.
Mr Curtne's determination of sWage in Gennan speech is the result of
own observation of _ro as it BS D and spoken
lo il.i-. upon e\ collections made by I He has not
jbw tilln into tin mistake, which natives often make, of repre-
senting the language instead of as it really is. He
teat pains nguish between literary and
colloquial usage, and to devote to the latter the attention which it
but seldom receives, as well as to make the necessary temporal
distinctions While, how, have adequately
lationahin of the htemrv to the ooUoqniaJ language
tul whether In ban devote* I sufficient atten undary
between the former and the disjecta. r example. il
treatment oi the ion in * Da gehort em Grogchen draufges.
Review*
189
As Paul calls this south-west German, it is certainly rather inadequate to
notice it here merely 'by reason of its pithy terseness. 1 But whatever
deductions tall to be made on such score or on the score of plan and
bod, it serins t<> be certain that Mr Curnie's book has consider-
able value as an independent examination of the problem of (German
linguistic usage at the present clay. It is a testimony to the authors
and industry that, his facts are, so far as I have noticed, connect.
But his manner of stating grammatical things is often vague and
lacking in precision ; so much so that one may occasionally receive
nera! impression of inaccuracy, where it is not present. * The
growth of letters has not kept pace with that of sounds/ or 'This
change of vowel in the different tens, s la tie result of a different
Accent which obtained in an earlier period, but is now used to make
clear certain grammatical distinctions such as tense and number/
or, speaking of Venters Law, 'seen in Gothic and less perfectly in Old
English and other Germanic languages, 1 is not put with felicity. Nor is
much attracted by such rhetoric as 'The historic memories of
iany lie in the South, hut the present and future seem firmly seated
in the North." Most probably this air of vagueness of expi suite
from the fact that the book,Rfl Already mentioned, 4 Lb written entirely from
the standpoint of the needs of English-speaking students/ One knows,
alas, what such needs are, no J his side of the Atlantic at any rate:
examinations and eram-bi Bu1 in spite of the handicap under
which Mr Curiae has voluntarily worked, oil book merited more than
to be noticed under the heading 'school books, 1 as actually happened in
the jiages of a contemporary journal
K. A. Williams.
bU HI M& Stud/fan ntr PbftfeapoMt*. Von
K\kl KuLix«i. {GeruHfnixtiscite AbhandJkjmgmt xxv.) Breelau \
H und FL Marcus, 1905. 8va \ iii + 583 pp,
Wer Gelegenheit hahe, eine grosscre Anzahl deutacher liand-
ftehritteii dea xv, and xvl Jahrhunderts dirrehzubluttcrn, dem werden
i es iiii Texte selbst, auf Blattrandern oder auf ursprllnglich
ienerj Stellen einzelne Beispiele jenea kleinoo poetiacheD
tiles aufj i] sein, deaserj We» n und Entwicklung bis auf
Hans Kosejjplut uns Euling in dem vorliegenden stattlichen, von
si ^n mien Druckfehl fr ■ ion Bande vor Augen fiihrt. Seit
Herders Tageo hat das- Priamel (so und nieht 'die' ftrtamel werden wir
nun mil En ling zu schreiben haben) Blanches denkenden Kopi
scb&ftigt, mancheo DeflmtioDBversuch hervorgerufen, ja im Jahre 1897
erschien daniber ein Burn von \\\ Uhl, der das Priamel dem Witz
1 Mir Hind nur folgende aufgcfalh-n : > v m uuten lien; vou t'oir/ ;
8* 125 8<&liifa&e]ie ? Z file 2 im ?r*tm Ytn% 8. 21*8: Cirdaria, S, 175 wud difl SebreibuDg
B,' prooeB 1 Englaoder mHmid anninhn
190
Rv
gleiehstellte und seine lateinische Bezeichnung auf akademiache Kreise
zurilekfuhrte. Die Unhaltbarkeit seiner Theorie wies sein Recenaent
Ehrtsmann ira A merger fiir deutichei Aittrt*n fl 86, 100 S naeh. Dhd
nun nennt Euling, die Grenze enger siebend, epigrammatische Impro-
visation als Ausgangspunkt des Priamels, gibt ihm ftlfiQ men wohl
uralteii, vulkMmnlirhen, unliterarisehen Wfchrbodeil, auf dem daa
Priainel, i-in Herkenroslein, lange, lange wild und keek bliihte, bis Hans
Rnsi'iipliit linen St ranch von Mr Heeke mit alien Wurzeln nusgrub,
kcziBtgerecht veredel&e nod Bin mit eineiD lateimsrheu Nan lahen
in den groasen Garten der Literatur setzte. Dr; n der Hecke
aber bliihte es und bluht es noeh heute lustig welter
In der allseitigen Beleuehtung und Bcgrundung dieses < e eluikens
beruht m. E. die Bedeuiocg der Schrift Eulings, desaen cindringend
liebe Uinduis flir deutsches Kultur- nnd Literaturieben im
XIV. und xv, Jahrhundert, wie friih^t* in B61Z16CQ Bueh (Iber Kunz
Eiatener, bo auch bier, beeomten im sweiten and neunten Kapitel,
mis tbrdert und fesselt; sie wird, was der Titel verheisst, ein wicbl
Beitrag snr Volkspoeeie, und gibt dem klaasiscken Priftmel Binen selb-
stand igen Platz in der deutschen Lite rat urgeschichte des ausgehenden
Mittflaltrrs, wie man ihn heispiebweide aohoti lauge den Ehrenreden
der Heroldspoesie zurrkannt hat.
Euling hat auf den 588 Sri ten seines Bucbes euieo langen, z. T.
noch wenig betretenen Weg durchwandrrn tAttSfin n, den er sieh, wie
mirli bediinkt, freilich ofters ooeh lunger und beschwerlicher gemaeht
hat, als zur Sache gerade notwendig war. Was \V under wnm man
dem Bnehe das Mtihevolle der Wanderung ansieht! Erschwert winl
seine Lektiire zudem diireh die fortwahnud^u Verweisungen unter
den Text; fur viele Falle hatte ein vorausgesehicktes Yerzeiehnis der
benutzteti Literatur geniigt, Der reiche Stoflf ist in neun Kapitel
eingegliedert. Es sche i nt mir z weckd ien 1 ich , ih re n Gedan k< 1 1 gj oil; k urz
wiederzugeben und daran einzelne Zweifel and Bemerkungen ami
Art zu kniipfen.
Ausgehend von einer Kritik der bislmrigen Definitionen des Priamels
von Herder bis auf die neueste Zeit stelit Euling im ereten Eapitel
(S. 15) seine eigene z. T. auf Wendeler fussendr Definition des/srtigen
Priamels auf, d. h. des klassischeo Priamels, wie es sich im XV. Juhrhuii-
dert in ff iirnberg dureh RoflenpiiUfl Kim>t uiisgebildet hatte. Nehen der
charakteristischen Stilform — eiue Reihe paralleler Einzelli rden
in beatimmten Forrnen (den spater aufgestellten Typen A — C) rait
kiinstlenscher Absieht zu einer inneivn Einheit verbundea — wird darin
gleichstarkes Qewiebt gelegt ant" die Existenz des Priamels als eelb-
standiger literariacher Gattung epigraiumatisclu'r Improvisationadicb-
tung. Der Rest des Kapitels grvnzt dt\s so karakterisierte Priamel gegen
verwandte Gatfcungen ab, wie PrOBaoentenxen, Triaden, Sprichworter,
Ratsel, Quodlibet (mit beachtungswerten Bemerkungen (iber Hernien
Botes Koker, S. *V-\ f) t Schnaderhupfel »ra. D is /write Kapitel
beschiiftigt sich mit dem Naraen des Priamels, Euling fiibrt ihn auf
einen rausikalischen terminus tecfinicus zuriick, den Rosenpllit bewnsst
Reviews
191
a us dera Musikleben seiner Vafceretadt X urn berg entlehnte und auf
das kletne poetische Qebilde Ubertrug. Unter Praeambula (Priamel)
verstand man zunachst unselbstlindige ztira Gesang uberleitende and
lange nicht aufgezeichnete Improvisationen auf der Orgel oder Laute,
die nach der Erfindiing der Lau te n tab ulatursch rift durch die Lauten-
bw-her bold weit verbneitet warden. Das Ansprechende dieser oeuen
Sypotheee, die auch durch die parallele Entstehung der Soiu.'tt-
bezeichnung gestutzt wird (S. 61), lasst sich nicht leugnen und diirfte
sich wohl anderen Herleitungen gegen iiber (z, B. aus der Fechtkunst,
akademiacher Disputation, Predigt) behaupten, solange wenigstens als
sich die Existenz del Nameris auf die Dichtungsgattung buzogen, nicht
ww Rusenpltit mit Sieherheit nachweisen lasst* Wenn Lautenbiicher
zur Verbreitang des Braaikalischen Priamels und danrit der Wortbe-
zeiehnung viel beitrugen, so waren unigekehrt noch spate Lehrer der
holden Lautenkunst deni poetischeii Priamel nicht abhold. Johann
Stobaus z. B., den wir als tiielitigen Musiker wie als Freund des
Kunigsberger Dichterkreises srliatzen, hat die Rander eines Autographs
(nun ->lnane 1021 d^s British Museum), das 1640 geschriebeu,
Lautenkompositionen, Abhandlungen iiber die Lautenkunst u. a.
enthalt, init Reimspmchen und Priamoln geftillt, wurunter sich audi
die 'Krone aller Priamelvierzeilor des Mitt elalters* (Euling, 8. 408)
befindet, halb in alter, halb in Lutherischer Pragung:
Ich leb vnd weis nidit wie laug,
Ich vterb vi id we is nichf wan,
Ick fahr vnd weis Gott Lob wohin :
Mich wundert das ich so trawrig bin 1 ,
Kapitel ni handelt vun der Uberlieferung dee Priamels. Vollstan-
digkeit- wird sich erst anstreben lassen, wenn das grossc, auf Beschreibung
aller deutschen Handschriften bis zura xvn t Jahrhundert gerichtete
Unternehmen der Berliner Akademie vollcndet ist Hundsdiriften vom
xv. Jahrhundert ab, Drucke dfifl xvi. und xvn. Jahrhunderts, Stamm-
biicher werden als Fundstatten des klassischen Priamels genannt und die
ersteren recht hiibsch eingeteilt in (a) Priamelbiiehh in der umherziehen-
den Sprecher, (b) Liebhabersainmlungen, (c) Lesebiieher, (d) g\
Samiiielhandschnften, Neben dieser literarisehen tfberlieferung geht
die umndliche ember, d. h. die Fortpflanzung des volksttimlielun
Priamels, mit dem der Einzelne nach Gutdiinken schaltet. Oute
Bemcrkungen iiber das Verhaltnis von Yolks- und Kunstdiehtuug
schliesscn das Kapitel, Ob das Priamel als selh.stnndige litrrarische
Qattting in der Welti it era tur zu Hause sei ? das ist die Frage, deren
1 Zuiu Moiiv v^l. (was Euling nicut anfiihrt);
vivo ) (quomodo
itiorior V et DQtOJO quunl>
itnibtilo ) ('juo
(118. \miuld 848 vom Jfth re 147G ; vgl. Priil rhe Hamhchriftvn in England,
n, 4r> j, und:
Si ijuis sentiret quo tend it et uiide vcuiret,
Numqaara gauderet sed in oioni tempore fieret.
(MS. Sloaoe 1888, xiv, Jh.)
HVJ
Reviews
Beantvvortung Kapitel iv gewidmot ist. Die Vergleieher waren allzu
bereft, auf Qrond ansserer Ahnlichkeiten (Stil forme n wie der
Aufzuhlung, der Anapher, dee Parallelism^ dor Klimax) das Vorhan-
deDBeil] d> m Priauiols zu bejahen. Enling hatte es nicht schwer, den von
Bergmarm aui en Roman v<»n der indisehcn Abkunii des Priamels
zu zersfcoren und Wackernagels Behauptung, wir bittern das lYianitl
gerneinsaiu mit der Sanskritpoosie, zu wideriegen, Nach Durchinuste-
rung auslandisrhen Materials (insbesonders wird die finnischi? Poosie
hero u) kommt Euling zu dem Result-ate (S. 140): das Niirn-
berger Priamel (d. h. das klassische Priamel Hans Rosenpluts) scheidet
si'h deutlich. von den kunstliehereu roniarusehtn Forrnen des Mittclalters,
et bl weder crientaliscfaer Abkunft, noch den Indogernianen gemeinsam,
1 1 ist der Versuch R. M. Meyers ein urgermanisehos Priamel zu
► r\\< isrn, ist afa gescheitert zu betraehten, derm blosse priarnelhaften
Formea altgernmnischer Poesie konstituieren noch keine eigene Dich-
tungsgattung; erst in derdeutsehen Literatur nndet sich das Priamel
als solche und auch da bat is sich erst allmahlich entwiekelt. Diese
scharfe Scheidung zwisehcn litorarischer Gattung und blotter Stil form
muss man sich bei der Lektilre ran tailings Buch stets vor Augeii
halten ; auf ihr baut es sich auf.
Naehdem Euling im funften Kapitol sich kurz mit einigex) Theorien
zur Entstehung des Priamels uuseinaiidergeselzt und ausfuhrlioher die
Ansicht R. M. Keyen (ateite jetat auch (lessen StiMstik, S. 39) die alt-
germanische Figur der Hanfung hatte das Friunel mr Blute gebracht,
zuruckgewiesen hat, nennt er am Sehluss des Kapitels ala Wurzel der
primitive n Volkskunrt des Priam els Improvisation. Das fuhrt ihn
iui sechsten, sehr umfangreichen Kapitel zur Karakterisierurag dee
Vievzeilers als der Hauptform ve.lkstuniHe.her Improvisation ; er ist
omit, international und noch bis beute die oigentliehe volksmassige
Priumelforin (S. 186^ Hier kommt seine Unterart, der epigram-
inatische Improvis.it ionsvierzetler, besonders in Betracht, den im Siiden
Deutsehlands eine starkere lyrisebe < irundstinimung, im Xorden das
\'oihei?schen sehweriulligen Ernsts und Pedanterie atiszeichnet, Eine
Fulle von Bezeichnungen— * Schnaderhiipfer ist darunter wool die
jbarste — werdon S. 200 aufgezuhlt; sie zeigen seine Beliebtheit
und Verbreitung.
Aus di< seiii vierteiler hebt sich dun h seine apecifische Form dear
priamclhafte \'ierzeiler heraus. Wiederholung und Parallelism us,
Hauptformen der volkstiimlichen bnjprovisationsdichtung sind die Mittel,
mil deneu er arbeitet; mit der volkstiimlichen Kunst im allgemeiuen
beill er Beschrankung auf iinen QedankeiL In drei Typen Lassen sich
alle Priainelvierzeiler eimadnen: den Typus des synthetischen Priamels
(A) ttnd der Klimax (B), beide mit eteigender Cietlankonbeweguug. und
(C), den tallenden Typus des analytisehen Priamels, genau betr&cbtet,
der Umkehrung von A. Diese Typen sind nicbts nems, srlnai Berg-
mann und Wemleler batten sich ergknsend sie autgestelit (vgk Uhb Lhe
tfentsrhe Priomel, S. 116), aber trotadens litt die Fnrscbung bis in die
neueste Zeit an der Hintanaetanng von Q, was entweder zu enge Delini-
/iVr/f >irs
193
tionen ode? abzulehnende Herleitungen der Bezeichung ' Pri&mel ' ergab
he Ealtng, S. 10, 58). So ist es ein Verdierist Eu lings, nachdriicklich
aufdieee F^rin i son zu haben. Aber wenn erSL 209 A und B
iin Grunde identiseh nennt (8, 223 spricht er freilich nur von den
nrandten Typua Bh worm er writers S. 233 von der oft scbwierigen
Unteracheidung der Types A and B red&fc, so wundert nmn sich billig,
w. untn ©f sich nicht an dem synthetischen and analytischen Typus
genttgen lieas and sein B etwa als Dnterart pod A mil AJ8 bazeichnefce.
Mir alleidinga erscheinen bei Betrachtung der S. 212 und S. 22u"
ibenen Schemata die beaden Types dnreh&tta nicht identisch. Das
karakteristisrhe von A ist. die Zusannnenfassung in der letzten Zeile
n andem die Bernerkuogen Eu lings S. 224 t niehts), bei B aber
fehU dieee, tndeis an ihre Stelle ein neues, im Verhaltnis zu den
voraufgehenden steigerndes odor gegensatzliches Glied tritt. Freilich,
ine seiche Steigerung vorhandexi ist oder nicht, scheint otters subjek-
it Ermesscn anheimzufallen; BO kuim ieh in dem ale Schema gewiihlten
Beispiel 1 (S, 226), das doch is dieter Hinsicht hesonders karakteristisch
berdings nur parallelc Aufe&blnng erkennen, deren
einzelne Glieder mit demselben Eflfekt beliebig vertatischt warden
kounten. Ebensowenig vermag ich den Typus B an einzelnen anderen hier
-tell ten Bc«spielen zu finden (man vgl. z. B, S. 229 die aus
Oberbayern und Btihxnen). Gleiches gilt von Beispioleu ftir die Typeo
A und C und gelegentlich von spator achtem Material Fs will
rnir daher sehrm^n, dass Enling in dem loblichen Fifcr reichlichen Stuff
iiunenzutragen, ttftera iiber das von ihm selbst gestccktc, Streoge
Ziel hinausgeschossen ist. with rend er an andnvn Stellen (z. B. S, 427)
bflt ui.der zu enthalrsam wild. Xachdrm Euling noch einen Bliek
gewor&D hat auf das Vorkopunes des Priamelvierzeilera in unlitcruri-
BChen, volkattimlichen Gattungen tier Poesic t d. h, im Arbeitslicd, luitsd,
Kinder* and Volksreim, Zaoberspraoh und Segen — hier interessiert uns
beeondera die Beobochtung 8. 252 T dasfl ea humor das KernstUck, der
eigentliche Heilspruch Let, weleher priainclhafteri Ban zeigt— vertulgt er
tl.is Leberi dee deuteoheu Priainelvienseilerfi l>is ine x\i. Jahrhundert,
i uaMirlieh die reiehlieheren Niedersohl&ge ties XV. Jahrhunderts,
selbetversULndlicb aueli der mnd. und verwandten mnl. Uberiiefoung,
zu IJ _;-n werden. Fin paar ►Stellen aus Otfrid, else BWIS Notkers
Psali ii ling t der Sprucn dee KIL Jahrhunderts (MS1*\ XIJX T 2),
j< < i iiu" Stelli.' in Iliiiirivhs v.ni Mrlk ErinnmvM unci bei Wernher von
Elmendorf: das sind sanitliche, im eiuzelnen nicht einwandfreie ZeugBS
aus alhivr Ziit. hneh aus dem Unustande, dass in Freidanto Be-
idenheit einige ganz volhuidete Brjanh Ivierzeiler auftreten f und dflflB
r niiil. CTberlieferung mit der deutechen eiiie FUUe voo Motiven
gemeineatn hat : was ant mtereu gememeameD Beeite deuten mdchte,
Bchlieest Enling schon fur daa xil Jahrhundert aut" etnas siemKch
■ofnSei leute haoto
tflUta U^uincji ilfifl :
jungii leutc minciou sich.
194
Reviews
tchtlichen Schatz gut gepragter Priamelmotive. Mciglich ist das
ja, aber zwingeodei wobul dem Schluss nicht inne. Wazum BoUen sich
Fn idanks priamelhafte Vierzoiler nur unter dieser Annahme erklaren
lassen ? Aus der Reihe der Glied&r, die zum Beweis alter Gemein&ara*
keit dee in ihnen enthalteneo Motive S. 274 aufgefubrt wefden, soheidet
der S. 317 abgedruckte englische Vierzeiler BiCoer aus: seine Schluss-
zeile 'never agree in one f lassfc handgreiflich die blosse ! . aus
dera moL r fcomea Balden over em erkennen. Aueh die S. 276 — 77
angeflihrten Ausweichungen dee voraufgehenden, aus dern Hoeh-
deutechen ttbersetzten mnl Vieraeilers beweisen nichts fur ein
gemeinsames Motiv; sie erklaren sich aus dem von Euling selbst S. 73
rturterten ' Henvnvt rhaltnis" des Volkes zum gegebenesD Stuff, Ahnlich
erkliire ieh mil die S. 275 angrzngenen hd, und ami. Fassuu^n. Wie
priamelhafte Reiuipaare wandern konnen, habe ieh Zeitsrln. / dent
Phil., 88, 304 an einem Beispiele zu zeigen versticht. Vorsieht ist
hier also jedesfalls geboten. Sichereren Bodem wie gesagt. gewinnt
Euling bei Freidank {S. 285—98), dann sennit er — ein vielleicht nicht
fmz onbedenklichee Verfahren — einige Vierzeiler aus kiinstlichm m
trophensystemen Spervogels heraus, endlich bringt er mehr odec
weniger sioheres Material aus dem Catu, aus Tischzuehten, Thomasiu
von Circelaria, Konrads von Haslau Spiegel der Tit [/end, alto durchweg
aus gnouiisch-didaktischer Diehtung. Der Bp&tere Mimiesaiig. ebetfcBO
die hotisehe Epik wind ertragslos ; um BO reichlieher tiiesst der Brunnen
wieder bei dam Didaktiker Hugo von Trimberj^S, 301 — 14: vulkstum-
liehe Vierzeiler, die mch eben deshalb Jahrhund<Tti- fan cerht
haben T abrr ctoch reichlieher sulche mit allgemein moralisientnliin oder
geistlich-gelehrteni Inhalt durch Ziehen seinen Renner. Im XI v. Jahr-
hundert entstehen im Siiden die sogenannten uneehten Freidankv-
zugleich springb Hand in Hand mit der starken religiosen Bevvegung
des Jahrhunderts, gefurdcrt durch die Bettelnionche u. a. eine geistlieh
theologische Cberijeferung auf, die den priame I batten Vierzeiler
inhaltlich vertieft. wahreml der stets daneben einhergehende volkstiim-
lich sich haufig zur Adoologie neigt, aber aueh das Genrebild (S. 339)
schatft und otters zu Insehriften ^erwendet wird. Sebastian Brant und
sein Interpolator schliessen i\ir Oberdeutschland ab; Mitteldeutschlaiid
und der Niederrhein spenden wenig, urn so mehr die Xiederlande und
Niederdeutschland (S. 358 — 87); zu den S. 358 angetuhrten Quellen
mtige man MS. u 144 der kgl. Biblinthek in Briissel hinxufUgei)
(Zeitschi\ f. d. Pint. 38, 39). Aufmerksam sei endlich in diesem
Kapitel noch gemacht auf die Bemerkungen Uber den Emfluss der
Staatekultur auf die vieraeilige Rriainelinjprovis^ttion, die sie geist-
reioher sugleicfa aber ancfa ^ilziger machto, und auf die von Euling
aufgezeigte Existenz dee Priamelvierzeilers im Fawtnachtsspiel, WO ihn
aucb Rosenpliit handhabt.
Das siebente Kapitel bespricht liingere 'priamelhafte Reimpaare/ die
sich z. T. durcb Erweiteruug vom Vierzeiler aus entwickelten. Wunsch
und Gtrofig (S. 422 f.) bedienen sich ihrer mit Vorliebe. Freidank, dfts
deutsche Bearbeiter der Sermones mtfli parcentes, sowie Hugo von
Revii ws
195
Trimberg sind die besten Zeugen fur diese Form; die mnl. Uber-
lieferuog verfiihrt hier selbstandig Dass man beim Minne- und
tteiatergeaang von dem Priamel ats selbstandiger Diehtungsgattung
oicht reaen kttnne, ist naeh Durchinustcrung der cinschlugigon Xprneh-
dichtung das Resoltat dea aohtefi KapiteJs. Dam it ist. der I'hergang
fauf Hans Rosenpltit, den ' Klassiker* dea Priamels, der B6 zur
iterarischen Gattung erhob, Das neunte Kapitel ist ihm vollstandig
fewidmet Eine treffliche Karakterimerang dea EoittelalterlicbeB
liirnbergs stent vomn, eine feinsinnige Hervorhebimg solcher Ziige
in Rosenpllits Karakter, die seine Huuieigung zur Prianieldichtung
erklan ii, schlieest eich an; dauo eine Untersuchung der Stoffe una
Motive: Roeehpltit hangt stark von der kirchlichen Yolksliteratur ab,
in der audi die Wurzeln des geistlichen Priainels liegen ; clessrti Vater
ist also Etoeenplfit nicht, wie man gewbhnlich annahrm Populare
Medicin gewahrt ihm Priamehstoft', auch Schwankerziihlungen halten
als Qttellen her, aber die Hauptgrnndlage fur Rosen pints Welti iche
Priamel ist doch die id ten? Giiomik and Stegreitdiehtuug ; was er
daraus zn gestalten vennag, Beigt etwa der priamelhaftc Spruch vom
Pfennig; rait Recht werden -S< 557 die Handwerkspriamel besonders
hervorgehobtm. Weiters beschaftigt Hiding die. Form <Us Rnsenplutschen
Priamels (8. 566 fgg.); Umfang (8 — 14 Verse das h&ufigste Ansmaes),
die Typenwahl, Sorgialt, womit OCT Sehluss von ihm behandelt wird.
Hit einem gedriingten voHiiufigen Ausbliek ant die Wirknng, die seine
PriamelpH .sir auf die spuh-re Literahir atisgeiibt hat und in einer
warmenipfundenen oommendaHo dieser Kleinknnst Rosenpllits klingen
Kapitel und Buch aus. Wir durfen mit Interesse dem zweiten Ba&de
entgege rise hen, der die Geschiehte d< i s Priumels zn Ende fuhren wird.
Hoffentlich wird ihm auch ein Gesarnmt .register nicht fehleiL
R. Phibbsch,
the en Fntnre. &wU tie littentture Comparie, Par F. Bali
spergee. Paris: Hachette, 1904. 8vo, 392 pp.
BibUoqruphie critique de Goethe en France. Par F, Baldexnperger.
Paris: Hachette, 1907. 8vo. ix -h251 pp.
With the publication of the promised bibliography Professor
Baldensperger lias completed his study of f Goethe en France.' A
second reading of the work with the bibliographical volume at hand for
pence, lias not merely corroborated the impression that we have here
b contributioH to the history of Goethe's influence outside Qeno
which it will not be easy to surpass, but has also convinced me of the
value of the book as an object-lesson in that branch or method of
ary study of which Professor Baldensperger is so able an exponent,
la litterature comparee/ The importance of his treatment of the
subject will be understood if Ids work is compared with the majority
of similar studies published during recent years. A critic schooled in
strictly 'scientific ' methods of lit* rarv rasi arch— and the comparative
196
Reviews
Student is usually inspired by scientific motives — would probably, in
discussing a subject of this kind, have proceeded dirt'* *r« ntlv ; instead of
publishing his bibliography three years after the work itself, he would
have begun by laying down the bibliographical foundation, and would then
have conscientiously proceeded to build upon it. But M. Baldensperger
has realised that if 'comparative literature' is to justify itself, it must
• merely as s science, but also as an art. The "morphological '
method might have given as a more methodically arranged bibliography
— although with the very excel Ion t indices to both volumes this is of
small account — but, it would have certainly resulted in a much less road-
able, less vital book than M Haldensperger has produced. In other
words, we have here, nol merely materials for a comparative history of a
field of literature and what jxisses as comparative literature at present
is usually little more than such materials — but also that history itself.
With an artists instinct &r arranging and grouping, for relief and
shadow, H. Baldensperger has marshalled his tarts and brought them
into an order that is something hotter than scientific, while the dis-
advantages Of occasional overlapping and repetition are unimportant.
The work is divided into four parts, * L'Autcur de Werfher* ' Le Poete
dram&tique et lyrique/ 'Science et Fiction." La lVrsoimalit^de Goethe/
and each of these parts is made up of tour chapters. The great maSB of
iaets pertaining to Goethe's influence in France, which at a first glance,
seen i so hopelessly confusing, have here segregated naturally and
symmetrically round certain criit-ivs; at the same time, the author has
DOt violated to any appreciable degree, the principle of chronological
development. It is in this rare combination of scholarly thoroughness
and artistic skill and at tin- value of M. Baldensperger , s treatise
as a lesson in method seems to me to lie.
There is no ambiguity in the title of the book, tor Goethe's two
sojourns on French soil precluded any real contact with France itself.
Strassbuig was, as far as Goethe was concerned, a German city, and at
Longwy in 1702, Goethe was one of an invading army. Indeed, it is
Strange — and to the literary generation that came after Goethe it was
wellmgh incredible — that this most cosmopolitan of poets should never
have seen, and never have manifested much desire To see I'
Prom the * comparative ' point of view, no work of Goethe's was so
important as Werthfr, Goethe began in France as the 'auteur <le
Werther 1 and he remained the auteur de Werther' until his life was
nearly over. The chapters of this study dealing with Wert her and its
influence in Fraxtce seem to me particularly admirable The bistorj of
that novel is traced with a BUT6 hand from the earliest translations to
Chateaubriandj and through Chateaubriand to Senancour. I would
note especially the excellent comparison of Werther and Rene'. These
chapters are so full of new points of view and suggestive ideas that they
nrhel one's appetite for that history of the Emigrant literature on which
M. Kdd« M-perger is at present engaged. Particularly skilful is his
distinction of the peculiarly Wertherian influence from the main current
of pre-revolutionary thought in France, which came down from Rousseau,
197
and had itself been, in the first in responsible for Werther. One
of the most instructive aspects of II. Baldenspergers book — and it is
noticeable in bis discussion of Werthvr—is its conformity to the wis*
reflection which is stated in the preface: 'II est bien certain qu'une
^poque litteraire, lorsquolle deeouvre eft quelle annexe des ideV
doa Ebrmea exatiques, ne goute et ne retient vraiment que les flAnanta
dont elle porte, par suite de sa propro evolution organique, I'intttifcio
lle-merne. Les influences etrangeres, k qui Ton felt une
gloire ou yn crime, suivant les points de vue, de * liberer r " ou de
oyer** une litterature, n'agifieent jamais que dans une direction
conforme aux tendances de oelle-CL Elles nous informent de BOUI
D le mot de Pascal, "elles nous font part de ootae bien." II en esf
en effet de ces actions intcllectuelles coinme des dcstinees niorak-
individus, ou Ton donne des conseils, inais on 1*011 n'inspire point de
conduit r.
We are warned against the temptation of contusing the drama of
1830 with that of (loethe, or of attributing too much to the stimulus of
the latter; we see how easy it is v rate the influence of Goethe's
lyric on French poetry. SI. Baldottsperger lavs emphasis on the strange
grotesque quality which the French i from Ffttfst, and OD
inclined at tiiues to wonder how tar RetSBch'fl famous Outline* may have
responsible for the distorted rchVction of Uoethes work in the
French art of the thirties. It is characteristic at least tor the psychology
of French romanticism and its attitude towards the (Jerman romantic
spirit, that it should have shown so marked a predilection for the
bizarre, the theatrical and the tinselly in what it borrowed from across
tin' Rhine. And this is particularly evident in the French inter} no-
us of Fau&t, from Gerard de Nervals translation, which Goethe
himself approved of, to Ary Neherters I ireteheu, wln\ more sentimental
than naive, had, as Heine said, 'read all Friedrieh Schiller,' and
Gounod's opera. In other words, the French romantic mind was m-
hle of grasping just this naive element in Goethe's work; oi 'all
that generation, George Sand was perhaps the only one who came
within measurable distance of understanding it. This, tOO, affords the
natural explanation of Hoffmann's enormous popularity in France; for
Hoffmann was exactly what, according to the French point of vii u ihe
tan romanticist ought to have been, and 90 randy waa, Needless to
Goethe was but ill-adapted to fit this Hoffman: dard
which the French set up for German literature, and M. Baldcnsperger
sums up the relationship of (Joel he to the Romanticists in the WO!
f Leur imitation a 6tfi presque toute de surface; u1 , ptutdt ila
distingue, dans IcBUvre du poete allemand, les aspects les plus analogues
a leurs prop res ambitions, et, faisant abstraction du reste. ils ont
ndiqne Tauteur eotiiTiM mi allie' (p. HJ9). Again, in the chapter on
k Le Lendemain du Bonuurtisme 1 he auggeets an mteresting comparison
of Wilhi'lm iMeister — a novel from which the romant.it -is-
draw any real or lasting profit — with L'ElduocUiofi 80&ti and the
still modern Wtthlvcr ha/ten with the psychological processes in
Reviews
,^ %^& W*MWW Dumas delighted, oi% in our own time, M. Bour_
usperger is right in concluding that the ideals of the
n nti lermany and France were too essentially different
such comparisons very far, but I am inclined to
l !<>om than he will admit for a plea for the solidarity
w i or, at least, of the continental — novel in the nineteenth
|u ivoouitnonding this book to English readers as the most important
i" Goethe literature that has come from France in recent
I , 'tniii'i help expressing the hope that some day a similar task
will k Attempted for Goethe in England. It is true, the influence of
Uiwtha in England shrivels up into a very trifling affair compared with
the full reninl of this volume; hut on one point M. Balder isperger
iWi light that is of vain* to us, namely, on the modi; >le of
Imikv \ ietor Hugo, in an eloquent passage at the close of his
ttiatuire d*un Crim* t compared Paris to the central focus where the
»i coloured light from various lands met and crossed; and despite
HjUmaoufi recent taunt that Paris had surrounded herself with a
t lonese wall against the bftftt thought of the Germanic peoples, France
Mill remains, in great measure, the intellectual mediator between
Germany and the reals of Europe. One need only, for instance, look
uii (h-rhart Hauptmami in our chief English handbook of contemporary
i iph\ to find that that writer is the author of, amongst other
dramas, serum h a i id L es A mm so! ita ires i The f u t u re in VGA
Ligator of ( loathe in England will, if I am not mistaken, discover
that a very givat deal <*i what we have thought and written about
Goethe during bhi list hundred years — from that eventful moment
ulna Carlvlti first lighted mi Madame de Steel's De VAl&magne, to
Matthew Arnold— has been stimulated and coloured by the active
mlrrv.st of I'Variiv in Goethe which M. Baldensperger here chronicles.
J. G. Robertson.
MINOR NOTICES.
With nil their faults of style and imperfections — from a modern
standpoint of critical method, the lectures of Francesco De Saner,
Petrarch (Stli Hoo mi Pafcwoa di Francesco De Sanctis. Nuova
hi i dt Benedetto Crooa Naples, A. Morano. 1907)
delivered tit i their value and their exceptional
intrti-t [noeed, this study of Petrarch, which repr> brilliant
and BUCceeaftll effort 00 tbe part of the exile of '68 t<> inspire an
mputhetie audience with a true and just appreciation of Italy's
in itself in some sense a classic. Based on the
conviction thai ' ii base dell* arte...e il viventc, la vita nella sua
integrity, this criticism is itself extraordinarily alive, candid to a
Minor Not
199
degree in pointing out the faults and littlenesses of its subject, en-
thusiastic in its appreciation of his merits and his greatness. Often,
perhaps, mistaken t though not so often as even Carducci supposed), it
is never superficial and never commonplace. No one can read it
without gain. The present edit inn tfl exceedingly well edited by KD
ardent and judicious disciple of De Sanctis, who has handled its
blemishes tenderly and well, and supplemented its criticism, wl
BBftiy, by footnotes, His preface and the authors Postilia and
Append tee to the second edition of 1883 (the first appeared in 1869),
are full of interesting matter, and afford a glimpse of the development
of a mind of no common order. The volume forms the third in a
collected edition of De Sanctis' works. It is marred by few printer's
ermr.s, and the type, though not of the best, is fairly clear.
L. R
Two of the three chapters which make up Professor C. Alphunso
Smith's Studies in English Syntax (Boston, (Jinn and Co, 1907), are
(bonded on articles contributed to the Publications qf the modem
Language Association of America and Modem Language Y /, ; the
third chapter ia new. The influence of Jeepersen is traceable in these
studies, but Professor Smith's attitude and results are his own. Indeed,
this suggestive little book has a value out of all proportion to its size,
and it cannot be neglected by serious students of the English language.
We have noticed two unimportant slips: the examples from At,
ami GUopatra on pages 38 — 9 are doubtful, the inflexion in 'kindly/
'sickly' not being clearly adverbial; and 'go' on page 21 is twice
misprinted for "grow/ We would urge, too, with deference that
Jesperseo's explanation of ease-shifting in the personal pronouns has
been rejected too sweeping!?: at any rate, a contributory influence of
phonetic similarity in the e-forms cannot, we think, be denied, Cf. the
instances from Malory cited in Jespersen's Proaress in Lauquatje (1894),
p. 248,
J. H. G. G.
The Development of Standard English Speech in Outline, by
A. M. Hart fN.w Fork, H. Bolt and Co. f 1907), claims to be 'merely
an attempt to show how the Englishman and American of to-day has
come by his pronunciation. 1 The author is certainly in advance of some
of his English contemporaries in starting from Mercian, rather than
front West Saxon forms; but we cannot lay much more in favour of his
bonk. It is too technical for the genera] reader, and too sketchy and
inaccurate for the student of language. The changes of pronunciation
laueer are eil lightly OT 'explained" by a little
do-phonetics. We trust that f as a whole, the book may' not * bo
said to represent Cornell aim and method. '
j. h. a. a
200 Minor Notices
We have received the Festschrift zur 49. Versammlung deutscher
Philologen und Schidmdnner in Basel im Jahre 1907 (Basel, E. Birk-
hauser; Leipzig, C. Beck, 1907). Of its contents we note the following
items as of interest to the readers of this Review: A. Barth, Le fabliau
du Buffet; G. Binz, Untersuchungen zum altenglischen sogenannten Crist;
W. Bruckner, Uber den Barditus; Ch. de Roche, Une Source des
Tragiques ; A. Qessler, Franz Krutters Bernauerdrama ; E. HofFmann-
Krayer, Ferndissimilation von r und I im Deutschen ; J. Meier, Wolfram
von Eschenbach und einige seiner Zeitgenossen ; A. Rossat, La Poesie
religieuse patoise dans le Jura bernois catholique; E. Tappolet, Zur
Agglutination in den franzosischen Mundarten.
The ' Kisfaludy-T&rrsas&g,' one of the most prominent literary
societies in Hungary, has appointed a 'Shakespeare Committee/
presided over by Albert de Berzeviczy, formerly Minister of Public
Instruction and now President of the Academy of Sciences. The object
of this Committee is to revise the already existing translation of
Shakespeare's works, and to publish a periodical of the nature of the
Shakespeare-Jahrbuch. A bibliography of Hungarian Shakespeare
literature is in course of preparation.
A. B. Y.
The second volume of The Cambridge History of English Literatare >
The End of the Middle Ages, will be published in the spring. It will
deal with Piers Plowman (by Professor J. M. Manly of Chicago),
Richard Rolle, Wyclif and the minor poetry and prose of their period
not already dealt with in volume i; Gower, Chaucer and the Chaucerian
school ; the beginnings of English prose ; and those of Scots literature
(Huchoun, BarDour, James I, Henryson, Dunbar, Douglas) ; the work
of the Westminster Press, etc.
We are glad to learn that Messrs Chatto and Windus have arranged
to publish in this country the handy and inexpensive Bibliotheca
Momanica, which we have already recommended to the attention of
students of Romance languages. The list of recent additions will be
found under New Publications. In preparation are Cervantes, Novelas
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A 'Society di Filologia Moderna' has been formed in Italy with
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includes the well-known names of Benedetto Croce, Cesare De Lollis,
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Manacorda (Catania, Via Caronda, 270) is secretary and the annual
subscription is, for ordinary members, 15 L., for foreign members, 20 L.
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Traver, H., The Four Daughters of God. A Study of the Versions of this
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Pascal, C, Poesia latina medievale : Saggi e note critiche. Catania, Battiato.
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Volume III APRIL, 1908 Number 3
RABELAIS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY.
II 1 .
JACQUES CARTIER.
In the summer or early autumn of 1545 Rabelais returned to the
project which he had announced thirteen years before of conducting
Pantagruel on a long sea-voyage. During this interval the interest
of Frenchmen in maritime adventure had been sensibly quickened by
the discovery of Canada. For it was the achievement of their own
countryman, Jacques Cartier, the Breton pilot 2 . On his first voyage
(1534), starting from Saint-Malo, he had sailed through the strait of
Belle Isle between Newfoundland and Labrador, and had reached,
though without being aware of it, the mouth of the St Lawrence.
On his second voyage (1535 — 36), after failing to find a passage to
Cathay — for this was the primary object of his expedition — he sailed
up the St Lawrence to Stadacone (Quebec) and Hochelaga (Montreal).
When he returned to France (July, 1536) the second war with Charles V
had broken out, and for the next four years Francis I was diverted from
all thoughts of maritime enterprise. It was not till October, 1540, that
he commissioned Cartier to organise a fresh expedition on a larger
scale, with the object of establishing a French settlement in Canada.
A little later, he appointed Jean-Franyois de La Rocque, Seigneur de
Roberval, to be lieutenant-general and chief captain of the enterprise.
It was Roberval's task to furnish the artillery and the colonists, and
[ as this took a considerable time, Cartier, who had the title of ' captain-
[- general and master-pilot of the ships/ without waiting for his chief,
* put to sea with five ships on May 23, 1541. He returned in the
r 1 Continued from Volume n, p. 3&
3 The most recent work on Cartier ia J. P. Baxter, A Memoir of Jacques Cartier,
New York, 1906. See also Ch. de la Roncidre, Histoire de la marine frangaise, hi,
807—333, Paris, 1906.
M. L. R. III. 15
210
Rabelais and Geographical Discovery
following year having established and afterwards abandoned a fort at
Charlesbotirg Royal, a little above Quebec. On his way home he met
Roberval in a harbour of Newfoundland, and disobeyed his orders to
go back with him to the St Lawrence. Deserted by his subordinate,
Roberval applied himself with great energy to the settlement at
Charlesbourg Royal, but after a terrible winter's experience Carder
was sent out again to bring him home (June, 1543), They reached
France in the foil owing February,
The initiative which Francis I bad taken in the exploration and
colonisation of Canada- had stimulated his subjects to a corresponding
activity. From 1540 to 1544 fishing-ships from various Norman and
Breton ports Bailed for Canada every year. In May, 1541, a Spanish
spy reported to his government that in addition to Cartiers expedition
ships were being fitted out or had already sailed from Dieppe, Harfleur,
and Honfleur, from Bforl&ix, Quimper and Croisic 1 . But in 1545 the
interest in Canada began to slacken. Though the third war against
the Emperor had been ended by the treaty of Cr£py in the preceding
September, France was now at war with England, and Jean Ango, the
great ship-owner of Dieppe, who had hitherto been the guiding spirit
of French maritime exploration, was devoting all his energies and money
to the maintenance of the royal navy. However, in the early part of
the year, the moment seemed still propitious for the publication of an
nit of Cartiers discoveries, and on February 28 a privilege was
granted to Ponce Roffet and his brother-in-law Antoine Le Clerc for
the publication of a book entitled Brief recit et succinate hamitifm, de
fa tan iiftrtianfaicte es ysles de Canada, Hochelaga etSaguetmy t et autres,
avec particiilieres vieurs, kntgaige, et cerinwnies des habitafis d'icelles:
fort detectable a veoir 2 . It is a simple and modest narrat : ve, occupying
only forty-eight leaves, of Cartier's second voyage. Probably a printed
account of the first voyage appeared about the same time, but no copy
of it now exists. Indeed, when Raphael Du Petit Val published an
account of this voyage at Rouen in 1598, he had to translate it from a
te vtrnngere. This was the Italian version which Ramusio had
included in the third volume of his great collection of voyages (Venice,
1556), and which was probably translated from a printed text. Some
forty years ago a MS. which bears evident traces of being Cartiers
original account was discovered in the Bibliothtque Nationale, and
1 Baxter, op. ciL, pp. 348 ff.
* The only known copy is in the British Museum. Troes discovered a second, bat it
was lost with the ship which was taking it to America. See H. Harriase, Bibtiothcca
Americana i*:tusti*»inut f for a facsimile of the title-page.
ARTHUR TILLEY
211
edited in 1867 by H.Michelant and A. Ram4 under the title of Relation
un <jinale du voyage de Jacques Cartier au Canada. Carrier's third
voyage and that of Roberval are represented only by fragmentary
narratives in Hakluyts Voyages 1 .
It was, as I have said, in the summer or early autumn of 1545 that
Rabelais reverted to the idea which he had foreshadowed at the close
of the Second Rook of making a long sea-voyage the framework of his
narrative. We read in chapter xlix of the Third Rook that Pantagruel,
having agreed to accompany Pan urge on a voyage to the * Oracle of the
Bottle,' assembled his followers at the port of Thalasse near Saint-Halo,
and there made the necessary preparations 2 . The Third Rook was
published early in 1546, and in the summer of 1547 Rabelais, who had
made a homed flight to Metz immediately after its publication, began
his Fourth Rook with an account of the voyage. In the first half of
1648 hi- published ten chapters with the fragment of an eleventh. In
June of the same year we find him at Rome with Jean Du Rellay. He
returned to France in July, 1550, and obtained a fresh privilege on
August 6. We may therefore assume that at that date his Fourth
Bunk was nearly ready for the press. Rut it did not appear till
January, 1552, and internal evidence points t<« the fact that the
later chapters — xlviii to lxvii — were added during that interval.
In the first chapter we read that Pantagruel put to sea at the Port
of Thalasse, and that he was accompanied by ' Xenomanes, the great
u nveller and traverser of perilous ways, who had been sent for by
Panurge and had arrived certain days before. 1 This is followed in the
iplete edition of 1552 by the statement that ' Xenoinanes had left
with Gargantiia, and marked out in hi* great and universal Hydrography
the route whieh they were to take in their visit to the Oracle of the
Holy Bottle Bacbuc.* Later on in the chapter we learn that the course
of the ships was set by the principal pilot, and in the 1552 edition we
are told that the pilot's name was Jamet Brayer. Now, as all students
of Rabelais know, M. Lefranc, developing an idea first suggested by
M. ICargry in his Navigations franeuises, has adduced several excellent
reasons for identifying Jamet Rrayer with Jacques Cartier, and Xeno-
inanes with Jean F< mteneau, commonly called Jean Alfonse of Saintonge,
1 For the fire* voyage Mr Baxter translates the Relation oriflifittltf, for the second a MS.
(No. 5589, one of three) in the ftibliotbcque National?, aa he found several errors and
omissions in the Brief recit, including the omission of two whole chapters (xi and xii).
He ridds the fragments from Hakluyt,
* The privilege for the Third Book is dated September 19, 1545; the concluding
chapters were probably written not long before this.
15—2
2 1 2
KabeUris and Geographical Discovery
who accompanied Roberval to Canada a,s his pilot. That Xenotuanes
stand- for Jean Alfonso there can I think be no reasonable doubt. We
told in EH, xlix that Xenomanes * had some small holding of the
domain of Salmigondin in mesne-fee/ and all the commentators are
agreed that Salmigondin stands for Saintonge. We also know that
Jean Alfonso before he sailed on his last voyage, on the return from
eh be was attacked by the Spaniards and mortally wounded in the
\ji Rochellc (1544), had written ■ raphie which was
prurtieally an Hydrography, and that it eventually came into the hands
of the poet Mellin de Saint-Gelais, who secured it far the Royal Library.
Babelaifi, whu was a friend of Saint-Gelais s, may well have heard of
this c;iremiistanr«\ Moreover, the part played by Xt momaH6B in the
TOyftgQj and the air of authority with which he gives advice and
explanation is in complete keeping w T ith the reputation of Jean AliVatv
as the most experienced French pilot of his day, who had sailed the
seas, as he tells us in his Cosnwgraphie, for forty-four years, and had
explored the coasts of America from the Straits of Magellan in the
south to Davis Strait in the north 1 .
As regards the identification of Jamet Brayer with Jacques Cartier,
there is more room for doubt, but M. Lefrane has considerably strength-
ened the case for it. He points out that Cartier, like Jean AUbnse,
had the requisite experience for acting as pilot to Pantagruel on this
particular route. He also lays stress on a statement made by one
Jacques Doremet, who in a little volume on tin antiquities of &
Male, prints the following marginal note opposite a pas tling
with Carrier's discoveries; 'Rabelais vint apprendre de 08 Cartier les
termcs de la marine et du pilotage a Saint-Malo pour en chamarrer
ses bouffonnesques Luciantsines et impies epicureismes/ Dun?
book was not printed till 1628, and the writer was not bofffi till
fifteen to twenty years after Rabelais's death. The statement t lure ton*
rests on tradition only, and without further support cannot be said to
have much authority. But there are certain indications in Rabelais's
book of a personal acquaintance with Saint-Malo, where Cartier lived
till his death in 1557. In IV, Ixvi Panurge, who is generally the mouth-
piece of Rabelais's reminiscences, says that he had seen the islands erf
Sark and He tin between Brittany and England, from which we may
reasonably infer that Rabelais visited them from Saint-Malo. Again
in in, xxi v Panurge suggests that they should make a voyage to the
1 See M. Georges Musset's introduction to hia edition of the Cmmoyraphie in the
Hfcatil de Voyage*, vol. xx, 1904,
ARTHUR TILLEY
213
Ogygian islands which 'are not far from the harbour of Saint Main/
Lastly we find scattered up and down Rabelais's book various remi-
niscences of Brittany, shewing that he was acquainted with the country
generally, The fact that no name is given to the pilot in the 1548
edition of the Fourth Book leads M. Lefranc to suppose that it was
not till after this date that Rabelais became intimate with Cartier 1 .
If so, the intimacy cannot have begun till after Rabelais's return from
Rome in the summer of 1550. Rabelais had then, it is true, his parish
of Meudon to look after, but doubtless his parochial duties were not
so exacting that they did not admit of an occasional holiday.
But the question whether Jamet Brayer is Jacques Cartier or not
jfi comparatively unimportant in comparison with the undoubted fact
that the influence of Cartii rs voyages is plainly to be traced in
Rabelais s narrative, In chapter xxx of the Fifth Book Carti<
mentioned without any disguise among the travellers whom Pantagruel
and his company encountered in the country of Satin, and in the Fourth
Book there are several reminiscences erf his first and second voyage.
Pantagruel sets sail, as Cartier did, from Saint-Malo. On the fourth
day (according to the primitive edition), which was June 12, he meets
with a merchant- ves.se 1 returning home, and learns that they are
Frenchmen from Sai&tosge and that they came from Lantern- land.
This agrees with the account of Carriers first voyage, where we read
that on June 12, off Labrador, ' we pereeired a great ship which was
from La RocfaaHfl, which had pnarod the night seeking the harbour
of Break 1 Ppc Lantern-land, though it stands for other places as well,
oert&inly Bta&di for La Rochelle, where there was a Tower of the
Lantern, betides tare bowesa in the harbour,
In the partial edition of the Fourth Book, the first land at which
the travellers touch is the Island of Enuasin (Noseless onea) Of Alli.r
'The men and women/ we are told, * are like the red-faced Poitevins,
except that they all... have their nose in the shape of an ace of clubs;
...and all the people were kindred and related to one another 2 .'
M. Lefranc very ingeniously sees in this people a double reminiscence
of Red Indians and Eskimos, the red skin pointing to the fennel and
abnormally flat D he latter. In his First Voyage Cartier,
speaking of the inhabitants of Blanc Sablon on the coast of Labrador,
that ' they paint kbemaelyefl with certain tawny colours/ These,
Mr Baxter thinks, belonged to the tribe of the Beothics who inhabited
1 lM narifjatiun* dr VnufinjrutU pp. 270-1.
a rv, ix (i? of 154s edition).
214
Ihtbetais and Geographical Discovery
fuundland in Cartier s day t but have since been utterly exter-
minated They were probably, he adds, the same people whom John
Cabot described as painting themselves with red ochre, and three of
whom he brought to England. As for the trait recorded by Rabelais,
that ' all the people were related to one another,' it exactly represents
the condition of an Indian totem clan. There is r however, nothing
either about this peculiarity or about Eskimos in the accounts of
Carrier's voyages, so that if Rabelais is here recording actual ex-
periences he must have got his information from oral sources — either
from Cartier or, if he had not made his acquaintance when lie wrote
this chapter, from Jean Alfonse. For Jean Alfonse's home was at La
Rochelle, and there seems good ground for suggesting that Rabelais
had met him there in the Fontenay-le-Comte days, and he may have
met him again during the interval between his return from Canada in
the spring of 1543 and his departure on his last voyage in July, 1544.
From the Island of Ennasin the travellers sail to the Island of
Cheli 1 , and M. Lc franc suggests that there may be 'some relation
between King Panigon's reception of the travellers and that of the
Canadian chiefs who fill so large a place in the narrative of Carrier's
second voyage,* I am prepared to go a step further, and to identify
' the good King Panigon J with Donnacona, the * Agonhanna * or lord of
Canada. For in the complete edition of the Fourth Book he is called
1 King Saint Panigon/ and in a curious passage in chapter xxv of the
Fifth Book, which only occurs in the MS. of the Bibliotheque Xationale,
we are told that 'Panigon in his last days had retired to a hermitage in
this Island 1 (the Island of Odes) 'and lived in great sanctity and the true
Catholic Faith/ Now this forcibly reminds one of the fate of Donnacona,
who was treacherously captured by Cartier s orders, carried off to France,
and baptized at Saint-Malo, and who died in ( the true Catholic Faith '
j ust before Cartier started on his third voyage in 1 540 2 . This resemblance
between Donnacona and Panigon leads one the more readily to accept
M. Lefranc's suggestion, and to see in Rabelaiss words, ' Panigon vouhit
quelle [the queen] et toute sa suite baissassent Pantagrucl et ses gens.
Telle esfcoit la courtoisio et coustume du pays/ another reminiscence
of Carrier's second voyage, in the narrative of which we read that
Donnacona * pria notre cappitaine luy bailler les bras pour les baiser
et accoller qui est leur mode de faire chore en ladicte fcerreV The
1 iv, x (v of 1548 edition).
J Haldoyt, vni* 203 and 145 ^Discourse of Christopher Carleill).
* Rabelais has doubtless also in his mind ErautnUB's account of the similar custom in
England,
ARTHUR TILLEY
215
expression *faire chere' probably suggested to Rabelais the contempt
which Brother John expressed for these ceremonies compared with the
more substantial cheer of king Panigon's kitchen.
There is also, if I am not mistaken, another reminiscence of the
Indians whom Cartier carried off to France. In iv, xlii we are told
that the Queen of the Chitterlings in pursuance of the treaty with
I'antagruel sent to Gargantua seventy-eight thousand royal Chitterlings
* under the conduct of the young Niphleseth, Infanta of the bland The
noble Gargantua sent them as a present to the great King of Paris;
but from change of air and also for want of mustard,... they nearly
all died. 1 But * the young Niphleseth was preserved and honourably
treated; afterwards she was married in a high and wealthy position,
and had several fine children, for which God be praised/ Does not
this too recall the fate of Carrier's Indians, all of whom died with
the exception of one little girl often years old 1 .
After leaving the Island of Cheli Pantagruel came to that of
Procuration, * which is a country all blurred and blotted. I could
make nothing of it. There we saw Pettifoggers and Catchpoles — folk
with their hair on. Tiny invited us neither to eat nor drink-/ Hero
again there serins feo be a reminiscence of Carriers First Voyage.
Between Chaleur Bay and Gaspe Bay they met with ' thick fogs and
obscurity/ and of the people whom they encountered on tin- shore of
(ia.s[>«* Bay, W6 are (old that 'they are the poorest folk that there may
be in the world/ and that th< y have their heads shorn close all about
exoepl a tuft on the top of the head which they tie like a horse's bail**'
The 1548 edition of the Fourth Book ends abruptly with the
fragment of a chapter which tells of the arrival of Pantagruel and
hifl companions aftez «h« simm at the Island of the Macreons. Though
I do not agree with M. Lefranc in thinking that the greater part of
the Fourth Book was already written when this partial publication took
place, it is probable that at any rate this particular episode was in
ft more or less finished state, and that therefore Rabelais w r as still under
the influent f Cartiei V, voyages when he wrote it. The analogy which
S£ LafiRBQS pointfl out between Rabelais's description of the spirit-
haunts! Island Of the M and that which Andre" Thevet gives
in his lOomogr a phie Universelle of the imaginary [eland of Demons is
very striking and interesting. Fo Lefranc says, in several maps
of the sixteenth century an Isle of Demons figures off the coast of
1 Hakluyt, he. cii.
1 If, lii (vi of partial edition).
» Baxter, pp. 108, 109.
21€
Rabelais and Geographical Discovery
Labrador 1 , and ite legend may well have been familiar to Rabelais. At
the beginning of the seventeenth century we find the similar name of
the Isle of Devils applied to the Bermudas, It is the name which they
bear in the two accounts of the shipwreck of the Sea Adventure, by
Silvester Jourdan and William Strachey respectively, which Shakespeare
probably read before he wrote the Tempest*.
Nearly all the foregoing instances have been taken from the partial
edition of the Fourth Book, which Rabelais published in 1548. In the
rest of the book, as it appeared in the complete edition of 1552, there
ftrt only slight traces of Carriers influence. Canada indeed is men-
honed by name, the Island of Medamothi, the account of which forms
the second chapter of the 1552 edition, being compared with it for
size ; but I very much doubt whether, as M. Lefranc suggests, Meda-
mothi stands for Newfoundland. For while Medaraothi is described as
a single island, Newfoundland is represented in all the maps which
appeared about the time of Carrier's narratives, and which were baaed
for ' f rtfl 00 his discoveries, as a group of islands, varying from
m in- in thi* Harleian Map to three in Descelier's Map of 1550. I
think also that M. Lefranc exaggerates the realism in Rabelais's
description of the tftrande which Pantagruel bought from a Scythian
merchant off the country of the Gelones (Siberia). It is true that the
present" of such i merchant in the neighbourhood of Newfoundland
agrees with the idea, which Carrier and Jean Alfonse had both formed,
that Canada was * an end of Asia, 1 but the description of the tarande
is practically identical with that of the Scytharum tarandrus given by
Pliny, and I doubt whether Rabelais knew that it fairly well represents
a real animal, the reindeer.
There is another possible reminiscence of Carrier's voyages in the
Fourth Book, May not the vocabulary of the language of the natives
which appeara at the end of the First and Second Voyages 8 have
suggested to Rabelais the Brief tM declaration cTouoiffiflf dictions plus
obscures which he appended to the Fourth Bo-
In the episode of the Ringing Island which opens the Fifth Book,
M. Lefranc finds another remiiuetence. He suggests that the idea of
1 In the iimp of 'Sebastian Cabot* (1544) it is placed near the Strait of Belle Isle.
In Michael Loki map (1582) it occupies much the sauie position. In the map from
Peter Martyrs Be orbt novo, published at Paris and dedtealM fed Hakluyt (1667), it is put
several degrees further north,
s Jourdan*s narrative is entitled A Bucovenj of the Bermuda* otherwhe called the Uie
ih, 1610.
* There is a similar vocabulary at ihe end of the French abridgment of Figafetta's
narrative of Magellan's voyages.
ARTHUR TILLEY
217
an island inhabited by birds who were once men is inspired by Carrier's
First Voyage. There we read of three Islands of Birds ; first, the Funk
Islands to the East of Newfoundland, which were so full of AppOnaU
(great auks), Oodez (guillemots or razorbills, on possibly both), and
Margaulx (solan geese) 'that it seemed as if they had been stowed
there 1 '; secondly, Greenly Island off the coast of Labrador, which was
inhabited by guillemots and puffins; thirdly, the Bird Rocks in the
Gulf of St Lawrence, which were 'as full of birds as a Held of grass/
and which Cartier named Isles des Margaulx, Now the termination
of Margaulx is identical with that adopted by Rabelais for fch&eto^aufc,
monagmthc etc. of his Ringing Island. This may be a mere coincidence,
bub I am inclined to regard it as lending support to M, Lefranc a sug-
gestion. Further support is to be found in the mention in chapter iii
of Robert Valbringue, whom all the commentators agree to be Roberval.
I may also note that this theory* that the framework for the satire of
the Ringing Island was suggested to Rabelais by Cartier's voyages
agrees with a view which I put forward on other grounds in a, former
number of this Review, namely, that the episode was writ ten in 1546 2 .
At the same time I still hold to the opinion that the main souk
inspiration is the legend of St Brandan, in which an Island of Birds, who
were formerly men, plays a prominent part 3 . Indeed one source may
easily have suggested the other. For had Rabelais looked at a con-
tempOXttrj map, as, for instance, the great map made by Pierre Desceliers
at Anjues near Dieppe in 1546*, he would have seen the Isle mix
Margaulx in the Gulf of Sb Lawrence, and the Isle of St Brandau
almoet due East of Cape Race.
I must reserve for discussion in another number the interesting
question of Rabelais's views on the 'short and straight way to Cathay/
Arthur Tillev.
■•:. Dti Petit Val lias semi*, a translation of Ram asi o's semi nati (see Baxter,
P- 77).
7 n, 25 (October. 1906). 3 See my Frawois Rabelais p. 252.
* Known as La Mappemonde de Henri IL It is reproduced by Joniard, St Brandan's
I^le appears in the maps of Sebastian Cabot and Michael Lok, and in the Pari* map
dedicated to Haklnvt Professor E^erton in ike CmmJbridgt Modern Hhtonj (iv, 746) notes
that in 1631 a grant of the island was gravely requested and as gravely made.
'EARTH UPON EARTH;
Theodor Fontane verdeiitscht in seinen Gedichten (4. Aufl., Berlin,
1892, S. 447) eine Insehrift, die er auf einem Grabsteine im Kirchhof
VOU Melrose Abbey gelesen \
Erde gleisst anf Erden
In Gold und in Pracht;
Erde wird Brde
Bevor es gedacht ;
Erde tiirmr Mtf Erden
Schloss, Burg, Stein ;
Erde spricht zu Erde:
Alles wird inein.
Im Original lauten die Zeilen :
The Earth goeth on the Earth
Glistriug like gold
The Earth goes to the Earth
Sooner then it wold
The Earth builds on the Earth
Castles and Towers
The Earth says to the Earth
All shall be ours.
Aiif'der andcrn Seite dcs Steines stent:
m&mento mori
Hire lyes James Ramsay, portioner of Melrose who died July 15th 1761,
Die Zeilen sind aber viel alter und stammen aus einem mittel-
englischen Gedichte, das in mehreren Fassungen uberliefert ist.
Eine derselben, erhalten in clem Porkington MS. (damals im Besitz
von \V, Onnsby Gore Esq. in Porkington, Salop) wurde bereits 1855
gedmckt in den Early English Miscellanies in Prose and Verse
selected from an inedited Manuscript of the Fifteenth Century, edited
by J, O. Hal li well, for the War ton Club. In einer Anmerkung zu deiti
Gedichte sagt Halliwell : * The poem here printed, of Earth upon Earth,
is the most complete copy known to exist. Other versions, varying
considerably from each other, are preserved in MS. Seld. sup. 53;
MS. Bawl C 307 ; MS. Raw]. Poet, 32 ; MS. Lambeth 853 ; and in the
Thornton MS. in Lincoln Cathedral Portions of it are occasionally
found inscribed on the walls of churches.* Die beiden letzten Fassungen
H. G. FIEDLER
219
in dieser Liste sind 1867 gedruckt worden, und zwar die aus MS.
Lambeth 853 in Hymm to Hie Virgin and ChH$t> edited by Frederick J.
Furntvall, EJLTJS., vol. 24, S. 88—90, und die aus deni Thornton MS. in
den Religions Pieces in Prose and Verse, edited by George G. Perry,
E.E.T.S., vol 26. S. 96.
Noch eine andre Fassung des Gedichtes habe ich mir vor einigen
Jahren aus einer Handschrift abgeschrieben, die damals iin IVsitze
eines Antiquars in Brighton war, tiber deren weiteren Verbleib ich obex
irichts ermitteln konnte. Es war eine Pergamenthandsehrift, folio, v<»n
90 Blattern* Sie enthielt eine lateinische Abhandlung iiber die Meben
Sacramento 'Oculi Sacerdotia/ und auf der ursprlinglich frei geblieb<>iR it
Riickseite des letzten Blattes war von einer Hand des funfzehnten
Jahrhunderts das englische Gedicht eingetragen.
Diese im Brighton MS. uberlieferte Fassung des Gediehtes scheint
mir den Vorzug vor alien anderen zu verdienen. Ich gebe zunachst einen
genauen Abdrue-k dersvlbtn mit alien Schwankungen der Orthographir,
Uber auslaulendeiii n findet sich durchgangig em ^, doppeltes 1 ist
racist durchstrichen (tt), u und v werden ohne Untersehied gebraucht,
fur th wird zuweilen p geschrieben.
(1)
Bribe outa of erthe is woadyrly wroghte
Bribe vpon erthe gete nobley of noughte
Erthe vpon erthe has sete all his thovghte
IIunv erabe vpon erthe may be hye brovghte
(2)
Erthe vpon erthe wolde be a kynge
Bow Bftbi B*U tO erthe thenkys he nothyng
For whan erthe hyddes erthe his rent home brynge
pnii ttU erthe frutn crthe haf petus party oge
(a)
Erthe x\w>n erthe Wynnes castells and tours
rtbe vnto erthe 'this is all oytcs '
But whan erthe opon erthe has bigged his botf
Than sail erthe for the erthe sofur sharpe shovrea
(4)
os movlde opon iimvldc
j^lyiUryng os golde
D6O0f go shulae
rather >an he wolde
Bribe gotta vpon erthe
Erthe gothe opon Brthe
Lyke as erthe to erthe
Jyte shall erthe to erthe
(6)
Why ^ot erthe l«»ucs erthe won- It age thvukes
Vr why fat erthe vpon erthe swetys or swynkes
Bbt whan erthe opon erthe is brente W&Mn £e brynke
pa» st\\\ erthe of the erthe hafe a foule stynke
220
' Earth upon Earth '
(6)
Lo erthe vpon erthe consider }>au may
How erthe comes into J>e erthe nakyd all way
Whj guide erthe vj>on erthe go stovte or gay
Sethcn erthe oute of erthe sail passe in por ar&y
(7)
1 concell erthe opon erthe \>at wykkydly has wronthe
The whyle J>at erthe is vpon erthe to turn vp his thouthe
And praye to god vpon erthe jmt aD the erthe nm
pat erthe oute of erthe to blys may be browthe.
Wie die Orthographie so schwankt anch der Dialekt. Neben
nordlichen Formen wie 'has' 'say*/ *»all/ 'suide,' etc. finden sich
solche wie * gothe? 'sAall/ '*Aulde/ 'glyderyin/,' die nach dem SttdeD
oder Mittellande weism. Wir haben es also wohl mit einer Abschrift
(entweder einer sudenglischen Vorlage durch einen nordenglischen
Schreiber oder umgekehrt) zu tun,
Gegen iiber den Sehwankmigen in Orthographie und Dialekt is t eine
eigentiiniliehe Vers- mid Strophenform sfcreng durchgeiuhrt. Die Strophe
besteht aus vier Zeilen, deren jede in zwei Halften zerfallt. Die erste
Halfte endet ausnahmsloa mit dem Worte 'erthe/ In jeder Strophe
ist inn lie i m durchgeftlhrt.
Die von Funiivall gedrockte Fassung aus dem Lambeth MS. (c. 1430)
enthalt fiinf Struphen mehr als die obige aus dem Brighton MS. :
Lambeth MS. 1 | 3 I 3 I 4 I ft | 6 I 7 I 8 I 9 | 10 I 11 | 12
Brighton MS. I I 2 I 3 I 4 I — I — I — I 5 I 6 I — I 7 I —
DieK fiinf Struphen aber zeigen eine von der aller andern abweichende
und auffallend unbeholfene Form. Es geniigt eine derselben (6) anzu-
tiihren:
wrecchid man, whi art |*>u proud >at art of pa ert*j makid I
Hider bromttiat |«ou no schroud, But poore come fc»u, and nakid;
Wlianne \n smile is went out, & >i boui in erfre rakid,
pan |>v bocH I "it VM rank & Vndevout, Of alle men m behatid.
Die sieben andern Strophen sind dieselben wie im Brighton MS.
Wenn die beiden Handschriften im Einzelnen von einander abweichen,
hat das Brighton MS. durchgangig bessere Lesarten, namentlich sind
die Zeilen im Lambeth MS. oft arg uberladen, z. B. in Strophe 8
(= Strophe 5, Brighton MS.) :
Whi J»ot «r|>e to myche loue> erj>e, wondir me jink,
1 If whi t»at er>o for auperflue erj>e to sore sweet e wole or swynk ;
For whanne |mt erj* upon erj»e is V>rou;t within ne \>e brink,
pan schal or}* of >e erj>e haue a rewful swynk.
Die von Perry gedruckte Fassung des Thornton MS, (c. 1440) giebt
nur die ersten uinf von den sieben Strophen dea Brighton MS. Im
H. G. FIEDLER
221
Ganzen ist die Strophenform gut gewahrt. In Strophe 4, Zeile 3 ist
die Forni durch Urastellung verdorben:
Lyke as erthe to erthe oeucr go scholde,
(Brighton lt£
Lyke as erthe neaer more goo to erthe scholde.
Thornton MS...
A ufflordcin bietet die 3te Zeile der zwiten Strophe eine schlechii i.
Lesart :
For whan erthe byddes erthe his rent home brynge.
(BHgfatoO H8,
When erthe bredis erthe, and his rentis home brynge,
(Thornton MS .)
Die noch ungedruckte Fassnng in MS. Arch. Seid. B, supra
folio 150, verso (c 1450) enthalfc sechs von den sieben StoopheiJ dee
Brighton MS., Strophe 5 ist ausgelassen. Strophe 4 und fl dee
Brighton MS. stud umgesteflt. In der letzten Strophe (= Str. 7 defl
Brighton MS.) ist die Form durch Auslassnng del Wfirtef 'upon earth 1
in Zeile 3 offenbar entstellt:
I COWBayl erth apon erth \nt wykytly hath wroht
Wbyle erth vs apon erth to turne al hy» thuwth.
N<»\v euiy we to god Jxit al erth wrowth
pat erth owt of erth t<« bfyl myth be browth.
In Zeile 2 b and 3* bietet defl Brighton MS. bessere Lesarten.
Die ebunfalls bisher ungedruckte Fassung in MS. Rawl. C. 307, fol. 2
(e. 14(>0) enthalt anaBer den ersten ftinf Strophen der Brighton Faosoog
noch drei andere, die nur in diesern MS, Liberliefert sind. Zwei davon
zeigen in der letzten Zeile eine abweichende Form* Dieee drei Strophes
lauten ;
What may or bo erthe at beste tyme of all?
tight hot h't erthe opon erthe shall hate a fall.
But wlim vi the oute of erthe shall com to the last call,
pim sail ertho be ft ill ferde for £e sely sail.
Beholde |wu erthe OfMM) erthe what worship Jkm base,
And thynk |wo erthe opon erthe what ma ist res |wni mase,
And how erthfl opun ertlie what gatis at pou gase,
An<! | n II fvnue it forsutbe that pou haste many fase.
Now he \»tt ertlie opon erthe ordande to go
Gfw BTtbe vpnn erthe may govern hym so,
kt when erthe vno< erthe shall be taken to,
t \*e saule of J»is erthe suftre no wo.
Die rorietete Strophe muss in Nordengland entstanden sein, dfl
auegftoge in der sudlichen Dialektform nicht reinien wurden. Auf
222
* Earth upon Earth '
riordenglischen Ursprung der Handschrift dee ten auch zwei lateinische
Oedichte am Bade derselben (in derselben Hand wie das tlbrige) auf
dtiO Tod nines Gilbert Pynchbeck, der 1458 in York starb. Da aber
unser QedlCht in dieser Hs, neben nordlichen Formen ('sail/ * ha-ve,'
1 mase/ 'gase/ ' fatfe,* * glittemm/ ') audi eiue Anzah! siidliche Formen
(' ha/ft/ 'goof A,' 'Mall*) zeigt, so durfen wir wohl darin die Absehnft
l nt' m nordlichen Schreibera aus einer sudenglisdien Vorlage erkennen.
Die djonfalls bislang nngedruekte Fassung in MS. Rawl. Poet 32,
ful, 82, TOM (ft 1440) tragt dieselbe Ubewohrift wie die iim Lambeth
MS., zti tlrr sie auch amlnv Beziehungen zeigt. Die Halbzeilen sind
darin mIs Vnliz< tiles gtflbhriebei^ eo dan wir an Stelle jeder Strophe je
zwei erhalten. Znerst komam acht Strophen, die den ersten vwr der
Brighton nnd Lamln th Fassung eutopic thefi !
Erthe oute of erthe
Is wondeHy wroujfce.
Erthe hath of tho erthe
ii ft digiiite of noughto.
Ertho apoii erthe
Hath set alio his thoughtc,
How erthe apou erthe
May be In ere ybrotighte. etc.
Auf diese acht bezw. vier Strophen Folgen die Verse, die im Lambeth MS.
die siebente Strophe bilden, aber rait wesentlichen Abweichungen :
Onto of the erthe cam the erthe
V\ iiitynge his garuament,
To hide the erthe to lappa the erthe
To hym was clothing yteut
Now goth the erthe apon erthe
hisgeaily ragged aud to rent,
Therfore schal erthe vnder erthe
Suffer ful grete turment.
Dann folgt Strophe 5 des Brighton MS. :
Whi that erthe loueth erthe
Wonder y may thinke,
Or whi that erthe for the erthe
Un reasonably swete wol or swyuke.
For whatine erthe vnder erthe
la brou3te withy tine brynke
Thanne schal erthe of the erthe
Haue an oribyll sty tike.
Dann folgen die Strophen, die auch noch im Lambeth MS. nnd zwar
an zehnter und fiinfter Stelle stehen, dort aber arg uberladen :
Yif erthe wold of erthe
Thus faarlily haue thynkynge,
And how erthe out of erthe
Slial at last haue risynge.
H. G. FIEDLER 223
Thanne schal erthe for erthe
Yelde right sweite rekenynge,
Thanne schuld for erthe
Neuer mysplese heuene kynge.
Thow wrecchid erthe pat thus for erthe
Trauelist nyht and day
To florische the erthe to paynte the erthe
With thi wanton array,
Yit schalt thou erthe for alle thi erthe
Make thou neuer so gay,
For thi erthe in to erthe
Clynge as clotte in clay.
Dann folgen sieben (bezw. vierzehn) Strophen, die nur in dieser Hs.
tiberliefert sind. Die erste zeigt einen Formfehler, insofern als der
Reim nicht durchgeflihrt ist — grace: race; hate: gate — die andern
bringen kaum einen einzigen neuen Gedanken, sondern wiederholen nur
redselig und langatmig bereits Gesagtes :
Thinke now erthe how thou in erthe
Goist euer in dethis grace,
And thanne thou erthe for all the erthe
Shalt neuer stryue ne race.
Bute for thou erthe with thi erthe
Hauntist enuye and hate,
Therefor schal erthe for erthe
Be excluded from heuene gate.
Fowle erthe whi louyst thou erthe
That is thi dedly foo,
And bildest on erthe
As thou schuldist dwelle euer moo.
But thou erthe forsake the erthe,
Or that thou hennys goo,
Vnder erthe for lust of erthe
Thou schalt haue sorow and woo.
% *»
Whiles erthe may in erthe
To festis and to drynkis gone
Til the be made frome the erthe
As bare as any bone.
Thanne if erthe comyth to erthe
Makyng sorow and mone,
Thanne saith erthe to the erthe
Thou were a felow but now art thou none.
Thus the erthe queytith the erthe
That doith to him seruyse
Or trystin on erthe or plese the erthe
In any maner wise.
Therfor thou erthe be ware of erthe
And thou the auyse,
Lest thou erthe perische for erthe
Byfore the hihe lustyse.
224
* Earth ttpon Earth '
For the erthe was made of erthe
At the first begynnynge
That erthe schuUI hi hour the erthe
In trowthe and »ore swynkynge.
But now erthe lyueth in orthe
With frilshude and begilynee
Therfor sefral erthe for erthe
Be punaehed in payne euerlastyngc.
But erthe forsake the erthe
And alle his falshede,
At il of the erthe restore the erthe
i.toihIjs that U v n rnysgete.
Or that erthe be doluyu in erthe
And vnder fofe
For syune of erthe frit bfttb do in erthe
Ful sore he achulle be bete.
Drede thou erthe while thou in erthe
Hist witte and reaunne at thi wille
That erthe for hme of erthe
Thi snule thoii nought flptllc
And thou erthe repente the in erthe
Of alle that thou hast don ille
Art! bhaniM whalt thou erthe apon erthe
• hi is biddyngia fulfillo.
lK k u Sehlttfl bildeo zwei Strophen, die der Schlussstrujih^ i
Lambeth MS. entaprecben :
Ami god that erthe tokist in erthe
And suffredist naynea ful atille
Late neuer erthe for the erthe
In dedly syune ne spiUe.
But t iu tins erthe
Be doynge euer thi wille
Bo that erthe for the erthe
Stye ?p to thi hdv hille.
Der Dialekt ist siidenglisch.
Die im Porkingtun MS. (aus der Zeit Edward IV) vorliegende
Fassung unsevea Gedichtes (gedruckt 1855 von J, 0* Halliwell, siehe
oben) ist offenbar eine Cberarbeitung der Brighton Fassung. Der
alte Kern ist deutlich crkennbar. Der tJbcrarbeiter hat zuerst zwei
siebenzeilige Strophen vorausgeschickt, in deneo er ziini Leeeffl dee
Gedichtes und zu ernstem Denken an den Tod aufifordert 1 :
Lo! wordly folkua, thooj this procese of dethe
Be not awetene, ay nice not in youre tnynde.
When age commyth, and achorteth is here brethe T
And dethe commyth, he is not far behynde;
Theo here dyscreasion echal wel know and fynde
That to have mynd of deth it is ftil neaseaery,
Fur deth wyl come; doutles he wyl not lang tarrye.
1 Der Druelt ist eeiten ; deabalb und weil cine Vergleichung dieser Fas sung niit den
rn fur unaern Zweck weBenthcb, let sie hier wieder abgedruckt.
H. G. FIEDLER 225
Of what estate 30 be, 3oung or wold,
That redyth uppon this dredful storrye,
As in a myrroure here 30 may be-holde
The ferful ende of al youre joye and glorie:
Therefore this mater redus us to youre memorie: —
Je that syttyth nowe hye uppon the whele,
Thynke uppon youre end, and alle schal be wele.
Die ihin vorliegenden sieben Strophen hat er dann in der Weise
tiberarbeitet, dass er jeder zwei Zeilen angehangt hat :
(1)
Erthe uppo erthe is woundyrely wro3te;
Erthe uppon erthe has set al his thoii3te,
How erth uppon erthe to erthe schall be brou3te;
Ther is none uppon erth has hit in thou3te, —
Take hede;
Whoso thinkyse one his end, fill welle schal he sped.
(2)
Erth uppon erth wold be a kynge,
How erth schal to erthe he thinkes nothinge;
When erth byddyth erth his rent whome brynge,
Then schal erth fro the erth have a hard parttynge;
With care;
For erthe uppon erthe wottus never wer therefor to fare.
(3)
Erth uppon erth wynnis castylles and towris;
Then saythe erth to erth, al this is ourus,
When erth uppon erth has bylde al his boures,
Then schal erth fro the erth soffyre scharpe schorys,
And smarte;
Man, amend the betyme, thi lyfe ys but a starte.
(4)
Erth gose one erth as mold uppone molde
Lyke as erth to the erth never agayne schold:
Erth gose one erth glytteryng in gold,
Jet schale erth to the erth rather then he wolde.
Be owris;
}efe thi almus with thi hand, trust to no secateur.
(6)
Why that erth lovis erthe merwel me thinke,
For when erth uppon erth is brotht to the brynk,
Or why erth uppon erth wyl swet or swynke,
Then schal erth frou the erth have a fool stynke
To smele,
Wars then the caryone that lyis in the fele.
(6)
Lo! erth uppon erth consayfe this thou may,
That thou commys frome the erth nakyd alway;
How schuld erth uppon erth goe 1 prod or gaye?
Sene erth into erth schal pase in symple araye,
Unclad:
Cloth the nakyd whyl thou may, for so God the bad.
1 Halliwell'8 Druck : #oe.
M. L. R. III. 16
226 'Earth upon Earth'
(7)
1 coiicele erth uppon erth, that wykydly haa wroyt,
Why I erth is one erth, to torn alio hi* thou3t,
And pray to God uppon erth, that al mad of noujt,
That erth owte of erth to btjfl may be broujt 1 ,
' With mjrthe*,
Tliorow helpe J beau Chryst, that was ouer lad us byrthe.
Der tTberarbeitor liut seine Vorlage an niehreren Stellen verschleeh-
t<rt. In Strophe 6, Zeile 1, ist 'consavlr ' kuum so gut wie 'eonsydcr/
und in Zeile 2 ist ' iroine * entsehieden schlecfater als ' into.' Dio
Umstellung der Zeilen in Strophe 1 ist ungeschickt, and Zeile 4, die
Zeile 2 der Vorlage entspricht, ist schon des identischen Reimes wegen
*fchou3te: thou3te' (statt • noughte ') zu verwerfen. Die Umstellung
dor Zeilen in Strophe 4 mag hingehen, die Umstellung der Zeilen in
Strophe o dagegen hut Konstruktion und Sinn entstellt,
Zwischea der serhsten und siebenten Strophe hat der (Xberarbeiter
<lie fo] gen den fiinf Strophen efngefugt. Daw diesr Strophen, die nnr
in diesetn MS, uberliefert sind, in der Tat eine Infceqxdation sind,
boweifit solum ihre abweichende Form: wahrend in den andern sieben
Strophen jede der erst en vier Halbzeilen (wie in der Brighton Fassung)
mit dem Worte 'erthe' schliesst, ist dies in diesen Strophen nieht der
Fall :
Erth uppOJ) erth, me thmkys the ml blynd,
That on erth rytihea to set ft] tJn my ml:
In the gospel wryttyen exatnpul I fyndt%
The i>ore went to heyvyn, the ryeh to hel I fvnd,
* With akyle :
The t'oramandiueutus of God wold be not fulfyle.
Erth uppon ttih, deylt? duly thy goodc
To the pore pepul, that fatitt the thi foode;
For the love of thi Lord, that rent was one the roode
And for thi love one the crose schedhb hart blode —
Go rede ;
Withoute anny place to reste one hia hede.
I rilir uppon erth, take tent to my steyvyin-;
Why] thou levyat, fulfyle the werkya of mercy vij,
Loke thou late, for oode no for ewyne,
For tho byne the werkus that helpyne Qfl to heyvyne,
In haste;
Tho dettaa who BO dOM tttftr, hyme never J*? agaste.
Erth uppon ertb, lie thou never so gaye,
Thow EQOUe wood of this world an ureydy waye;
Turtle the be-tyme, whyle that thou rnaye,
Le.ste it lede the into hele, to logege therefor ay,
In pyne;
For there is nother to gett, bred, ale ne wyue.
1 Hftlli well's Druck: houjt.
* HaHiwelFe Druck : mjjth*.
1
in
alien
7
Manuskripten
1
in
6
t)
2
in
4
n
3
in
2
t>
H. G. FIEDLER 227
Erth uppou erth, God 3©jf the grace,
Whyle thou lovvyst uppon erth to purway the a plas
In heywyn to dweylle, whyl that thou hast apace;
That myrthe for to myse, it wer a karful case,
For whye, —
That myrth is withowttyn end, I tel the securly*
Die oben besprochene Strophenforai ist so eigentiimlich, dass sie
beabsichtigt sein muss. Die Brighton Fassung ist die einzige, in der
sie in alien Strophen streng durchgefiihrt ist Die Bearbeiter kefartott
sich wenig damn, bemerkten auch vielleichfc die Kunstelei gar nicht.
In der Brighton Fassung bringt ausserdem jede Strophe einen neuen
1 1. danken, wahrend in den lingeres Fussungen derselbe Gedanke wieder-
bolt wird, oder triviale Glossen m bereits Gesagtem gemacbt werden.
Vbn den uberlieferten Strophen finden sich
i
alle amkrn in nur je rimm M;nmskripte. Die ersten sieben Strophen
zeigen in alien Handschriften jane eigenttlmliche Strophen fV.rm, imd
diese sieboD Strophen und kcine anderen sind im Brighton MS. ttber-
liefert. Wir dtirfen also wohl annehinen, dass diese Fassung, wrnn B36
nieht die Original-Fassting ist, dooh derselben MB naehsten steht.
Daskleine Gfodicht hat mch otfenbar grosser Beliebtheit erfreut und
h:it writr 7erbreitung grfimden. Wahrschcinlich im Siiden Englands
antstanden, wnirde as auch im Norden wiederholt abgeschrieben, Nach
Malliwells Mitteilung finden sieh Telle desselbrii hie und da an den
Waiulm QQgllBcber Kirehen, noch im achtzehnten Jahrhundert wurde
Sine Strophe damns auf einen schottischen Grabstein gemei&selt, und
eine Ubertragnng deroalbep bat ftchliessKch einen Platz tmter den
Giiliehteii eines deutsehen Dichters gefundcn 1 .
H. G. FlKDLEK.
' Walter Scott interessierte sieh fur das G-edicht. Iu einem Kriefe, den Fiirst Puekler-
iij um 12. April 1888 am England iu die UeiniAt Handle .'>««■«.
Stuttgart 1881. lid. rf. S, fi68), hcisst en: l Ich war zum Miftiig vr£ i BtntOgfn
S. A. ftiif ihrem Landhause vera>. wo nitcli eine angi'mhnu Uberraschtmg erwartete.
Man plazierte mich zwisehen der Wirtin und -iiuiu Ift>ilf sekr einfach aber liebevoll
und freundlich aueeebenden, schon bejahrten Marine, der im breiten flchottiachcn,
WWfgjil als angenehmen Dialekto sprach, und mtr ausserderu waursmheinlich par nicht
niifgehdlm Wirt, wenn mir nicbt nach eini^n MinuWn bekannt gewoiden — ilas« icb
hmten — Unbekannten Hasfie Gegeu Elide der TalV.d gab ur uud Sir
Francis Bnrdett wechselweise Geistorbiatorien zmn Beaten, balb achauerlich lialb launik',
iheite nacblier noch uine oiiginelle alte liiHchiift, die er vor Kurzem er»t auf dem
Kirchhofe von Melrose Abbey aufgefonden hatte. Sie lautete folftendermaBPen : ' [bier
folgt eine zietnlich getreue Wiedergabe der oben p. 218 mitgeteilten Inaehnft ond eine
deutache tJberaetxnng dereelben).
10 — 2
THE INQUISITION AND THE 'EDITIO PRINCEPS'
OF THE 'VITA NUOVA/
With the exception of the Latin Eclogues and Letters, the Vita
Nttova was the last of Dante's works to appear in print. The i>^
Commedia was first printed in 1472, the CfatmtftO in 1490, the Qtamfio
in 1508, the De Vulgari Eloquent ia (in Trissino's translation) in 1
and the De Monardda in 1559. The adift'o pjinceps of the Pf&l Xwva
did not appear until 1576, more than a hundred years after the first
edition of the Commedia, It was printed *t Florence, and in the same
volume were included fifteen of Dante's Cara-soni, and Boccaccio's Vita ii
Dante.
1 Habent sua fata libelli!* Certainly the late of Dante's works, Bfl
printed books, has been a curious one. The l)ivifut Com media, after
it had been in print for over a century, and mure than forty editions of
it had been publish* d, was placed on the Index, as a book which no g I
Catholic might read until it had been expurgated by the Holy Offiea
The De Vulgari Etoquentia, first printed in Italian, was for fifty J
regarded as a falsification by Trissin^, until the publication of the
original Latin text by a Florentine exile in Paris'. The Be Monorchia,
which was in all probability seen through the press by an Englishman,
an Oxford scholar, the famous John Foxe, the martyrologist, made its
first appearance in print in the guise of a Reformation tract-, and was
promptly in its turn placed on the Index. The Eclogues and the L*-r
the Quaestio, which awefi its rehabilitation to the scholarly labours of
two members of the Oxford Dante Society, have all been denounced, at
one time or another, as contemptible forgeries. While, strangest fate of
all, the Vita Nuova, the work of Dante's earliest years, * the first and
tenderest love-story of modern literature/ as it has been called, had to
submit to defacement and mutilation at the hands of the Inquisition,
before it was allowed to leave the press in its native Florence.
1 By Jftcopo CorbineUi in 1577, a See my letter in the Athenaeum, April 14, 1900.
PAGET TOYNBEE
229
It was long ago remarked by Milton that the version of Boccaccio's
Vita di Dante contained in this same volume ia a garbled one. In an
entry in his Commnnplace Book, under the heading Rex, he notes that
Boccaccio's account of the De Monarchia, and of its being condemned to
the flames as a heretical book by the Cardinal Bertrand Poyet, which is
!■■ he found in previous editions of the Pita, was suppressed by the
Inquisitor in this edition 1 : 'Authoritatem regiam a Papa non dependere
scripsit Dantes Florentinus in eo libro cui est fcitulo Monarchia, quem
librutu Cardinally del Poggietto tanquam scriptum haereticum comburi
curavit, ufc testatur Boccatius in vita Dantis editione priore, nam e
posteriori rnentio istius rei omnis est deleta ab inquisitore ' (fol. 182) 2 ,
That certain |< of the Dimna CommediQ should have been
< .-'ensured as t»M» plain spok»n. of that the De Monarch at should have
been placed <>n the Index, is perhaps not altogether surprising; but
that in tin- Vita AVhm even the Inquisition should have been able to
dtaeover anything offensive to the Church, or to religion, is almost
incredible. Yet such was the case. Witte, thirty yt^ars ago 3 , pointed
out that certain terms applied by Dante to Beatrice in the Vita Nuova,
and certain phrases, have been altered or suppressed in the editio
prompt; raid RrofettOT Barbi has recently drawn attention to the same
fact in more detail 4 . Allusions to the Deity, quotations feoits Srriptun-
words with sacred afrBOCJatJOPg, and 00 <»n, have in nearly every instance
OOme under the ban of the censnr. One cannot help being struck with
the triviality, not to say absurdity, of the majority of the alterations.
Sample. Dante five times applies tu Bealrx <• tin- epithet tjloriosu.
Once, apparently by BO oversight, the word lias been allowed to stand
(§ 38, 1. 12); in the four other «-s it has been changed either to
grCMOBQ (§ 2, I. S * la graziosa donna della iiiia nienle '), OT to legguulm
(§ 38, I, (J), Of tu vittja (§ 34, L 6), or to unica (§ 40, L 4 'questa unica
). Again, for salute the censor has substituted in one passage
tfuiete (§ 3, I. 41 * la donna della quiete *), in another dolcezza (§11,1. 3),
and in a third donna (§ 11, L 18), which last has been adopted in Be
modem editions, including the Oxford Dante, although all the mss. read
1 See my article on the Earlie*t Ret fa F.mjlhh literature in Mi*i ellanea
tit Stmii CHtici tdOa fa DHOTI di Arturo fjivi/ (1903).
a Tie* in - 1 1 1 l -= i c ■ n r*l Imprim atu r runs a* follows: l 8i fc veduto la Vita Xtiova descritta da
I>ante AJlifrhieri, interne cod la Vita dell' tatcftBo Dante daearitt* da Giouan Boccaccio, e
si e concenao liecn/ia che ni Btampino ijuesto di ultimo di Dieembre 1575. Fra Francesco
da Pi*a Min. Oonn, Inquisitor Generate dello etato di Fiorenza 0?
1 In Ins edition of the Vita Nttnca (Leipzig, 1870), p, xxxii.
4 In his critical edition of the Vita Nuava, published by the Societft Dantetca Italiana
230
The Inquisition arid the 'Vila Nuova 1
salute. In like manner beatitudins is replaced six times out of twelve
by felidttl (§ 3, 1, 14 J { 5, L 4; | 9, L 12 ; § IS, 11. 35, 38, 40, 89) ; twine
by quiete (§ 10, L 16 J | llj L 27); and elsewhere by vh in 11,1. 21 ),
or by alleyrezza (§ 12, L 2), or by fermezza (§ 18, I. 38). While heatu is
either omitted altogether, as where Dante speaks of * qtiella nobilissima
e beata annua' (§ 23, 1. 61), or of 'questa Beatrice beata * (| 29, 1. 11),
or else it is altered to contento (§ 23, 1. 83, 'o com' e con ten to colui che.
ti vede ').
On occasion, however, the tampering with the text is d a much
more serious nature. For instance, at the beginning of § 22 a whole
sentence has been radically altered. Where Dante wrote 'Siooome
piacque al glorinso Sire, lo quale non nego la murte a se/ the cen>"r
prints ' Sicconie piacque a quel vivace amore, il quale impresse questo
affetto in me' ! In § 26 (II 14—17) where Dante describes how people
in the streets of Florence exclaimed of Beatrice as she passed by,
1 Quest a non e feuimina, anzi e uno de' bellissimi angeli del cielo', the
<eiisor has thought it necessary to substitute 'anzi e simile a uno de*
bellissimi angeli.'
Still more serious are the suppressions, affecting as they do some of
the most beautiful passages in the book. In § 23 the words + Osanna in
excelsis,' chanted by the angels who receive the soul of Beatrice, are
omitted, and their place is supplied by dots. In § 24 the reference to
St John the Baptist, * quel Giovanni, lo quale precedette la vemee luce,
dicendo: Ego vox damantis in deserto: partite viam Domini,' which is
introduced in order to explain the connexion between the names
'Giovanna' and E Priniavera,' is ruthlessly cut out; as is the touching
cry in the words of Jeremiah from the Lamentations : * Quomodo m
sola civitas plena populo I facta, est quasi vidua domina gentium/ by
which the narrative is interrupted (in § 29) when Dante comes tu record
the death of Beatrice. These words occur a second time a little
on (in § 30 ), and are again omitted by the censor ; but by an oversight
he has allowed Dante's twice repeated reference to ' le al legate parole 1
to remain in the text, whereby he has thrown the whole paragraph into
confusion.
The last, and in some respects the most cruel and senseless mutilation
of the text occurs in the closing sentence of the book. Dante, after
expressing the hope that he may be spared to w r rite that concerning
Beatrice, which has never yet been written of any woman, concludes in
these words : ' E poi piaccia a Colui, che e Sire delta cortesia, che la mia
anima se ne possa gire a vedere la gloria della sua donna, cioe di quella
PAGET TOYNBEE 231
benedetta Beatrice, la quale gloriosamente mira nella faccia di Colui,
qui est per omnia saecula benedictus. Amen! The censor has destroyed
the whole significance of this impressive passage by cutting out the
reference to Beatrice in the last lines, so as to read ' E poi piaccia a
Colui, che fe Sire della cortesia, che la mia anima se ne possa gire
a vedere la gloria di Colui, qui est per omnia saecula benedictus!
Such treatment of a book is indeed like ' raking through the entrails
of an author/ as Milton puts it 1 , 'with a violation worse than any
could be offered to his tomb'! The outrage is all the more flagrant
because in the dedicatory epistle prefixed to the book the reader is
solemnly told that the Vita Nuova, 'operetta del famosissimo Poeta
e Teologo Dante Allighieri, da esso Dante, e da altri riputata di non
piccol valore/ is one of those works, ' le quali ne migliorare, ne pareg-
giare si possono, bastando dir solamente essere opera di Dante/
Paget Toynbee.
1 In the Areopagitica.
MILTON'S HEROIC LINE VIEWED FROM AN
HISTORICAL STANDPOINT.
VIII. 1
The caesura is one of the most important variable elements of the
heroic line. It changes with great frequency in English blank verse
and more so, or at least with more akill, in the poems of Milton than of
any other, as the first critics allow. We notice, indeed, how keenly alive
Milton was to the metrical effect of a break in the measure coupled
with the practice of run-on lines, when he speaks in his pre far-
Paradise Lost of the ^ense variously drawn out from one verse into
another.' A careful study of his art in this respect will therefore repay
attention,
Originally, as we saw, the English deeasy liable had a traditional
pause after the fourth sounded syllable. This rule, brought over from
France with the nn-tre itself, was observed by Chaucer's contemporaries
in most cases and recurs in the earliest examples of blank verse written
by the Earl of Surrey in the farmer half of the sixteenth century,
Chaucer, however, after he had been influenced by Italian versification,
shifted the caesuras more freely in his later compositions -\ This in-
novation of his was adopted by the Elizabethan dramatists after Marlowe.
Milton, too, a close student of the Italian masters, took the same liberties
as the latter did. From them he learnt, like the French lyrical poets o£
the thirteenth century, to break the line after an unaccented syllable 3 ,
e*g* t P.L*, I, 34: 'TV Infernal Serpent; he it was whose guile' (and
cf. P.I., n, 159; iv, 413; vi, 223; vn, 412 ; XI, 573 | P.R., n, 465 ; iv,
352, etc.), and he did so in masterly fashion.
Whereas. hoW6T6f, with the French and the * arlier English poets a
caesura was mainly a regular break in each line, Milton seems to widen
1 Con tin iied from p. 39.
8 See B. Ten Brink, op. cit,, pp. 178-81.
8 This baa been termed the tyrfooj caesura by modern critics, especially when it follows
a fourth unaccented syllable in the heroic line.
WALTER THOMAS
2:y.i
out the conception, and the stress he fays on ' the sense variously drawn
out from one verse into another' marks his preference f<*r run-«m lines
and for a grammatical, and not merely a metrical, stop. Still, even in
these we must distinguish between two kinds, one of which forms a
sharp break in the measure, and the other a less important and a slighter
one. The former we shall therefore term actual caesuras, and the tatter
simply pauses.
True caesuras are made conspicuous by a marked silence in the
verse, as is the case in P„L.< ix, 99-100: l O earth, // how like to
Heaven, // if not preferred / More justly 1 //.' Mere pauses imply, not a
total interruption, but only a delay, a momentary rest, in the proi:
of the sentence, such aa may occur between a verb and its object, e.g.,
in P.L, xi, 811-13:
But prayer / againat Hi* absolute decree /
No DOOM avails j than breath against the wiucl, /
Blown .stifling hack / on him that breathes it forth.
All these breaks in the metre are intermingled either in one and the
same line or in consecutive ones, as in P.X., lit, 600-1 :
The atone, / i>r like to that, //' which here l^elow /
Phtta in vain M9 long have sought
and the subtle art of Milton is nowhere more conspicuous than in the
blending of the two.
In some cases the poet, tW variety 1 * .sake, even tonus down the
interruption in the sense or suppresses it altogether. This, however, is
not a frequent device of his, and out of 798 lines in the first book of
Paradise Lost we have only found 58 practically without a break. The
<!<•• Msy liable then fairly often forms a complete whole in itself, e.g., P.L.,
111,591: 'The place he found beyond expression bright/ while sumo-
times the grammar connects it with the previous or with the following
metre in such a way M to lengthen it apparently into an ampler measure.
Thus Milton now and again cleverly removes the traditional limits of
the heroic, lino, as in PJt. t I, 805-6:
i ruler the covert of some ancient oak
Of oedar to defend him from the dew
(and e£ P.L.< vi, 775-70; vni, 586-87) and reverts, go to speak, for i
while to a kind of metrical prose the effect of which, if sparingly and
aptly used, is to extend the province of verse.
1 We note a strong caesura by menus of a double stroke, a panne by a single one.
Mtlfons Heroic Line
With respect to the placing of the caesura, we find in these poems
doe regard paid to traditional rules and room left for more recent
innovations. Early French and Italian poets preferred to break the
line after the fourth, and less often after the sixth, sounded syllable.
This reappears in Chancer and the first Elizabethan playwrights.
Milton, too, favours such caesuras above all others, and in the fifth
book of Penalise Lost, fur instance, out of 907 lines, 472, or more than
half, are thus divided. But to add a little variety the poet frequently
inaerti a secondary pause in the measure, as in P.L., VII, 630-32 1 :
A race of worshitiperw /
Holy and just ' thrice happy, / if they know /
Their happiness, // and persevere upright !
Milton's instinctive sense of harmony also prompted him to place a
caesura in many cases after an unaccented syllable following on the
fourth or sixth traditionally accented ones, as in P,L. t vm, 560-61 :
To whom the Angel, , with contracted brow : —
A cease not Natun ' -,lu- hath done her part
or again in PJ,., vni, 689-9] ■ :
Wherein true Love consists not. // Love refines
Tito thoughts, and heart enlarges // —hath his seat
In Reason, / and n judicious.
A caesura is sometimes found after the third syllable, when the second
is stressed, as in P.L. t ix, 247: * Assist us. // But, if much converse
perhaps' (and cf. P.L, i. 139; in, 382; VI, 697; ix, 377; xi, 208;
P.H., II, 9ii, < t< \>. but more seldom than in the previous instan
All three breaks of the line from the third to the seventh sounded
syllable are made use of by Milton to secure variety. Now and again
he allows two breaks in one perse, When he does so, tho former
generally comes after a stressed and the latter after an in
syllabi*', or trice versa, by a sort of compensation, as in P.£ #l VII, 510:
'Govern the rest, / self-knowing, // and from thence ' (and o£ PJk, n,
142; v ( 220; vi, 627; ix, 659, 1135; x, 987; PR, I, 324; in, 248).
Sometimes, indeed] we observe them after two accents, as in P.L., vr,
1 Notice that Milton hardly ever places a break after the fourth syllable, if unaccented,
as Dante does in lufirtm, vj, 14 : *Con tre gole / caninainente Jatra' (where we fancy the
adverb must have been displaced from the beginning of tlie metre). The only instance we
have met with is P. I,, x, 086 : ' Me, dm only, / just object of his ire. 1 while in F, L., rv, 556,
as we said in a previous section, we would accent tunbetm on the second syl lable.
a The traditional break of the heroic line being after the fourth sounded and accented
syllable and its natural stress iambic, Milton in his later blank verse no longer stresses the
fifth sounded syllable, as he once did in GOffMtf*, 1. 86: 'Who with his soft pipe and smooth-
dittied song/
WALTER THOMAS
235
147 : ' From all ; // my sect thou seest ; // now learn too late ' (and of.
PL., ii, 230; hi, GOO; vin, 270; x, 741, 1074; xi, 71; P.R., n, 242),
and more rarely still two caesuras after unstressed syllables, as in P.L., I,
167 : * Shall grieve him, // ii" I fail not, // and disturb (and cf, P,L. t II,
164; IV, 878; IX, 566; P.P., 1, 273). Fewer still aiv the decasyHables
with three caesuras, e.g. P.L. f I, 620; * Tears, / such as Angels weep, /
burst forth; // at last' (and cf. PJL, n, 894, 990; vi, 422; xi, 585;
P.R., 111, 51). and mostly found in enumerations, e.g., l And flowering
odours, // cassia,/ nard, / and balm* (P.L., v, 293; and cf, P.L> y X, 114),
and with six stresses. Four caesuras are an excerption in perfectly
regular blank verse, as in P.i., I, 558: * Anguish // and doubt and
fear // and sorrow // and pain 1 (and cf, P.L. t II, 950; iv ( 538; V, fiOl ;
i\, J Hi; PM,> in, 268), and more than four in such a case are unknown.
Lines with six lOOente also allow many enesuras. The following (P.L.,
v, 411), ' Of sense, // whereby they hear, // see, // smell, // touch, // taste/
has five (and cf. P.L., vin, 527), while the line of eight accents (P.L.,
II, 621) quoted in section vn, has six. If we put aside decasyHables
with but one break, we see that the next most frequent are those with
md the rarest those with the greatest number of caesuras.
All the above-mentioned interruptions uf the sentence, we take it,
are adopted to vary the metre. Those, however, which the poet admits
aft i r the first or the second syllable serve a distinct purpose in the line.
The latter caesura is oftener met with as more agreeable to the iambic
rhythm of the meusuiv and of the English language 1 , e.g. in PX., XI,
126-27:
He ceased, // and th' Archangelic Power prewired /
For swift <le>-
In this ca^ irsl tool of the line is almost always an iambus
and out of five instances in point, especially in the earlier hooks of
Paradise Lost, only one is found to be^in with an initi:
PZ. ( I, 747: r Erring, far he with this rebellious rout 1 (and cf. P,X„
in, 227; v, 873; vin, 553; XI, 40; PR, n, 320; iv, 240> Such a
break in the sentence befits a vehement apostrophe, or short pregnant
clauses, and occasionally brings out an emphatic final word. The break
After the first syllable is far less frequent. It 000UT8 only four times in
the 79* lines of the first book of Paradise Lost (PZ., l, (i, 208, 847,
394) and eleven times in the second book (P.L, t Ii, 12, 54, 99, 129 T 187,
1 We differ on this point from the views expressed by the Wttm i. Mothere
(tip, rj?, t p. 00), and oottstder the natural rhythm of the language to be iambic since so
many Kn^tish words, such aw nouns and adjectives, stressed on the first syllable axe
toqm ally pttoefad by tioeinphatic monosyllables, such us articles or prepositions.
236
Milton s Heroic Line
Wl, 471, 488, 566, 793, 1023) in 1055 lines. The monosyllable thus
isolated at the beginning of the verse is usually a conjunction, a pronoun,
an imperative, or a noun brought into special prominence, as in P.L., n,
187-88:
War, 7 therefore, oi>en or concealed, alike /
My vi'i.v dissuades.
Very seldom, however, such a word completes the sense of a preceding
line, as in Pi,, in, 41-2 :
But not to ine returns
ftey* // «r the sweet approach of eveu or morn
and instances in point (e.g. P.L, f IV, 747; XI, 402) are few and far
bei ween.
As for caesuras at the close of the heroic line, they are even rarer
than those at the beginning. In the first book of Pantrfine Lost, we
notice seventeen after the eighth syllable (P.Z., i, 12, 193, 209, "245,
318, 358, 376, 382, 422, 424, 442, 559, 562, 599, 604, 890, 7ns> and
three only after the ninth (PZ*, J, 250, 661, 728), and fourteen of the
latter kind in the second book (P.Z., n, 163, 861, 4o'(i, 547, 573
7 s7, 789, 810, 821, 864, 895, 931, 1043). A caesura after the fourth
foot, or the eighth .syllable, of the line may now ami then set off BG3B6
words, as in P.L., vi, 801-2:
iStand ytill in bright array, / ye Saints; // here stand, /
Vr Angels armed,
but as a rule it marks the beginning of a fresh sentence and pre]
an riverrluw into the next line, as in PL., v, 568-70:
hem, last, // unfold /
The secrets of another world, // perhaps /
Not lawful to reveal.
Tin- caesura after the ninth syllable, the rarest of all, sometimes allows
rln- following monosyllable to stand out, as in P.L., II, 787: 'Made to
destroy. // I fled, / and cried out // Death!' or again in P.L. t in, 342:
1 Adore him / who, / to compass all this, // dies.' Fairly often, to
fresh clause begins with the last word and runs into the next line, e.g^
P.L H viii, 458-5!>:
railed
By Nature / M in iid, ;' hi id closed my eyes
(ami cf. P£„ ix, 988*64; xi t 515-16; P.R t in, 377-78). Thu> of
fcheee final caesuras the moat frequent is the one after an even syllable,
or a complete foot, and the other chiefly helps to bring out the close
of a sentence, or to start a new development. They are both com*
paratively scarce and when they, or the corresponding caesura at the
WALTER THOMAS
237
commencement of the verse, become more numerous, without being
Specially called for by the sense, as in th** lOTOpiti book of Paradise
Lost (e.g., P.L t vii, 108, 306, 323, 374, 640> they argue some slight
rn.-gligencf on lit.' part of the poet
Run-on lines, of course, are closely connected with this form of the
m\ and Milton WBE rather partial to theni, as we haw- already
inferred from his express mention of this device in his metrical pre&oe
bo the earlier epic, Indeed, when rhyme had been discarded, it was
wt !1 nigh impossible for him not to stray beyond the limits of the
-are, if he wished to avoid monotony. With regard to his use of
the overflow or eNJit tube merit, we fully agree with Professor BfflAeon'fi
statements. The latter remarks 1 that Milton usually extends a clause
up to the fourth syllable of the next line and seldom beyond t.ho
eighth, his sentences being generally concluded (if not at the end of
the «3< ^syllable) between these two extremes, as in P.L.> IT, 252-53:
but rather seek
Our own good from ourselves,
(and c£ I\L,u, 215-16; v, 704-5, 788-89 ; vi, 854-55; vm, 607-S;
\i JS7 ss: l\R. t n ( 09-100; ill, 250-51). Sometimes even a line
may be divided from the preceding or the succeeding one by no caesura
at all, thus giving rise to a sort of poetical period, as in PL., vi,
58(i-87 :
whose roar
o*elled with outrageouH noise the air
and again in P.L., n t 701-2:
Thai underneath had veins of liquid tire
Sluiced t ion i the lake.
But BUI h inrtuoeQ see not very common owing to the difficulty of
reading bo many words together without a break.
Brides, if the essential element of the line in Milton is, as we In
seen, a Sxed Dumber of syllables, it seems equally necessary that
a listener should be able to distinguish one fixed series of syllables
from the others, and therefore that each series should close with at
least a slight pause of the voice. So much is this the case that t In-
occasional ly makes use of the last place in the verse to give
ial importance to an otherwise rather insignificant word, e.^. to
then in PL, ti, 231-32:
I Inn to unthrone we then
May hope, when everlasting Fate shall yield
1 Cf. Prof. MaBson, op. eft., vol. in, pp. 228-29.
238
Milton's Heroic I
(and cf. / in P.L., II, 807 ; do in PX. f IV. 475, and even adjectives
like grave in PM, n, 300; proud in PX. t vi, 89; and mild in PX.. x,
L046)t Sometimes, however, as we just saw, but very rarely, Milton
discards the final pause altogether, writing for instance :
watered all the ground, and each
Plant of the rield [ir_L. y vn, 9*4-35
or
Me thus
or again, more harshly still,
which compelled
{PM S IX, 609-10),
Euryuome (the wide-
Encroaching Eve perhaps) 1 had first the rule
{P.L., x, 581-82)
(and c£ P.L., iv, 45K-5J): vi, 758-59; vn, 373-74, 581-82; X. 65-6,
100-1). These are blemishes which mostly occur in the latter half
of Paradise Lust, possibly owing to hasty composition, but are easily
excused fay reason of their infrequeney.
Such a use of run-on lines also serves the purpose of welding the
separate metrical units together into a whole in which even the mo*
mciitary breaks of the sentence add to the general effect, When Milton
adopts slight pauses and places them regularly after the fourth or the
sixth sounded syllable, he produces an impression of calm and smuoth-
aees, as in P./,., iv, 598-99 :
Now oa&M still Evening on, / and Twilight grey /
Had in her sober livery / all thing** clad, etc.
or in Mammon's honeyed speech :
As He our darkness, / cannot we His light /
Imitate when we please? / This desert soil /
Wants Hot her hidden lustre, / gems and gold, /
(PM, n, 269-71.)
We notice the B&me method b Eve'fl account of her first day in Paradise
(P.L., iv, 440-88), or again in Satan's flattering description of imperial
Boni€ | P.R., iv, 44-108). There are few slight rests of the voice
which chiefly follow the second or the third foot of the metre and
give the rhythm a kind of quiet sfcatelincss.
In other passages various caesuras irregularly succeed each other,
coming after a whole or a half foot. If they merely alternate betwi en
tie fourth and the seventh sounded syllables, as so frequently happens
in Milton's epics, they charm the ear by grateful changes and bring out
1 This was perhaps borrowed from the practice of the earlier Italian potts. Cf.
Med. Lang, Ksriar, vol. n, p. 295.
WALTER THOMAS
239
words and phrases by contrast. It is here that we chiefly meet with
pauses, while actual caesuras are usually found towards the beginning
or the end of the line and frequently divide a foot. When caesuras,
however, are the rule, the overflow metre also reappears and the verse
is often broken up into short abrupt clauses ending with some forcible
monosyllable the very position of which helps to make it prominent
Such instances are particularly common in passionate speech, as in
Adam's indignant address to Eve alter the fall:
Out of my sight, / thou serpent ! // That name best
Befits thee, // with him leagued, / thyself as false
And hateful, etc. (PX, x, 867-69,)
or Satan's despairing soliloquy:
All gtwd to DM in lost ; //
Evil, // be thou my Good; // by thee at least /
Divided empire / with Heaven s King I hold, //
By thee, // and more than half fMffhipa will reign ; //
As Man ere long, // and this new World, // shall KQOW
(P.JL y iv, 109-13),
in Death's apostrophe to Satan (P.L., n, 689-703), or Abdiel's (PM,
vi T 131-48), and the Redeemer's reply to the Tempter (P.&, in,
122-44). In all these cases the many strong caesuras are not only
conducive to metrical variety, but serve to express the vehement feelings
of the several speakers.
IX.
Altai investigating the eomponeiit parts r >f Milton's heroic line, we
have to inquire into its harmony and the means which Milton i
M hieve this harmony, since that alone slumps the work of a true
poet and ii ofl i ID wanting in the compositions of inferior writers. Milton,
BVer, whose father was a musician ot" seme repute, had learnt as
a child to appreciate both melody and rhythm 1 . Hence he mentions
'apt numbers' among the essentials of the epic measure along with the
syllabic principle and the sens.' drawn out from one verse into another.
The fact that he gives this quality the first place in his enumeration
shows how highly he esteemed it, and quite rightly too, for all the
other elements of the metre are subservient to it. We shall therefore
be examine each of these elements successively to see how Hilton
turned them to account in order to make his decasyllabics harmonious.
It we study the poet's vocabulary in Paradise Lost and Paradise
1 Cl, the simiUr case of the French hi-t drifts, J. ftCd [iroae has euch a
musical rtow and whose father and grandfather had a talent for muaio.
240
Milton* Heroic Line
Regained, we cannot but notice how carefully he avoids certain letters.
Thi English language, it has been often remarked, tends to accumulate
sibilants in passages of some length. To guard against this, Milton
seldom uses many plurals or worth ending in s consecutively. And as
far as he could, he disc; in led terms containing such combinations as
.s7/ of ch sounded tch* This fastidiousness, of course, led to his rejecting
a great number of words and, as a matter of fact, he uses fewer <>n
the whole than the Elizabethans, and fewer, by a long way, than
Shakespeare. Thus child and children are very seldom found in
these poeme {e.g., P.L< i, 395: x, 194, 880; XI, Till. 77:>; /'/v. I, 201 ;
IV, 3S0>, or d©rif»ti?e words like childless (P.L.< v, 981), 1037), childish
(!»&, I, 201), childhood (PJL, iv, 220, 508) and Atidiwrmg [P.L> X,
1051), while the symmviJis son, daughter and offspring are very fbequem*
Both charm and chase are ran- ; we meet with but two instances of
etch tP.L, vin, 137: PA, iv. 589) Bad to chill (Pi„ v, G5 ; \i,
264), and with but one of the adjective chill (P.L., IX, 890) and with
few instances of short. A^ain, Milton is very sparing of th f except
perhaps in one line {P.L.. u, 164) : 'Thus sitting, thus consulting, thus
in arms," where it is purposely repeated. But if he disapproves of harsh
ocoeonanta he fiivcrara certain vowels, ;is Ptofeaeor Masson has pointed
out, preferring, after the Italian fashion, the broad a in sovran and
htiKtld to the less BOUOTOQfl sovereign and herald, and the preterites
*l>t nng and san^r to sprang and ioiy,
We can now easily understand why a good many of his words •
«7ra£ XtTopipa or rare instances, such as church (P.L., IV, 193), •
<7 J I, iv f 546), advantage*,*** (PJ&,, n, 363), uwhsuaUe (P.L., ix, 824),
irfiotts (P.L., IX. 103t>), courageous (P.L^ iv, 9S0), nnsnrces\sful (P.L.,
X, 35). Few adjectives an- to be found ending in -geous or -gious,
probably because of their combination of sibilants. And it would
:iU'> -to as if the poet wvre not very partial to polysyllables, and wen
better pleased with words of three syllables, or such as the current pm-
nuneiation of his day reduced to three syllables by run fraction.
We may notice, too, in the epic poems that Ifiltoa'fl words an
chiefly contracted in the case of liquid consonants, e.g., iunrm'ntnj,
sevral, vflate, ha$t'ning t etc., which has no inharmonious effect. And it
is no less remarkable that the poet deliberately omits some harsh nouns
Of substitutes softer ones for them, as river-horse (P. L., VII, 474) for
ki fpo p o tamm i and perhaps leviathan {P.L., I, 201 ; vn, 412) for whale 1 .
1 We find irhafa once in P.L., vn, 391 and croeodib in P.L., vu, 474, whereas -rive
fmtf0H is used in P.L., xn T 1U1.
W \l/TER THOMAS
241
What minute attention Milton paid to the study of verbal sounds,
we see in the case of words that may take one of two endings. Thus
he chooses dreamed in preference to dreamt in PX., in, 169 : v, 31-32;
P.P., II, 264, and he writes /rove in PA, n, 594-95:
the parching air
Burns frore, and cold performs th' effect of tire,
to pn vent a second sibilant from coming just after the first one, while
he admits the usual form frozen in P.L., n, 602: 'Immovable, infixed,
and frozen round/ A similar reason probably explains the expansion
of wnfriee into eenteriee (P.£., n, 412) and ministries into ministeries
(P.Z., vii, 149). The same delicate feeling tor harmony accounts for
his use of sometime instead of sometimes in P.L. y IX, H 24-25 :
thing imt uiHlrsijiWe — aotnetiine
Superior ;
and of far-fet before fpoii instead of far-fetched in PJ\., 11, 401 : 'Whose
pains have earned the far-fet spoil. With that/ and justifies, as Pro*
ii noticed 1 , the adoption of maieafe Uv/., P.L. t n, M">- j
v, 365; xr T 818) for wmkmfe, of rtnwA (PJk, u, 166; vi, 868) for
.v- — the latter occurring in PJ\. f in, 146: 'Satan had not to answer,
but Stood struck/ to avoid a repetition of oo — and the choice of the
fter forms 1 SUoa |/ J .L, I, 11) far Shiioah (as found in Isaiah, vi ii, 6),
Basan for Baekan in P.i., i, 398, Heeebon (P.L„ i, 408) far Heshbcm and
SitUm (P.L*, i. U8) far Shittim. Thus, boo 3 the poel electa bo write
red (P.L. y I, 609) instead of deprived, l&bard (P,L. t vii, 467) instead
of leopard, emmet (Pi., VII, 485) instead of ant, imt\ fouffhttn rather
than fought in PA, vi, 410: ' Victor and vanquished. On the fonghten
field,' Here again, as in most ousel where he prefers the elder form of
words, he aims not at ao archaic colouring for his style, but at the
attainment of | ■ -aphony in hi
Milton is no less attentive to the effect produced on the ear by
an accumulation oJ terms and here, too, he does all he can to avoid
harshness. English versification, as we know, does not object on prin-
ciple to hiatus as such (and serous! metrists, with ft Conway, have
deplored the J n ason probably being that in a strongly stressed
tongue, such a conflict of vowels is less offensive than in other languages,
since the open syllables that give rise to it an* seldom both accented.
Still, despite the freedom thus granted, tin* author i.l Paradise Lost
is very chary of him fl» >« < ms loath to admit two of H
1 See Prof. Masaon, op. ciL, vol. in, p, 170.
* M,p. 173.
M. L. a in
* hi, p, 171.
17
242
Milton's Heroic Line
in the same line, and we only find eleven instances in the third
book iPJ^ m, 3, 33, 270, 440, 481, 584 68$ 648, 668, 683, 703) in
742 verses, nine in the seventh book (P.L t vii, 89, 4S, 170, 172, 256,
524, 527. 580, 033) in 640, and thirteen in the third book of Paradise
Regained {R1L m. 46, 69, 88, 107, 152, 199, 212, 229, 248, 308, 347,
360,365) in 443. And as for a hiatus between two accented towels
without an intermediary caesura, such as perhaps occurs in P.L., vi,
721 : * Ineffably into his face received/ it is hardly ever to be found in the
epic poems. While therefore Milton cannot entirely avoid a concourse
of vowels, he endeavours, as far as he is able, to rob it of all harshness.
The same applies to the crowding of consonants in his verse. Such
a repetition of sibilants as Signs songs (P.R., l\% 347) or MoaFs sons
(PJL t I, 406) is extremely rare with him, as also are instances like sad
drops (PJL t ix, 1002), nm not (P.R., i, 441), reign not (P.R., in, 215),
or the double aspirate in he her met (P.L, IX, 849). Here, too, Milton
strives after softness and harmony.
It is curious, from this point of view, to notice— though the remark
may seem trifling — that the poet avoids accumulating in one line a
series of monosyllables, however much they abound in the English
language. Indeed, he reacts against the natural tendency of the tongue
and, for instance, out of 689 lines in the eighth book rf Paradim Lost
only twenty-five (i*, PJL< 981,43, 66. 103, 172, 206, 210, 270, 277, 281,
320, 339, 341. 395, 397, 44*. 4SS, 499, 521, 525, 549, 578, 612, 613 ', 629,
640) are formed of ten separate words each, and out of 502 lines in the
first book of Paradise Regained only twenty-four (%•&, P.M., i, 39, 60, 66,
153, 207, 246, 252, 271, 27b\ 286, 289, 321, 322\ 327, 343, 366, 377,
399, 404, 446, 459, 473, 478, 484). Even in these Milton places the
most important words in such a position that they stand out from the
rest, and thus guards against the unpleasant effect of B line wholly
broken up. Notice in this respect the collocation of monosyllables in
PL^ vi, 131 : ' Proud, art thou met ? Thy hope was to have reached '
(and cf P.L, I, 637 ; in, 174, 341 ; x, 770; P.R., n, 383). Very often,
too, he sets a word of two or more syllables in a conspicuous place
which brings out its importance in the sentence, as in P.L, n, 76-77 :
descout and fall
To ils is adverse. Who but felt of late
(and cf. P.L t iv, 299; vn, 171; xi, 36, 626-27; P.fl., Ill, 426) But
lines wholly made up of polysyllables are the rarest of all, as P.L, II,
1 Two consecutive lines formed of monosyllables, as here, are rarer atiil (cf, also JP.Jl.,
m, 223-21).
WALTER THOMAS
243
185 : f Unrespited, unpitied, unreprieved' (and cf. P.L, in, 373 ; v, 245,
622, 899; P.K y n, 138, 446; in, 131, 429) 1 , As a rule, however, we
find one polysyllable at least in Milton's heroic line to which the mono-
syllables, we may Bay, lead up as in P.R. % I, 429: ' For lying is thy
nance, thy food* (and cf, I\L r it, 138, 373; v, 888; TO, 436; IX,
861 ; P.R., iv, 399). His felicitous use of the vocabulary, no less than
his mastery over the whole reoourcefl of his art, thus contributes to
break the monotony of too regular verse by introducing a fresh
element of variety.
The poet evinces the same mastery in the disposition of accents in
his decasyllabic His custom of breaking the iambic rhythm by a
trochee at the beginning of the line and after the caesura, while it
not spoil the harmony, helps him to produce a sonorous metre and
to start a new sentence with a strong stress. This is no less true of
the device by which he often places an emphatic accent between two
slighter ones that act as a foil to it. And he now and again adds
by causing the voice to dwell on some polysyllable thus
emphasized, as in P.L,, X t 107 : ' Or come I less conspicuous, // or what
change/ or in P.& y IV, 579: "Ruin, and desperation, // and dismay'
(and tf. PX, ii. 707; iv, 606; IX, 840-50; P.R, U, 434). It may be
remarked that, unless for some special purpose Milton happens to
accumulate several stresses in one half of his line, he prefers to place
a particularly strong one near the middle. Thus the reader, m ilc-
cordancc with the usual rhythm of English sentences, increases the
volume of sound from the beginning of the verse till he reaches the
most important word and then allows it fee decrease from that point
to the close.
Nor are the above considerations true only of isolated decasyllabics.
The char&3 of so many passages in PttrntHsv Lttst, as, for install' i\ of the
speeches delivered in Pandemonium, is due, not only to a careful choice
of terms, but to the artful alternation of strong and weak accents. We
may also add the different place occupied in each line by the most
prominent word and the various breaks in the sense made conspicuous
by forcible caesuras, e.g, t
Sight hateful, / sight tormenting I // Thus these two
Lmp*x*diaed in one Another's una*, /
The happier EBden, /, shall enjoy their fill
Of bliaa on blis*; J} while I //"to Hell am thrust, etc.
i /'.A., iv, 505-8)
i It may be noticed that three of these Unea {P.L., u, 185; v, 899; P.R., in, 429)
Are formed of three words beginning with INK
17—2
244
Miltons Heroic Line
(and cf. P.I., 11, L63, 194, 249; v, 679-83), or, again, toned down to
slight pauses and following milder stresses, which give an equable Sow
to the verse as in P.L., H, 119-23 :
I should be much for open war, / Peers, /
As not behind in bate, / if what was urged
Mam reason / to persuade immediate war /
Did not dissuade me inoat, / and seem to cast /
Ominous omjaetwa OH the whole succeaa
(and cf. P.L.. ix. 867-75; P.&, n. 302-0, 379-K2 ; in, 182-86).
skilful combination of both breaks and emphases helps to make the
heroic line powerful and melodious
We must also nut ice tin ■ rt< < r of (he caesuras at the beginning and
at the end of the metre coupled with the influence of the overflow or
etijamhetttetit. In his carefully written verse-paragraphs containing
some passionate speech the poet frequently changes the breaks in
the 66nten0& Thus in the Saviours indignant reply bo
I never liked thy talk, // thy offers leas ; 7/
Now both abhor, // since thou hast dared to utter /
Th* abominable terms, / impious condition. //
But I endure the time, ; till which expired /
Thou hast permission on me. It is written, /
The first of all t omnmndments, / Thou ahalt worship /
The Lord thy God, // and only Him shalt serve,
(JUL, iv, 171-77)
hat almost ewry lin inguished from the preceding
one by a different pause or and that the run-on lines are
separated by others in which the sense ends with the decasyllabic.
The latter, however, is not a constant practice, since we find three
overflows following, as in P.Z„ IX, 1091-94, or four, as in P£. t xn.
295-99, or live as in P.R., Ii: 03, and sometimes even more, as
in PX, vi, 240-53. But, allowing for exceptions, we may say that
Milton disapproves of many continuous irregular lines and, if only for
ical vari> rts with considerable persistence to the perfectly
regular type.
We take it therefore that the poet, who knows of few things
•More grateful than harmonious sound to the ear 1 (PJL, Yin, 606),
owes his mastery in this respect to the art with which he blends
strict observation of the essential laws of verse with mil freedom
on minor points. He strictly discards harsh words, preferring i
archaic forms to them, he taboos all discordant accumulations of con-
sonants or vowels, and makes a clever use of polysyllables in order to
monosyllabic tendency of the language. But, if he frequently
WALTER THOMAS
245
varies in his verse the position of the emphatic accent and its reinforcing
caesura, if he now allows the line to overflow into the next and now
ends a sentence with the measure itself, he never fails to preserve the
fixed number of ten syllables in his heroic metre, he always lays a
notable stress on the tenth syllable and almost always places a pause
after it. Lastly, he breaks with the custom of the Elizabethan dramatists,
and mostly begins or concludes his paragraphs with a whole line. In
a few cases we find a speech commencing in the middle of the metre
(i0i P£. t U, 968, 990; iv, 724; v t 321,404; vi, 150, 2*2 ; P.R., n 5 317;
iv, 58Q), in fewer still ending there (e.g. t P.L., II, 378, 466 ; XI, 460, 546,
552; P.R. t II, 321), and quite exceptionally 1 both commencing and
ending thus (e/j. f PM, y iv, 851-54; XI, 466-77). All these instances
can be explained by the impulsive character of the discourses and are
I it outnumbered by those in which thus does not take place. Milton
therefore remains a rare example in English literature of a poet who,
while he shook oft" the yoke of many traditional observances connected
with the epic deeasyllable, yet remained true to the principle of the
metre and achieved such perfection in his art that his verse remains
a model to future generations.
In examining the composition and the harmony of Milton's heroic
line, we have paid but slight heed to his subject-matter. And yet
how important an influence the latter has exerted will be noticed by
any careful reader alive to the marked change of tone in different
This may be comprised in the poet's phrase 'apt numbers, 1
which si ■ 1 1 is to imply the adaptability of the verse to its object. It
was certainly present to his mind when he remarked in P.L. t in, 17-18 :
With other ii to the Orphean lyre
I Ming of Qbacn find eternal Nig at,
win n he spoke of * answerable style' in P r L. t IX, 20, and made mention of
thoughts that voluntary move
Harmonious maul' (PJk, ni, 37-38).
His highest achievement] indeed, wbe to wed closely both matter and
form in his epics, and all the elemei rgifieatJOP became subservient
to this supreme purpose.
1 We cannot therefore but dissent from Mr Symonds (see Fortnightly 2fa
Jul.?- Dec, 1874 f p, 774) when he says 'Like Virgil (Milton) opened his paragraphs in the
middle of a hue, nuxtaming them through several clauses till they reached their clo«6
in ftnot I p i b mUtttn at the distance of some half-dozen carefully conducted verses/
M ikon's Heroic Line
A close investigation into the authors vocabulary will show his
minute care in this respect. Whenever Milton aims at description,
his line Is filled with vivid picturesque terms. He renders the aproar
of the furies round the Saviour resting at night by: ' Some howled,
some yelled, some shrieked* (P.R., IV, 423), in which the various n
are reproduced on an ascending scale. When he mentions the Bac-
chants as :
the race
Of that wild rout that taw bhfi Thracian bard
(PL., vii, 33-34),
the violent deed is echoed in fehe \*vy words. A mild form of death
he depicts as a gentle wafting' (PX.< XII, 435), the murmur which
survives a past storm as * hoarse cadence ' after ' The sound of blustering
winds' (P.L.> II, 286-87), and of the birds" warbling in Paradis.- he tells
us that
airs, venial airs
Breathing the smell of Held and grove, attune
The trembling leaves. (PM> IV, 264-66).
This may seem an undesigned imitation of the various sound*
arising from the language itself. But it must be intentional when Wfl
find it recurring in more than one line. Thus Milton renders the
effect of audible reverberation in P.L., n, 787-89 :
I fled and cried out Dmih I
Hell trembled at the hJdflOQfl name, and sighed
From nil her caves, and back resounded D&CttA
(PL., rr, 787-80);
the difficulties of Satan's journey through Chaos in P.L., II, 947-50:
so eagerly the Fiend
O'er bog or steep, through straight, rough, dense, or rare,
With head, hands, wings, or feet, pursues his way,
And swims, or sinks, or wades, or creeps, or flies ;
the approach of morning in P.Z., v, 5-8 :
which th : only Bound
Of leaves and fuming rills, Aurora's fan,
Lightly d is j versed , and the shrill matin song
Of birds 0D every hough ;
and the failing of night in P.L., w . 698 609. Here the result is not
brought about by a few casual onomatopoeias but by studied verbal
felicity.
Milton's art is perhaps seen at its best in his use of alliteration to
make his lines more effective and harmonious. Thus in
A dismal universal hiss, the sound
Of public scorn
(PL., X, 508-9)
WALTER THOMAS
247
we seem to hear a number of serpents, in P.X., i, 768 the whirring of
insect wings, in P.i,, iv, 556 a swift descent, in P.R, iv, 247-49 :
Hymettus, with the sound
Of bees' industrious murmur, oft invites.
To studious musing,
the humming of a busy hive. Of course, if the alliterations are but
few. they conduce to euphony and not to imitative effects (e.g., P.L..
II, 902-3; PM t u, 358-59; in, 1, 323-24; i\\ 605). In that case we
often find three repetitions of the same consonant in three words of the
same line, as in P.Z., I, 250 : ( Where joy for ever dwells ! Hail, horrors !
hail ' (and cf. PJL, n, 540, 553, 560; HI, 73, 296 ; i\\ 441 ; v, 646 ; vn,
298; vni, 342; x, 1006; xi, 489; P.R. y i, 482 ; in, 278, 398; iv, 63,
517), ami sometimes the alliteration runs un into the next verse, as in
P.L., II, 650-51 :
The one seemed wuinan to the waist, and fair,
But ended foul in many i scaly fold
(and cf, PL., ii, 464-65, 585-86, 772-73 ; m, 606-7 ; vui, 83-84 ; P.R.>
i. 160-81; 11,257-58). The poet very cleverly distributes his alii teratiw
WOfde: at one time they are nouns or adjectives, as in P.Z., XI, 489-90 :
Dire ffM the. tossing, deep the groan, Despair
Tended the sick
(and cf, P.L., h, 836, 1021 ; at, II, 44; iv, 511, 888] ix, 491 ; P.R,
IV, 406); at another they are both adjectives and nouns nr verbs, as in
P,£ + , n, 579: 'Cocytus named of lamentation loud 1 (and cf, P.L., n, 174;
ill, 20, 691 ; iv, 293, v, 896 ; vu, 286; x, 225; PA, u, 257 ; in, 48;
iv, 561), Occasionally we even notice two different alliterations in the
same line, as in P.L, in, 99: '/Sufficient to have stood, though /r^
/all ' (and cf. PL, I, 555 ; n, 433, 624; IV, 326, 990; vi, 876 ; ix, 250;
PJt, u, 431 ; in, 268). According to Mr J. A. Symonds who carefully
investigated this part of the poet'l W rsificatinn 1 , Milton has a marked
preference for the letters / I, in, r and 19, and artfully distributes his
alliterations in a series of consecutive lines which he thus conii
into a whole for purposes of argumentation or description. Thus he
uses a reiteration of d and /to depict the war waged in heaven fay the
angels, in P.L., vi, 211-14 :
dm waa the
of conflict; OVQrbeftd the r/isrnal I
Of fiery r/arts in /laniinfj volleys flew,
And, /lying, vaulted cither host with /in ,
J U. ForMfktfy Rivitm for Jnly-Dec, 1874, p. 776, fte H from which we borrow
several of our quota Lion h.
248
Milton's Heroic Line
and welds the different decasyllabics by this means into one continuous
paragraph.
Nor is he indifferent to vuwel alliteration, as we may see by the
predominance of a (as in father) in P.L., iv, 962: 'But mark what I
areed thee now: Avaunt'; of the ee sound in P.R., iv, 411: 'From
many a horrid rift abortive paired* (and cf. P.R., IT, 248-49), and of
i in P.R., IV, 198-99:
If I T to try whether in higher aort
Thai) these thou bear's t that title.
We remark something akin to this in P.L., in, 373: * Immutable, Im-
mortal Infinite 1 (and cf ftlaoPX, a, 185; m, 231; v, 899; PJl,Uh
429 ) l , where, however, the repetition perhaps bears more on the initial
prefix than on the vowels, Occasionally the vowel alliteration is found
in consecutive lines, e.g. t the ee sound in PX., i\\ 40-45:
Till pride and worse ambition threw me dam,
Warring in Heaven against Heaven'?* matchless King !
Ah wherefore i He deserved no such return
From me whom he created what I w.t.s
In that bright eminence, and with his gi
I pb raided none, nor was his service hard.
Actual assonance, as practised in the early French epics or ' chansons
degeste,' that is, a similarity between the final vowel sounds in successive
verses, is much rarer, e.g., in P.L., XI, 853-5o \
With clamour thence the rapid current* drive
Towards the retreating sea their furious tide.
Forthwith from out the ark a raven flies
(see. too, l\L. y xi, 857-58 and 860; and cf. PJL, U til 2 -13).
Lastly, some rhyming couplets, but extremely few (as we might
expect in blank verse), have been discovered, ejf., P.L., n t 220-22;
Thia horror will grow mild, this darkness light ;
Besides what hope the never-ending flight
Of future days may bring
(and cf. P.L., iv, 24-25, 26-27), and a few straggling rhymes perhapa
inP.Z., i, 14$ 148, 151:
Have left Of (fall Oflff spirit ifid strength entire,
Strongly to suffer Mid BUppOrt our M
That we may so suffice lug vengeful ire 1
Or do him mightier service as Eu thi
By right of war, wlnittrer hia bilttQtM be,
Here in the hi ut uf Hell to work in t
all of which, if really intentional, may be meant to add to the sonorous-
ness of the metre.
1 Bee above, p. 243.
WALTEB THOMAS
A similar attention to the effect of vowel sounds appears in the
repetition of whole words or portions of a word, as in P*L. r iv, 411 :
* Sole partner and sole part of alt these joys' (and cf. P.Z., II, 995-96 ;
iv, 852; vi, 656; PJL, in. 387-88; iv.434, 597), We have already
noticed the impressive iteration of the name of Death in P.L., n, 787-89.
The same occurs with the words foreknow and foreknowledge in the
following passage, P.Z., in, 117-19 :
If I foreknew,
Foreknowledge had no influence on their fault,
Which had 00 less proved certain unforeknown ;
with/aM and fallen in PX H V, 840-43:
in this we stand of fall
And some are fallen, to disobedience fallen,
And so from Heaven to deepest Hell O fall
From what high state of bliss into what woe !
with lost in P.R, I, 377-80 :
Though 1 have lost
Much lustre «f my native brightness, lost
To be beloved of God, I have not lost
To love, at least contemplate and admire;
with worse in PM., in, 205-!), and glory in P.R., in, 109-20. Some-
times, indeed, this subtle verbal harmony beguiles the poet into
admitting what are virtually puns, as in PI,, v, 868-69 :
and to begirt th 1 Almighty Throne
Beseeching or nesieging
(and o£ PL., VI, 025-27; xi, 627, 756-57; PR, i, 222; n, 891>
These, though perhaps not inappropriate on the lips of rebel angels,
li:ive been blamed by the best critics as undignified in epic poetry*
They bear witness, however, to Milton's study of sounds in his heroic
verse.
The very rhythm of the line adds to the impressiveness nnd sublimity
of the whole. It is apparent even in the poet's disposal of words, and
above all of the polysyllables, in his m^tiv. He would seem to have
noticed the tendency of a reader to sink his voice at the end of the
m and h e there fore freq i ien tly cc »ncl u< 1 * *s, i m >st effectively , wit h
a long word followed by a single monosyllable m in P.L. f I, 106-7 :
All is not font— th' unconquerable will.
And .study of revenge, immortal hatc t
orb P.L t 1,811-13:
And acourged with many a atroke th 1 indignant w i
Now had tin v Imuigbt the work by wondrous art
Pontifical — a ridge of fiendetit rock
250 Milton's Heroic Line
(and cf. P.L., I, 77, 175 ; n, 88 ; in, 68 ; vi, 866 ; xn, 455 ; P.R., iv, 53).
Thi* is frequently the case when a noun exceeds the accompanying
adjfcctivfs in length, so that the former is made conspicuous by its size
and tho latter by its position after the substantive, e.g., P.L., xu, 291 :
' Havo by those shadowy expiations weak/ or P.L., VII, 267 : ' Of this
groat round — jwirtition firm and sure ' (and cf. P.L., n, 898 ; in, 367 ;
IV, fi()2 ; v, 200 ; vi, 193 ; ix, 35 ; x, 238 ; P.R., n, 109 ; iv, 628). In
fact, tho pout modifies the place of his adjectives at will, as the following
oxamplo shows :
Thus roving on
lu confuted march forlorn, th } adventurous bands,
With shuddering horror pale, and eyes aghast,
Viewed ttrat their lamentable lot (P.Z., n, 614-17).
Jill t ho commonly sets short adjectives after the noun and longer ones
heforo it, mo as to make them stand out the better in his verse.
If, however, Milton means to strike the reader's mind by some
forcible expression, he carefully selects an important word severed from
tho rout by a strong caesura and on which the voice is thus compelled
to dwell. In P.L., v, 611-15, for instance :
Him who disobeys
Mo disobeva, breaks union, and, that day,
Cant out from God and blessed vision, falls
Into utter darkness, deep engulfed, his place
Ordained without redemption, without end.
the awful ruin of tho rebel angels and their future punishment beyond
all roach of hope are foretold and almost foreshadowed in the words
full* and end which close tho lines, proclaiming the divine judgment.
If, on tho other hand, the author wishes to express happier or calmer
Hontimonts, ho places a longer term before the caesura, as rejoiced in
iU., VI, 87H-T9 :
Disburdened Heaven rejoiced, and soon repaired
Her mural breach,
or acceptance in P.L. t xi, 457 :
For onvv that his brother's offering found
From Heaven acceptance
(mid rf. perhaps P.L, xi, 055; P.R., I, 444; iv, 181). By such means
the words are made to illustrate the sense.
Again, Milton aptly uses monosyllables for the same purpose. An
uarly commentator, Dr Newton, points out that the lines (P.L. t n,
1)47 410
so eagerly the Fiend
O'er W>g or Mteen, through straight, rough, dense or rare,
With head, hamia, wings or feet pursues his way
WALTER THOMAS
251
drably describe Satan's toilsome progress in short broken clan
which we find it hard to pronounce. Sometimes the poet brings out the
full force of the monosyllable by isolating pauses, as in P.R, t IV, 561 63 !
He said, and stood ;
But Satan, smitten with amazement, fell,
or the apostrophe < Fool! 1 in P.R, VI, 185 (and c£ PJa, II, 180 ; in, 171 ;
XI, 515). We notice, too, that apart from any intent to express emotion,
he often begins his metre with tiny words to allow the reader's voice
to rise gradually towards the middle or be rounds up the line with
them to let it gently down, as in P.L. t 1,60: * The dismal situation
waste and wild/ and in PJL, n, 485 : * Or close ambition varnished o'er
with zeal ' (and cf. PL, I, 188 ; n, 376 ; iv, 680, 735, 819; vi. 159, 745,
etc.). Frequently, too, he allows two monosyllables to close one measure
while two more open the next, thus easing the transition to the ear, as
in PJL, V, 402-8 :
only this I know
That one Celestial Father gives to all,
or again in P.R., 1, 450-51 :
What, to the smallest tittle, thou shalt say
To thy adorers
(and cf. PX, ii* 642-48, 981-82; in, 412-413, 724-25 ; v, 426-27 ; x,
BOfl -7, 617-18 ; &R, i, 407-8 ; in, 249-50, 350-51, etc.). Thus Milton
with great skill felicitously disposes these minor elements of his \
as a general carefully places his soldiers in the field.
Nor is the distribution of stresses in the decasyllabic less worthy of
notice. The poet delights to insert lines of perfectly regular iambic
rhythm between others <>f a more mixed character, just as Shakespeare
lets violent and soothing scenes alternate in his plays. In such Q
Milton allows the accent to rest on even syllables, none being more
strongly emphasized than the others, and the ({Diet tenor Of I he Dtt rative
or the description Bows peacefully along. We have an instance of this
in PM t iv, 449, i
III it day 3 ab*r, when from k1»
I lirst awaken-, and found myself
Under a shade, on flowers, mock wondering wln/re
And what I was, wlieinv thither bfOUghtj -oi<l h&t
(ami c£ P.L, v, 563 efo; tx, 532 etc ; PR., ii, 868-77; IV, 581 B0).
The easy prog r e ss of the measure, with but very few metrical licences,
marks the tranquil tone of such passages.
But all is changed of a sudden when t In - poel means to stir the
252
Mil tan* s Heroic Lint
passions. Take the indignant speech of Abdiel to Satan in P.X., vi,
135-39:
Fool ! not to think how vain
Against th T Omnipotent to rise in arms,
Who, out of smallest things, could without end
Have raised incessant Armies to defeat
Thy folly,
which produces the impression of a trumpet blast- When the Devil in
Paradise, at the sight of man's bliflS, complains of his own sad fate
(P.L., iv, 505-20) or when, on being detected by the angelic watchers,
he returns a scornful reply to their queries (JPJS., n
single stress in the verse is clearly heard and seems to b« of importance.
The position of the accents is also pretty frequently shifted under such
circumstances, and a careful scrutiny of some impassioned passages
(such as RL. t ix, 867-908 j PJL l, 407-44; iv, 171-94), will show
how often and in what different feet of the line the fcrochee now oo
and what a thrilling effect this alteration has on the ear.
If stronger or slighter stresses help to depict agitation, mental
excitement is also rendered to some extent by the breaks in the
sentence. When the pa ibes a calm scene, all such breaks
occur in fairly regular succession and mostly after a whole foot. Then,
too, the overflow or enj*iitthetnent continues as far as the middle of the
next line and does not stop al ilk- first feofc, These different features
appear in Milton's speeches according to the nature of the speakers,
whether angels or devils. Thus Satan, intending to impersonate a
youthful denizen of Heaven, carefully adapts his words to his assumed
character in PJL, ni T 6(32-67 :
UmpeakftUfl desire to see and know
All these his wondrous works, hut chietiy Man,
Jli> chief delight unit favour, him for whom
All these his WOrkl BO wondrous he ordained,
Hath brought me from the quires of Cherubim
Alone thus wandering,
where all the pauses are slight and fall with ease. We can even, after
a fashion, tell the persons brought before us by the degree of emotion
betrayed in their language and by the \ersitication they use. If we
examine those passages in which the Creator declares His judgn.
and promulgates His decrees, as in P.L., v, 000-9:
Hear all ye Angela, Progeny of Light,
ThrOttCB] Dominations, I'riiiL-ednms, Virtues, PoWCfl
Hear my decree, which unrevoked shall stand "
This day 1 have begot whom 1 declare
My only Son, and on this holy hill
WALTER THOMAS 253
Hi in have anointed, whom ye now behold
At my right hand. Your head i him appoint,
And by myself have sworn to him shall i
All knees in Heaven, and shall nnnllW ll him Lord
{and cf. P£., jii, 79-134, 168-216, 274-343; v, 224-45, 719-32; vi,
29-55, 680-718; vn T 139-73; x, 34-62; xi, 46-71, 84-125; /'.//.,
i, 130-07), we find hardly any caesuras after the first or after the ninth
syllable (discarding of course lines where such unavoidable mono-
syllables as Son and go are met with), and but few after the third or
the seventh syllable. Run-on tines too, though not wholly suppressed,
a re no t b ro u gh t i n t o } no i n i n e nc e , T h e d 8C 1 a ra t i o n s of the u nchan geab 1 e
Deity, whom not the least shadow of perturbation can reach, must
perforce show in their very nature a reflection of His sovereign majesty
and perfect calm. Hence any striking caesura would be out of place in
a divine mandate.
The grammatical breaks in the sentence become, however, both
more frequent and more marked, when we descend from Heaven to
earth and from earth to hell, The change is even manifest in the
language of the Son of God as soon as He has assumed our human
Datum His colloquies before the Incarnation with His Father breath*'
celestial rtfXXte, as in P.L. t X, 68-71 :
Father Ktornal, thine is to decree ; //
Mine both in Heaven and Earth / to do thy will /
Supreme, / that thou in me, / thy Son beloved, /
Miiywt ever rest well pleaded. /
(and cf. P.L., in, 227-65; vi, 723-45; x, 68-84), while in Paradise
Itetjained thei- ifl more vehemence in some of His replies to the
Tempter {e.<j.< P,lt f I, 407-64 ; n, 379-91 ; i\\ 17 1-1*4, 286-364). Here
we notice several caesuras in one line, as in PM. t IV, 300-5;
f'lir Stoic tort in philosophic pride,
By him called virtue, and hi* virtdooa man,
Wise, / perfect in himself, l] and all poea
Bquju to God, oft ihamw not to praft
HOf man, / contemning all
Wealth, // pleasure, // pain Of torment, death and life
(and cf. P.R. n, 100; m, 75, 107 t 128), and several important overflows,
as in /'.ft,, HI, 124-2M:
But to show forth His goodness, and impart
His good eomui's *ul
Pn
(and cf Pit, i, 4l<s~m. 444-45, 450-51; in, 130-31; iv, 188-80,
319-20). All this is more conspicuous still, owing to the presence
254
Milton's Heroic L
of sin which has tainted and troubled the soul, in Adam's speech before
and after the fall. From the ninth to the twelfth book of Part
Lost we detect in his words, as a novel superadded feature, the charac-
teristics referred to above. Thus we are struck with the place and the
prominence of the caesuras in his address to his guilty wife :
¥<\>\ in evil hour thou didst give ear
To that false Worm, of whensoever taught
To counterfeit Man's voice — true in our fall,
False in our nronmed rifling (/"*•£-» J*, 1067-70)
(and cf. P.L., x, 867-908), and with the run-on lines that end after t In-
first foot erf the following decasyllabic, as in P.Z., IX, 1085-M ;
Iu solitude live savage, in some gUdfl
Ohsemedt
Of in P.Z., x, 134-35:
Bowftver haaupporUble, bo all
Devolved
(and ef. PL., IX, 1091-92; x, 723-24. 784 35, 884-05, 904-5, 958-59,
etc.). And should these instances not appear quite convincing, it will
be enough to examine the discourses of the rebel angels arid especially
those of Satan, when he soliloquizes and can have no thought of de-
ceiving, us in I\L., iv F 366-72:
Ah! gentle pair, // ye little think bow nigh /
Voiir bhangs approaches, fj when ill these delights /
Will vanish, ' ami deliver ye to woe — //
More woe, the more ymir twite ifl now of joy : //
Happy, // hut for ao happy ill secured /
Long to continue, / an J this high seat, / your Heaven
111 fenced // for Heaven to keep out such a foe
(and c£ P.Z.. iv, 32-113, 358-92; ix. 1)9-178, 473-93), to see how
Milton's caesuras are made subservient to the passions and the mental
agitation of the beings he desoribefc
We may therefore justly say that every olrimmt of the poets heroic
m use is pressed into service to illustrate his subject-matter. Carefully
chosen words and sounds, alliteration and assonance contribute to bring
out his meaning while adding to the variety and harmony of the
measure. Slight pauses and secondary stresses prevail where he depicts
peaceful Bce&es, emphatic accents and marked caesuras where he deals
with strong passions. From the skill with which all these are combined
we rightly infer that Milton regarded his blank verse, not as a mere
empty ornament, but rather, if we may say so, as the living frame
which was to body forth his lofty conceptions to the world. Form and
WALTER THOMAS
255
thought are so closely linked together in his grand epics that what he
conjures up before our minds is in some degree actually typified a no 1
interpreted by the subtle variations of his metre.
Our study of Milton's heroic line has brought out at least one fixed
element of his versification. The blank metre that makes up Parmli.se
Lost and Paradise Regained always contains ten counted syllables, and
ted only. Five of these, and never fewer (but now and again more
than Hve), bear a slight or a strong accent, and the tenth counted
syllable is in every case stressed. If we except a small number of lines
that betray some negligence, each decasyllabic is separated from the
other by a pause or a caesura, Milton's heroic measure is therefore
regular both on account of its strictly syllabic character and of its law
of a minimum quantity of accents.
Other component parts of his verse are liable to change, and help
t<> keep it free from monotony. Not to mention the occasional presence
of six or more stresses, we note that the poet allows two trochees,
sometimes side by side, in his epic measure and in rare cases three,
but not consecutively. He also admits an unaccented syllable at the
close of the metre and very seldom, in imitation of the earlier dramatists,
an extra unstressed syllable before the caesura. The variety he aims at
L6 »ften obtained by letting the grammatical break of the sense occur
in different places, and by deftly intermingling slight pauses and
caesuras. Run-on lines are also very frequent, and Milton uses them
to emphasize some important word or to add grandeur and dignity to
whole passages.
Thus our poet's heroic metre coincides both in structure and in its
essential rules with the older dramatic deeasyllable which the Eliza-
bethan playwrights had shorn of its rhymes, and can be conclusively
identified with the early French epic measure and the Italian hendet a-
syllable. From the latter Milton borrowed the practice of sparing
neither trochees nor elisions, and these .s< .-railed licences, though they
stop short of the introduction of any trisyllabic foot, also make fur
variety.
But whereas the same metrical laws and similar metrical licences
Ht to be met with in other writers, the author of Paradise L*>si n mains
OODepioooilfl for the perfect harnimiv <>f his wise. This is chiefly due
to a skilful combination of the most diverse elements: choice words,
artfully distributed stresses, and a judicious blending of pauses and
caesuras. The very position of the prominent terms and the careful
256 Milton's Heroic Line
selection of appropriate sounds help to convey and shadow forth the
poet's meaning. Alliterations, varied caesuras and run-on lines all
contribute to evoke the underlying sense before our mind and ear,
and the bard's genius never shows itself more admirable than in this
complete mastery over both language and versification.
The natural result was that later poets, and foremost among them
Otway, Thomson, Young and Cowper, looked up to Milton as to their
guide and teacher in these matters. Shakespeare's dramatic line,
wonderfully suited as it was to the changing conditions of the stage,
appeared too unsettled for imitation. Here, however, was heroic verse
which, after rejecting the excessive freedom of former times, was subject
to definite rules and yet retained such rhythmical pliancy as fitted it
for the loftiest flights of creative fancy. Henceforth the instrument
needed for future developments was ready to hand, a model for the
coming generations had been set up, and those latter-day critics who,
in their eagerness for novelty, have accepted the intrusion of trisyllabic
feet in a measure which has never allowed them, might do worse than
revert to the early tradition of the line and follow faithfully in Milton's
steps.
Walter Thomas.
SPENSER AND LADY CAREY.
Nothing in any published account of Spenser's life would lead one
to suspect that his acquaintance with Lady Carey diflered markedly
from his friendship, and avowed kinship, with the other daughters of
Sir John Spencer, Indeed, his editors and biographers one after another
content themselves with stating, at the must, that he dedicated to her
Muiopatttms and the appended series of Visions, addressed to her a
sonnet prefixed to the Faei*ie Queene, and alluded to her under a
pastoral name in ffotffl Clout Attentive reading of these passages,
however, discloses a yet unwritten chapter of Spenser's life. Though
obscured to the world of letters by his ' rurall musicke ■' in praise of the
pastoral Rosalind, the poets service of his courtly mistress was no less
conspicuously avowed than Sidney 'a devotion to Stella.
Of the seventeen sonnets prefixed to the Faerie Qtteene only two are
addressed to a lady. Of these, the first may be set aside, since it
honours Lady Mary (nee Sidney), Countess of Pembroke, chiefly for her
brother's sake, as Spenser makes unmistakeable by saying :
Remembratioe of that HMMt Heroickc spirit...
Bids aie, moot EftdUi Lady, to adore
Hin goodly image, living evermore
In the divine resemblance of your face.
Accordingly, he presents the sonnet as not his gift, but Sidney's,
concluding: 'Vouchsafe from him this token in good worth to take/
No lady coukl iiiisinterpivt the guardednesfl of a compliment so im-
personal.
In the sonnet to Lady Carey, on the other hand, Spenser's tone is
intimately personal Uld gallant, Declaring:
Ne may I, without blot of •
Y- i, I in rest Lady, leave out of thi- plu'\
he proclaims it his duty to 'adorne these verses base* with "remembrance/
not of her brothers or sisters or husband, but :
IN tin-mi riif <• of your gracious name
Wkamritfa that courtly garlond most ye grace
And deck the world.
M. L. a, in.
18
258
Spen$er tmd Lady Carey
To say that she most graced Elizabeth's court, let alone the world,
would seem sufficient praise ; but Spenser pronounces his sonnet inade-
quate to express her captivating charms ;
Not that these few linM can in them comprize
Those glorious ornaments of bevenly grace
Wherewith ye triumph over fee hie eyes
And in subdued hearts do tyranyse.
The publicity of this exceptional homage rendered it doubly signifi-
cant: for the Fa&rie Queen e appeared under the Queen's patronage as
the master epic of her greatest poet. Lady Carey's name was thus
associated uniquely with the names of the Queens greatest officers and
nobility. That Spenser chose from the court one lady of comparatively
inferior rank to distinguish with so marked a compliment, designated
him, iu that centre of love -gallantry, as her enamoured servant.
The etiquette of the court demanded that he should so serve a lady 1 ;
for, as he makes Colin Clout, recounting his stay at court, say:
Um most aboundeth there.
For all the walla ami windows there are writ,
All full of love, and love. ,md love my deare,
And all their talke and studie is of it.
Ne any there doth brave or valiant seeme,
Unlease that some giye Ifxifcram badge he heares:
Ne any one himoelfe doth ought esteemo,
Unlease he swim in love up to the earcs. (C,C, 775—82.)
Amid this universal enamourment, which he does not overstate, it
was to be exported that Spenser should profess himself a devotee of the
lady whom he had selected as the * fairest.' lie does make this pro-
fession publicly and explicitly. In the letter of dedication prefixed to
Mtiutpntmos, he declares to Lady Carey: 'I have determined to give
myself wholy to you, as quite abandoned from my selfe, and absoln
vowed to your services/ In 1590, therefore, Spenser was known to the
court as Lady Carey's professed servant.
Courtly usage demanded that the servant should address to his
mistress rarsea portraying his devotion. In a dedicatory letter to
Lady Carey, Thomas Nash [Christ's Tfurs orer Jerusalem, 1593)
expressed his disgust at the annoying importunity of this demand,
saying: ( I bate these female braggarts that contend to have all the
muses beg at their doors.' Lady Carey, by implication, fl ls one who
did not need so to ' contend/ At all events, Spenser promised in
concluding his sonnet in her honour, that his 'good will':
Whenaa timely meaue.s i1 imrchiao may,
In ampler wise it selfe will forth display.
1 This topic is discussed in my dissertation on FAxmbtthan Courtly Love, Gore Hall,
Cambridge, Mass.
PERCY W. LONG
259
This looked-for opportunity to celebrate at greater length the ' glorious
ornaments ' of Lady Carey, had presented itself before the time of
dedicating to her Muiopotmos (1590): tor there he states that his ' poore
s<rvice,.,taketh glory to advance your excellent partes and noble
vertues, and to spend it selfo in honouring you.' His promise was,
therefore, already in course of fulfilment
The work in which Spenser so honoured Lady Carey cannot have
been Muiopotmos. Exquisite as the poem is, its obscure allegory of a
male spider ensnaring and destroying a male butterfly cannol be con-
strued to ' advance' her 'excellent partes and noble vertues/ Neither
can the series of visions appended to it and addressed to her be made
to serve that purpose; while, in them, moreover, Spenser renews his
promise of some further work, saying :
Such as they were (faire ladie!) take in worth,
That when time serves may bring things better forth.
Vis. *Y. Van., l)
80, too, his allusion to her in Colin Clout (548 — 64), though sufficiently
laudatory, cannot be magnified as a work in her praise. The sixteen
lines here are little 'ampler' than the fourteen of his sonnet 1 .
The existence of some adequate expression of Spenser's service of
1 The passage in Colin Clout (688 — 71) in which Spenser praises under the names of
Phyllis, Charillis and Amaryllis:
The sisters three,
honor of the noble familie [Al thorp Spencer]
Of which I meanest boa est myself to be.
And most that unto them I ara so nie;
has been misunderstood because he designates Phyllis as * eldest of the three/ This led
to her ideutili cation with Lady ( was older than the two (of five other) sisters to
S|i. user dedicated poems, Amaryllis, since he styled her the * youngest* and the
* highest in degree,' is certainly Alice, the sixth daughter, whose husband was regarded as
a poHhible heir to the throne. Between Phyllis and Charillis there can be no doubt that
Charillis ropr s son la Lady Carey. Her unique name, unlike the commonplace Phyllis and
Amaryllis, challenge* attention, and proven to be, like Rosalind, an anagram of the
uf his mistress. 'CharilUft'aa ' -Eli's. Carey.' Even if Spenser did woi originate
this anagram, he must have observed it, and could not have been so inept as to apply it
to her nittr* Apart from this, the characterization 'bountiful] Charilhs* agrees with
to 'The La. Carey, Most brave and bountiful! La.' and bis allusion to
her * bounteous brest' (Fit, Petr. t vir)— this term not occurring in connection with either
of her sisters. Again, the disproportion in assigning to Phyllis four lines as against
DQ to Charillis accords with Spenser's praise of Lady Carey alone in the sonnet
prefixed to the Faerie Queene. The disproportion of tone is greater, especially >w
styles Charillis the "paraxon' (a term reserved by courtiers for the highest praise.
I t i'uttenhani, ed. Arber, p, 241), and the ■primrose 1 (which E. K. in the October eclogue
fe and worthiest/ Cf. alto Popfaofcl*, 888— 4). Filially, Spenser's praise
of I harillis as 'the fairest under skie T accords with bis sonnet: *To the must vertuous
ami beatitiftill Lady, 1 and his envoi to the Virion* of Vetnmih: "Though ye he the fairest
of Gods creatures, 1 Tact, as well as ignorance, might account for Spenser's appraisal of
his mistress's age. Again, bv PhjUis, bs may have meant her elder sister Margaret, who
lived in Cambridgeshire, while B] adkd at Cambridge.
18—2
260
Spenser and Lady Cany
Lady Carey is not open to doubt: for the statement of mother author
confirms Spenser's indications that he composed writings in her honour.
Thomas Nash, in his letter of dedication prefixed to Christ's Tears over
Jerusalem (1593), reminds Lady Carey that: * Divers well-deserving
poets have consecrated their endeavours to your praise. Fame's eldest
favorite Master Spenser, in all his writings he prizeth you/ Even if
Nash had seen Colin Clout, which remained unpublished till 1596,
Spenser's thirty lines and brief letter are boo slight to be termed 'all
his writings/ Compared with Sidney's offerings to Stella, these seem
mere byplay. Where, then, did Spenser l in ampler wise ' celebrate his
courtly mistress ?
The literary form just coming into vogue for this purpose was the
sonnet sequence, and in view of the impetus given to the fashion in
these years, especially by the publication of Astrophel and Stella, it
would be remarkable if Spenser, the leading court poet, had not engaged
in the production of such a series of love sonnets as he actually com-
posed. The A moretti record his courtship of ' my love, my life's last
ornament' (Am. } 74). Here, if anywhere, his service endeavour!
4 spend it selfe in honouring* a lady whose 'glorious ornaments' do:
Triumph over feeble eyes,
And in subdued hearts do tyrah
In fact, Spenser almost echoes these words:
See how the tyrannesse doth joy to see
The huge massacres which her eyes do make ;
And humbled harts brings captive. (Am. y 10.)
The Amoretti, to all appearances, constitute an appropriate fulfilment
of his pledge and record of his courtly service. That they were will
for this purpose it would be natural, in the absence of contrary evidence,
to surmise : for Spenser therein designates his mistress's name as Elizabeth
(Am. t 74), Elizabeth was the given name of Lady Carey. The court
circle in general, and Thomas Nash in particular, must have regarded
the sequence as a tribute to her. If her name had been printed in full
above the sonnet or the letter addressed to her, probably this identifica-
tion would have been long since proposed and never controverted.
With admirable unanimity, the editors and biographers of Spenser
have agreed in assuming that Spenser's mistress in the Amoretti must
have been the lady whom he married; that, since the Amoretti were
published in one volume with the E-pithalamuu*t 7 therefore both must
have been composed in honour of the same person, and must consti-
FBBOY W. LONG
201
tute the record of an unsophisticated courtship which terminated m
marriage 1 .
The insufficiency of this reasoning is shown by the absence of
artistic unity in the compilation. Considered apart, poems could hardly
be more artistic. But between them are strewn several trifling and
unrelated epigrams. The Amovetti, instead of leading up to a marriage,
terminate with the lover absent from his mistress after a dismissal in
anger (Am., 85 — 8). The Epithulamium contains an apology for the
absence of other posing in honour of the bride:
Song! made la lieu of nmriv ornaments,
With which my love .should duly have )>een dect. (Envoi.)
If the volume were a compilation of poems in her praise, this apology
would be pointless. Moreover, Spenser adjured his song:
Be unto her a goodly ornament,
And for short time an endless rt ion i merit.
'Short time 1 cannot apply tn the courtship represented in the AfH OHtU i
in which the lover's suit is long denied (c£ Am., (u I The chronology
of the sequence, marked by two successive New Years days {Am*,
4 T 62), i ftt loast a year and a half If associated with the
Epithrlu miu m, which dat-os the marriage on St Barnaby's day (Epi. t
264 — *3), the courtship would have to include io this 'short time 1
still another year- tor the lovers' misunderstanding (Am. t 85), long after
Easter (Attt., 68)y does not allow before June eleventh the extended
period of absence concluding the Amore&i\
Since I did leave the presence of my love,
Many long weary dayea I tufrl untworne, (Am,, 86.)
More oondltsive yet 18 tin.: formal opening sonnet of the Amoretti,
Tliis must have been written with the sequence in mind: fur the writer
addresses ' Ye leaves 1 in which slir may read 'the sorrows of my dying
spright.' If the AfnorwtH arid EptAaiamium formed s whole, this
sonnet should not speak only of 'sorrows' without reference to Masting
happiness 1 (Epi., 419). Actually, its phrase 'My soules long-lacked
1 This traditional assumption is found as early as 1751 [Spenter** Work*, with life by
Thomas Birdi, i, xviii), and has been maintained without arguments excepting those of
Todd (ed. 1805, i, cxi), who challenges any doubter to say why Spenser published the
poems together. Question for question, why did he publish together the unrelated
Culm Chut and elegies on Astrophel? Todd's only other argument, a comparison of
Am., 64 and EpL y 172— 8, in which Spenser describes his mistress and hi?* bride, has no
force, since the eyes of the (MM are like k pinks,' of the other like 'sapphires.' The points
of resemblance amount to a white breast and red cheeks and lips.
262
Spenser and Lady Carey
fooda ' forecasts the final parting, and accords with the conclusion of the
sequence :
Dark is my day, whyles her fay re light I mis,
And dead my life that wants such lively btis.
Had Spenser composed and published this volume of poetry as a
d of his antenuptial courtship, it is highly improbable that he
would have failed to bridge the chasm between the lovers' separation
and their marriage. If in anything, his work excels in delicate transi-
tions. There is, eonsi-iniently f no internal evidence to show that thr
bride of the Epithalamium must have been identical with the mis
of the A moretti.
The autobiographical character of the Epithalamium should not be
proonort boo closely. The poem is written throughout in the present
tense, in the manner of a vision rather than a record of actual events.
But if it be autobiographical, Spenser need not have written, or need
not have finished, this celebration of his marriage at the precise period
of his wedding. The slender evidence of date, St Barnaby's day (in a
year anterior to 1595), is vitiated by its school-day associations as the
great election day at the Merchants* Taylors', and by the obvious
literary purpose which it serves in suggesting the transition from day
to night (Epi. t 270—5).
Spenser's marriage, in fact, is likely to have preceded by some years
the registration of his Epithalairnmn (Nov. 19, 1594): for in 1598, at
the time of his final return to London, he had four, possibly five,
children. Sylvanus, the eldest, appears in several legal documents in
1605 — 6 and one in 160*3— with no evidence that he is nut acting It
himself — which suggests that he was born several years before 1594.
It is probable, therefore, that Spenser, when paying court to Lady Carey,
Was already married, paralleling in this as in other respects thr example
of Sidney and Stella. In this case the Affiortiti could not have been
addressed to the lady who became his wife : for the publisher stated
that they were 'written not long since/
Nevertheless, Grosart, accepting without criticism his predecessor^
assumption that the name of Spenser's wife must have been Elizabeth,
because that is the name of his mistress in the A moretti, has pub-
lished evidence which identities this inferred Elizabeth with an obscure
Elizabeth Boyle 1 , Therefore Spenser had in his life not three, but
four, Elizabeths.
1 A. B. Grosart: Works of Spenser, 1882—4, i, 197—201, 556—8, See further The
Lwmore Paper** 8er. i, Vol. i, Intro<L t pp. xiv — xviiL I hope to discass this topic later.
At present 1 can only say that the evidence, as printed by Grosart, warrants his hypothesis
that Spenser married Elizabeth Boyle.
PERCY W. LONG 263
Moat happy letters! fram'd by skilfull trade,
With whicli that happy name was first deayned,
I lit which three times thrive happy hath me made,
With guifts of body, fortune, and of ruiml.
The first my being to rae gave by kind,
From mother's womb deriv'd by dew descent r
The second is my sovereigne Queene most kind,
That honor and large richesac to me lent.
The third, my love, my Hfes last ornament,
By whom my spirit out of dust was my •-*■•] i
I (Mike her prayse and glory excellent,
Of all alive ruoafc worthy to be pray fled.
Ye three Elizabeths! for ever live,
That three such graces did unto me give, (Am, 9 74.)
ff by this third Elizabeth Spenser meant Gxoourt's Elizabeth Boyle,
surely he had become strangely neglectful of his courtly mistress. Had
he forgotten :
Those glorious ornaments of hevenly grace
Wherewith ye triumph ever feeble eyes,
And in subdued harts do tvranyso.
For 0D6 who had 'determined to give toy selfe wholy to you, as
quite abandoned from my selfe, and absolutely vowed to your
he had shown himself a most undutifu) servant. In return for the
' excellent favours ' received from this 'bountifull 1 kinswoman, he had
proved shamelessly ungenerous in excluding her from his tribute of
praise 1 . From the point of view of mere expediency, he had committed
an unnecessary blunder in antagonizing one of the great court patronesses
(related by marriage to the Queen): for inevitably the literary cireles
of London must have taken this Elizabeth to mean Lady Carey, and
bhe ensuing discovery thai she had hern deserted for another upstart
Elizabeth must have proved humiliating. Speoaar had then repaid
Lady Carey, not with his promised work in her praise, but with an
ironical subterfuge.
The only pma&l erioape from this dilemma lies in concluding that
Bpeneer had already married Elizabeth Boyle at the time of his court-
ship of Lady Carey. Silence o<moeming his wife would have b
pe cc a m y; for he could not name his wife and his love in the same
sonnet as different persons, Speftier'a marriage by tins time, at an age
past thirty five, baa already been shown to be probable, and nothing in
Grosart*B identification contradicts this view. If Spenser was already
married, tli- Amoretti must base been addressed t«« Ins courtly mistress.
1 If the disdainful Roaalind were named Elizabeth {of, Anfltia, Jan., 190s, pp. 72—104),
there would be some point in excluding her from those who *eneh graces did unto
me give.*
2G4
Spenser and Lady Carey
Grosart, however, supposes, from the publisher's description of the
sonnets as ' written not long since/ that the marriage must have taken
place on June II, 1594^ and that the Amoretti were written after
Spenser's return to Ireland. Apart from the probability that Spenser's
eldest son was born before this time, Grosart's theory involves a serious
difficulty from a merely literary point of view. It is almost incredible
that Spenser, while waiting for more than a war about the court in
London, should not have engaged in the composition of love sonnets,
Be was then experimenting with the sonnet form in The Ruins of Rome
and his three series of Visions appended to Muiopotmot (1590), He
was stimulated by the contemporary publication of A strophe I and Stella
and by the similar Bonnets of Watson and of Daniel, whose work he
said: ' Doth all afore him far surpasse ' \C.(\, 417). He was given
occasion by his courtly service of Lady Carey, and his promise to
display her ' glorious ornaments.' In all probability he did so, as both
Nash and himself testify. In this event the utmost that can In- claimed
for Elizabeth Boyle in the Amoretti is the appending or interspersing
of later sonnets. Grosart himself BUggeatfl that the Amoretti contain
material addressed to his former mistress (i.e, Rosalind), Such reserving
of bake-meats was probably not uncommon. Gaeootgne in The Adven-
tures of F. J. portrays an instance: 'Marry perad venture if there were
any acquaintance between him and that Helen afterwards he might
adapt it to her name and so make it serve both their turns, as elder
lovers have done before and still do and will do world without end.' 1
The internal evidence, as regards the character of Spenser's love, is
hardly available for argument. Those critics who consider the sequence
a Platonizing expression of sophist ieaied passion will accept Lady Caivy
without hesitation; those who regard it as an outpouring of natural
pre-marital affection must be disconcerted. J, B, Fletcher, who in
conversation with me adopted the word domestic^ bo express the indi-
vidual character of this sequence, strikes, I think, a happy mean : for
his word accords with the freedom of a kinswoman's household and with
Spenser's occasional playfulness | A m. t 10, 37). But here tot homines
quot sententiasl
Again, in matters of detail, the conventionality of the language of
love and the inevitable repetition of similar ex| -, though the
ladies be dissimilar, invalidate many resemblances, such as the use of
the word paragon (Am, t 15; CC, 548), Spenser's vow of service couched
in like terms (Am.. 81, letter pref. to Muiopotmos), his descriptions of
1 HftzliU, ed. Gaacoigne, i, 448. I nhoald prefer companionable*
PERCY W. LONG
265
his love's temperance (Am., 13; CUX, 551), and his allusions to ' the
maker' (Am., 8, 9, 24; C.C., 541). Perhaps the most striking of these
is an echo of his sonnet to Lady Carey, Spenser had excused his
insufficiency to describe her 'glorious ornaments' by saying: 'For
thereunto doth need a golden quill/ The ' bountiful! ' Lady Carey
must have supplied him: for in the Amorettt :
Her Worth if written with a golden quill
That me with heavenly fury doth inspire. (A hi..
In one matter, however, the internal evidence appears incontestable.
The Elizabeth of the Aitatretti has been long simv correctly identified 1
with the fourth Grace whom Spenser introduced in The Faerie Qneene
(6. 10. 10—28) as the love of Colin Clout, uf whom he says:
She made me often pii>e, and now to j >i [ h? apace.
(F si, a 10, 27.)
Two further circumstances make the identity clear. In each case
the beloved is described as of the s meane ' or middle class (Am,, 80;
F.Q., 6. 10. 27) and as being the 'handmayd' of the Faerio Queen*
(Am., 80; F,Q^ & 10. 28). The ides of portraying his beloved as a
fourth Grace appears first in The Shepheanh Crlendar, where Colin so
portrays the Queen. He never uses the word grace (except in the a
of favour) in connection with Rosalind. He never applies it to the bride
of the EpUhafauthtitt, though the Qraoea dance at her wedding. On
the other hand he uses it repeatedly in the Amorettt:
So goodly giftea of beauties grace! (i?» (1 31.)
When nti nofa eyelid sweetly doe ftpa
An hundo d Gh ij raadfl '<> life [Am., 40.)
The word appears almost invariably iD connection with Lad\
(never with either of her rifitere). H«t 'gracious name ' and ' hevenly
grace' that 'grace* the court is the (heme of Sp 90£kHe4 to her;
Her * wonted gracionsness* is appealed to in his letter, and he pgesuHN -
to 'grace* his ream, dedicating them to her name.* Her 'hevenly
onee paore appeal* in the envoi to his Vision* **/ Petrarch^ It
not appear in Ooiin Clout in connection with Charillis. But the
h 7 in the name Charilh's, as an anagram «»n OmVjf, beOOtoea intelligible
when associated with %dpi ' E. EL 1 m gloSBI&g tlie April eclogue
states that the fourth grace wis 'called Chaxitea, 1 and the n semblance
lengthened by his description of the Gfracea as r goddeaaee of all
1 By V\n xix.
* Cf. also Helice {Am,, 34) as a play on Elizabeth.
266
Spenser and Lady Cart;/
bono tie * and * bountiful! * — a trait which Spenser repeatedly stresses id
Lady Carey (see foot-note, p. 259), The fourth Grace thus intervenes to
establish the identity of Lady Carey and the Elizabeth of the Am<*retti:
for Lady Carey as one of the 'courtly garlond ' of Queen Elizabeth was
a 'handmayd' of the Faerie Queene ; and as the wife of a knight, not
yet a lord, belonged to the ' meane ' rather than the noble classes.
Moreover, the term 'countrey lasse' applied (more or less conventionally)
to the fourth Grace (F>Q. t 6. 10. IS), applies to Lady Carey, who held
the estate of Herstwood in Great Sapham near Bury St Edmunds. Still
more confirmation is furnished by the following parallel:
Of all the shepheard* daughters which there be,
And yet there [at the court] be the fairest under aide.
Or that elsewhere I ever yet did see,
A fairer Nymph yet never saw mine eye. (ftft, 556— 9.)
So farre as doth the daughter of the day
All other leaser lights in light ex cell,
So farre doth she in beaut i full array
Above all other lasses beare the bell. (F.Q., & 10. 26.)
This accords with his description of Lady Carey as * the fairest of
Gods creatures 1 (Vis. ofPetr., vn). He describes his bride (Epi. t 1(38 — 9)
without such hyperbole.
Finally, the name Amoretti in itself suggests that the sequence was
addressed to La<i : for if she, as others addressed in prefatory
sonnets, appean as a character in the Faerie Queene, she appears most
probably as Amoret or Amuretta\ the representative of chaste love
{F.Q., 3, 0, 4, 10), She stands in eloae association with Queen Elizabeth,
not as her * handmayd,' but as the twin of Belphoebe, who symbolizes
the Queens virgin chastity. The womanly chastity of Lady Carey, as
that of Elizabeth, is every where emphasized (Aw. t 8, 83). Amoret is
represented as the foster child of Venus, who ' li-ss.mod ' her:
In all the lore of love, and gnodly woinanbead. (F,Q. t 3. 6, 51.)
In which when she to perfect ripeness grew,
Of grace and beautie noble Paragone,
She brought her forth into tin- wtttidaa vew t
To be th* easample of true leva alone,
And lodestarre of all chaste affection. (FQ. % 3. 6. 52.)
So Spenser styles Elizabeth : * the lodestar of my lyfe ' (Am,, 34),
play on the word grace is not confined to the pnnffflgn last quoted,
the Queen and Amoret he says :
These two were twinned, and twixt them both did share
The heritage of all celestial grace. (FQ> 3. 6. 4.)
1 Otherwise Amoret must be the Marquess of Northampton (cf. C.C., 509—16).
His
Of
PERCY W. LONG
2G7
Again he describes Amoret in the temple of love reposing in the lap of
Womanhood :
That .name waa fayrest Amoret in place,
Sinning with beauties light and heavenly vertues* grace,
(F.Q., 4. 10, 52.)
This reinstatement of Lady Carey disposes of all doubt that Spenser's
love was ' chaste affection,' and in its serious as well as its playful aspects
a pleasant and probably sincere compliment. Being a professed moralist,
especially as regards love> Spenser could hardly have published verses of
any o t he r c h arac te r ad d ressed to a mar r i ed k i n s w < ► r q an . Q u een El izabeth ,
who was strict in this matter (witness her castigation of Raleigh), seems
to have approved of their relations : for the best authenticated portrait
of Spenser is a miniature which oner belonged to Lady Carey, having
some to her as a legacy from the Queen 1 .
Percy W. Long,
1 Several deductions concerning the dates of Spenser's birth {Am., i\Q) t the writing of
the Amoretti, the rough completion of the Faerie Queen* , Bks. iv — vi {Am., BO), as well us
the identity of Scudamour ('? Carey), Calidore tEnsex), Fastorelia (Frances WaUmghani),
Meliboe (WabunKkam), Coridon (Watson), lack of space prevents me from discussing.
The relation of Spenser's addresses to Rosalind and Lady Carey is complicated by
a hitherto unnoticed sonnet in Cvlin Chut (4G6 — 79}, in which Colin declares himself
• Vassall to one whom all my dayes I serve/ His tangtiaga throughout closely resembles
that addressed to Lady Carey, He is *all vowed hers to bee/ Yet he uauies Chariilis
among others, and he testifies concerning Rofialind that 'hers I die. : Colin Clout was
published under Kpr riser's supervision after the publication of the Amoretti. Rosalind and
Elizabeth would therefore seem to have been the same :
And I hern ever onely ever one;
Dm ever I all vowed hers to bee f
One ever I* and others never none. (C.C., 477— 9.)
Several circumstances lend plausibility to this view, chiefly Lady Carey's residence near
Bury St Edmunds, while Bpiniez ito&tfl at Cambridge, her ancestral honu ut altbocp in
the north of England t and her uncle's bestowal of a Living upon Edward Kirke (probably
*E.K.*). Nevertheless. * E. K.' states that the name Rotalinde is an anagram, and I im no way
of making this answer the 'very name 1 of Elizabeth Carey. Apart from any identification,
there is no sign that Rosalind ever was gracious to Colin's love suit {€.€. , 1MJ3-4}, whereas
Elizabeth admitted him to her grace {Am., 07). Whoever Elizabeth may have been,
Colin Clout is, therefore, inconsistent, unless in view of his phrase: 'Situ her [Rosalind]
I may not love 1 (i '.*'. Htensibly had resigned himself to the MTftOI ol Elizabeth.
In this case, the sonnet must refer to her.
THE ELIZABETHAN SONNETEERS AND THE
FRENCH POETS.
In the present article I should like to draw attention to a tew mem
cases of plagiarism illustrating the indebtedness of the Elizabethan
sonneteers to their French contemporaries of the second half of the
sixteenth century. Thomas Lodge has already been shown t<» have
drawn largely on Ronsard and Desportes, and Samuel Daniel bo A
certain extent on the latter. Tin the case concerns Daniel and
Du Bellay more particularly. At least three of the sonnets from
Du Bel lay's IJ Olive are reproduced almost verbatim in Daniels sonnet-
sequence Delia, published at the beginning of 1591 — 2, in Bet£-defeOce
probably against the action of the publisher Newman, who had issued
surreptitiously twenty-eight sonnets and seven songs by Samuel Daniel
ami 'sundry other noblemen and gentlemen' at the end of his un-
authorised edition of Sidney s Astrophel and Stella, Two years later
Daniel reissued the collection in revised and enlarged form under the
title Delia and Rosamond an*jmented.
Sonnet XIV of Delia, which first appeared with some verbal differences
in Sonnets after Sidneys Astrophel, except for the last two lines, is a
literal reproduction of Sonnet x of Du Bel lay's L Olive, which I quote
according to the edition of Marty-La veaux :
Ces uheueux (Tor sont les liens, Madame,
Dont fat premier ma liberty surprise,
Those snary locks are those same nets,
my Dear!
Whrrt-with my liberty, thou didst sur-
prise :
Lcm MM the flame that fired me so
nr;ir :
The dart transpiercing were those
Ml eves.
Strong is the net, and fervent is the
Hume j
Deep is the wound, my sighs do well
report
Yet 1 do love, adore, and praise the
same
That holds, that burns, that wounds
iu this sort;
Amour, la flamtne autour du cceur
*' prise,
yeux, le traict qui me transperse
Fame.
Fors sont les neuds, apre et viue la
Le coup, de main a tirer bien apprise,
Et toutesfois i'ayme, i'adore, et prise,
Ce qui m'etraint, qui me bnisle, et
entame.
L. E. KASTNER
269
And hat not seek to break, to quench,
to heal
The bond, the flame, the wound that
festereth
By knife, by liquor^ or by salve to
deal :
Bo much I please to perish in my
woe.
Yet lest long travails be above my
strength ;
Good Delia! Loose, quench, heal me,
now at length !
Sonnet xix of Delia is almost as closely modelled on Sonnet xci
t>f I) u Bellay T s sonnet-cycle, It may be noted that it was also first
printed in Sonnets after Astrophel, with a few variants, such as * treasures'
for * tresses' in the first line, etc. ;
Pour hriser donq', pour eteindre et
guenr
Ce dur lien, ceste ardeur, ceste playc,
Ie ne quier fer, liqueur, ny medecine :
L'heur et plaiair que ce m'eat de perir
E>e telle main, ne permect qui i'essaye
Glayve trenchant, ny froideur, uy
racine.
Restore thy tresses to the golden ore!
Yield Cy therea's son those arks of
love!
IV.pieath the heaven*, the stars that
I adore !
And to the Orient do thy pesrfa remove?
Yield thy kinds 1 pride unto the ivory
white!
To Arabian *Hl«mr give thy breathing
sweet !
re thy blush unto Aurora bright!
To Thetis give the honour of thy feet!
Let Venus have the graces she re-
signed I
And thy sweet voice yield to HeniioniuV
spheres !
But yet restore thy fierce and cruel mind
T<> Hyrcan tigers and to ruthless hears!
YiJld to the marble thy hard heart
again !
So shalt thou cease to plague, and I
to pain.
The above sonnet of Daniel is particularly interesting, Ben Jonson,
who was at daggers drawn with the author of Delia, represented him on
the stage as Hedon in Ct/tdhia& Revels, and in a certain passage (v. 2)
makes Crites say to Hedun : * You that tell your mistress her beauty is
all composed of theft; her hair stole from Apollo's goldy locks; her
white and red, lilies stolen out of Paradise; her eyes, two stars plucked
from the sky/ etc. This is evidently a pointed and mocking rafaranoe
to the sonnet just quoted. How Ben would have rejoiced if he hail been
able to point to Daniel's source and openly accuse the man he called B
Rendez a l\*r cete couleur qui dore
Ces blonds cheueux, reticle* mil' autre*
ch« m
A 1'orient tant de perles encloses,
Et iiu Soleil cos beaux yeulx que
i'adore.
Rendez ces mains au blanc yuoire^ encore,
i Si suing au marbre, et ces leures aux
roses,
doulx soupirs aux fleuretteB de-
cb-
Et ce beau tcint a la vermeille Aurore,
lici»d*'/ uiaaj a t'.njj.nti' tom m tftfcta,
Et a Venus ses graces et at trait tz :
Rendez aux cieulx leur celeste har-
mot lie,
Rendez encor' ce doulx nom k son arbre,
Od BUI rQOihen rendez ce ca % ur de
marbre,
Et m\\ lions eet' humble fclonnie.
270 The Elizabethan Sonneteers and the French Poets
'veraer 1 of plagiarism ! Fortunately for Daniel, Jonson was ignorant
of French and of French literature, as Drurainond has stated quite
bluntly in his Conversations, Mr Fleay who, 1 believe, was the first to
show the identification of Hedon with Daniel, was also unaware that
Daniel had plagiarised Du Be Hay or any other French poet. Daniel's
dependence on foreign models did not however escape the attention of
all his contemporaries, and now that facts are coming to light, the lines
in the Return from ParnOB8U$ (1601) have much more point than was
hitherto believed :
Sweete houy dropping Daniell doth wage
Warre with the proudest big Italian,
That melte his heart in augred sonneting;
Ouely let him more sparingly make use
Of others wit, and use his own the more,
That well may seorne base imitation.
Again Sonnet xxm of Lklnt faithfully reproduces Sonnet XCII of
L Olive:
False hope prolongs my ever certain Ce bref espoir qui ma tristesse alonge,
grief,
foot to me, and faithful to my Trait re a moy seul et fidelc a Madame,
Love.
A thousand times it promised me Bien mile fois I promia a mou aine
relief, .— ^"^"
Yet never ;mv nue effect I prove. L'heureuae fin du soucy qui la r
Oft, when I find in her no truth at all, Mais quand ie voy* sa promosse estre
vn songe,
I banish her, and blame her treachery ; Ie le tuaudy', ie le hay 1 , ie Le Maine,
Vrt, soon again, I must her back re- Puis tout sowdaiu ie 1'inuoque et re-
call, elauie,
As one that dies without her com- iY f e repaissant de ift doulce ruenaonge.
pany.
Thus often, as I chase my Hope from Plus d'vne fois de moy ie Pay chasse:
me,
Straightway, she hastes her unto Mais oe m;el, qui iPest iamais Iass<J
Delia's ej
Fed with some pleasing look, there De mon malheuTj. & v °s yeulx ae va
shall she be; rendre.
And so sent back. And thus my La faiet sa plainte: et vous qui tours
une lies, et nuitz a
Looks feed my Bope, II'»pe fosters me Avecques luy riez de mes^ennuii,
in vain ;
Bopei are unsure, when certain is toy DVu seul regard le me faitt*es re-
Paiu. prendre.
A fourth sonnet, which is found in the Sonnets after Astrophet, but
which was not reprinted in Daniels authorised collection, also turns out
to be a copy from the same French poet. It corresponds closely to
Sonnet xxxvi of Du Beliay's L'Otive \
L. E. KASTNER
271
The only bird alone that Nature frames, L'vnic oiseau (miracle eraerueiil&ble)
When weary of the tedious life she Par feu se tue, ennuye* de sa vie:
lives
By fire dies, yet finds new life in Puis quand sou aine eat par flanimes
flames ; rauie,
Her ashes to her shape new essence Des eendres naist vn autre a lay
spva sembhtble.
When only I, the only wretched Et moy qui suis IVnique miserable,
wight,
Weary of life that breathes but sorrow's Fach^ de vivre, vne tiamme ay suyuie,
blasts;
Pursue the flame of such a beauty bright* Dont cfuniicndra hien tost que ie
deuie,
That burns my heart; and yet my life Si par pi tie ue m*etes secourable.
still lasts.
sovereign light! that with thy O grand* doulceur ! 6 bonte aouueraine !
sacred flame
Consumes my life, revive me after this! Si tu rie veubt dure et itihumaine
t'SSttV
And make me (with the happy bird) the Souba eeste face angel ique et seraine,
same
That dies to live, by favour of thy Puis qu'ay pour toy du Phennt le sem-
bliea! blunt,
This deed of thine will show a goddess' Fay qu T en tous poinctz ie luy soy'
pawn ; resemblant,
In so lung death to grant one Jiving Tu me feras de tnoy mesme renaistre.
hour.
On discovering that Daniel has so boldly plagiarised Du Bel lay,
T felt that the author of L Olive must have other creditors among the
Elizabethan sonneteers; and remembering that Spenser hud. while yet
a schoolboy, practised his hand on Du Bellay and subsequently rendered
his Antiquites de Rome in the native tongue, I naturally turned rny
attention to the A fHorettt. BoW67a£, u careful examination of Spenser's
collection and of the other Elizabethan sonnet-cycles tailed bo reahsr my
expectations. Apart from Daniel, the only other English sonneteer of the
time who drew on Du Bellay is B. Griffin in his insipid Fidesm (1596),
net XLl being an exact imitation <>f S« oTL'OHvtl
The prison 1 US in is thy fiiir f
W lirri'iti my liberty I nehained lies;
My thoughts, the ln.lt s 1 1 u< r bold me
in the pi
My food, the pleasing IooId d
fair e
Deep is the prison where I lie enclosed,
ng are the bolts that in this cell
run me,
imposed,
WfilQ hunger makes ine feed on that
which j Jains |
i i tfof sont les liens. Madam o,
Do&t fut premier ma liberie surprise,
Amour, la tlamme autour du eaair
e prise,
Ces yeux, Je traict qui me transperse
Tana'.
Fors sent les neuds, apro et viue la
Ham me,
Le coup, de main a tirer bien apprise,
Kt toutesfoia i'ayme, i'adore, et prise,
Ce qui eh V-traiiit, qui EQ6 hrusle et
en tame.
272 The Elizabethan Sonneteers and the French Poets
Pour briser donq'» pour eteindre et
guerir
Ce dur lien, ceete ardeur, ceste playe,
Ie tie quier fer, liqueur, ny medeciiie :
L'heur et plaiair que ce m'est de p&ir
De telle main, ne pcnnect que i'essaye
Glay ve trenchant, ny froideur, ny racirie.
Yet do I love, embrace, and follow fast,
That holds, that keeps, that discon-
tents me most:
And list not break, unlock, or seek to
waste
The place, the bolts, the food (though
I be lost;)
Better in prison ever to remain
Than, being out, to suffer greater pain,
Ronsard and Desportes were the French poets for whom the Eliza-
bethans showed a marked predilection, more especially the latter, whose
hyperboles and strained conceits appear to have had a strange fascination
for his eonTnuporaries. Mr Sidney Lee has shown in the introduction
(p. Ivi) in Elizabetlian Sonnets that Daniel borrowed from Desportes,
though I am inclined to think, after a careful comparison, that at least
two of the sonnets he instances were suggested directly- by Italian
models. The model for Delia XV ('If a true heart and faith unfeigned')
appears to me to have been Petrarch's ' S'una fede amorosa, un cor non
finto/ rather than Desportes' translation of that piece, and the sonnet
beginning with the words ' Why doth my mistress credit so her glass '
(Delia xxxu), which Desportes filched from Tebaldeo's 'A che presti,
superba, a un vetro fede?/ bears more resemblance to the Italian original
than to the French refashioning of it In the case of free renderings
the question of determining the exact source is not always easy, as a
good number of the Italian sonnets transplanted into the sonnet-
sequences of the Elizabethan poets fnund their way into England by
way of Desportes 1 imitations, the French poets sonnet eol lections being
little more than an anthology in French of the Italian Petnirchiat
from the great master himself to contemporaries such as Tansillo and
Angelo di Costanzo. The only safe criterion, whenever an Italian
prototype is found both in French and English dress, is a close com-
parison of the turns and phraseology of the three compositions. Thus
if Daniel had any special model for his beautiful sonnet addressed to
Care-charmer Si n of the sable night!' the closing lines point
to Cariteo rather than to Desportes :
Amor, tu 5 1 fai ; che" ehi sotto '1 govern o
Vive del regno tuo, non puo dormire,
frere de la niort, que tu ni'es
eunemy I
Je t'invoque au secours, mais tu es
eudonny,
Et Vards, toujour** veiHant, eu
in-rreurs glaceee.
Still let me sleep! embracing clouds in vain;
And never wake to feel the day's disdain.
Ne riposar, se non col aomno eterno.
L. E, KASTNER
273
The opening lines certainly bear more resemblance to Desportes'
version than to the original of Cariteo:
Soiudo, d'ogni pensier plncido obblio,
E do gli affamu imian tmrKjuilki pace j
Perched fuggir di iue tan to ti piace?
\ Mil da ragiotie> o vien dal furor rnio?
Sommeil, plajsible tila de Ja nuict
.solitaire,
Pere-alrae, uourricter de tons les un
niaui,
Elk-hauteur gracieux, doiut oubly de &Qfl
ruaux,
Et dea esprits blessez 1'apporeil salu-
Care charmer Sleep! Son of the sable uight!
Broth er to 1 kv 1 1 1 1 1 In s i I en t darka ettfl , bom I
IMieve my anguish, and restore the light J
With dark forgetting of my carets return:
Bat even then it may very well be that Daniel had in mind the
opening quartet of Giovanni della Casas remodelling of Car
sonnet:
Sonne; o de la queto umida ombn
No&feQ plgcido iii;lm; de EOOftsifi
oonfbrto, obblio doteto de' mtli
Si gravi, and' e la vita Mpfft e ikjoaa.
To give another example, Barnes' sonnet in which he apostrophises
jealousy as 'Thou poisoned canker of much beauteous l«>ve T may just
II have been suggested by SannazanVs l O Uclusia, d" amanti orribil
frenu f as by the sonnet of de Magny in which the French poet was
merely reproducing his Italian predecessor The bet is that in ninny
cases where the adaptation is very free or where the English pr>
morel; recalling reminiscences of his varied reading in French and
Italian, it is impossible to determine the exact source. However, the
original source should always be taken into account. The danger of
not considering kite original source, where it exists, is well illustrated
by the following: since Emil Kooppols note in Anglia xiii, 77—78,
it has been taken for granted that the sonnet of Sir Thomas \Y
beginning with the words Like unto these immeasurable mountains' j s
derived from the sonnet of Mellin de SainMicIais, of which the opening
line is ' Vnynnt oes monts de reus ainsi Imntnine,' whereas \Y
Bonnet is a literal translation of a well-known sonnet of Sannazaro which
had BOH model EOT thai of SainM Jelats. Koeppel was led astray
n»1 awaw of the existence of the original source. I had
Elded at the time to publish this interesting fact, when I found out
at the iasl moment that Br Arthur Tilley had summarily alluded to it
in a note in one of bfae early numbers of the Modem Language Quarterly.
Thus the priority clearly belongs to Mr Tillev, but as his short note
274 The Elizabethan Sonneteers and the French Poets
seems to have escaped the attention of all the English scholars I con-
sulted, and as KoeppeTs view appears still to be the only one current,
I may be excused for going more fully into the matter 1 and for printing
the three sonnets in question, the more so as it illustrates my point so
admirably :
Simile a questi suiisurati mouti
Voyaut cea tnonts de veue ainai loin-
taiue,
Je les compare a rcion lung desplaisir :
limit est leur chef, et Liaut est mon de*ir,
Leur pied eat fermo, et ma foy est oar-
taiue,
D'eux mairit rrriniMim coule, et mainte
fcataina:
J}e rues deux Vein sortent pleura a
loisir;
De forts sous pi rs ne me puis dasBaiafr,
Et de grands vents leur tune est toute
plaine,
Mi lie troupeaux 8 J y promenent ot
paiasent,
Autant d'Amours ae n invent et re-
naismwrt
Dedans uiun OQBur, qui seul est leur
pasture,
IIm BODt sans fruk-t, mon bien n'est
qu'aparence,
Et d'eux a moy n'a qu'iiuG difference,
(ju'en eux la neige, en moy la ffamnie
dure.
Like unto rh.-,r umueaMiirab-Ie mountains
Ei my painful life, the burden of ire;
Vov of great height they he T and high is ray deaire;
And I of team, and they be full of fountains;
Under craggy rocks they have barren plains:
Hard thoughts in me my woful mind doth tire;
Small fruit and many leaves their tops attire;
With small effect great trust in me remains;
The boisterous winds oft their high houghs do blast:
Hoi sighs in me continually be shed;
Wild beasts in thorn, tierce love in me is fed:
hi movable am I, and they steadfast;
Of rentlws birds they have the tune and note;
And I always) plaints passing thorough my throat
A perusal of these three COmPOBltioflfl will at once disclose the fact
that Wyatt's sonnet is not modelled on that of Snint-CJelais, but that it
is an almost verbatim translation of Sannazaro's.
E T aspca vita mi.i colma di doglie.
Alti son questi, ed alte le mie voglie:
I >i 1 ag*im<- ablnniil iu T questi di font i.
Lor ban di scogli le superbe fronti,
In me duri [jenaier 1* anima accoglie;
I.r.r BOD di pochi trutti e multe fnglie,
V ho poobl rtietti a gran speranza
Softiau sempre fra lor rabbiosi venti,
In me gravi sospiri esito fan no:
In me si pasce Am ore, in lor armenti.
Immobile son io, lor fenui Stanno:
Lor ban di vaghi augi41i dolci acceuti,
Ed io lamenti di aoverchio aftanno.
1 In a short paper on The Miprafioai of a Sonnet in Modern Language Note* for
February, 1908, Mr J. M. Berdan of Yale attempts to show that Saint Gelais 1 version of
the sonnet in question is based oa that of Wyatt and not on that of Sanuazaro. This is
priori highly improbable and Mr Berdan 's arguments do not convince me. It may be
added that Professor Padelford in his E**rhj Sixteenth Century Lyrki <1907) repeats
KosppsPs error,
L. E. KASTNER
275
In the case of the numerous copies of Lodge from Desportea to which
I drew attention in the Athenamm (No. 4017) there can be no doubt, as
even when an Italian original exists, his servile reproduction of the
French turns and phraseology make it obvious that he worked alone on
Desportes renderings of the Italian. The same is true of the large
number of borrowings of Lodge from Ronsard which Mr Sidney Lee
instances in his Introduction to Elizabethan Sonnets (p. lxviii). None
of them reproduces the Italian prototype, but Hansard's refashioning of it.
Whilst on the chapter of Deoportes, I should like to emphasise the
fact, which I have ftlready briefly noticed in No. 4018 of the Athenwum,
that Lodge and Daniel were not the only Elizabethan sonneteers who
levied taeni (Hi fcbi French poet. The dependence of Constable is
hardly less remarkable, and apart from the general title of his sonnet-
sequence which naturally suggests D ooport etf Diane, there is consider-
able internal evidence that he, too, drew to a large extent on his French
contemporary. I pointed out that Sonnet vm of the "Sixth Decade'
of Diana ('Unhappy day! unhappy month and season!*) is a literal
translation 1 of Desportes' ' Malheureux fut le jour, le mois et la saison '
( (Entires, ed Miehiels, p. 32). Bonnet x of the same * Decade' is like-
wise copied from another sonnet in Diane, though in this case the
reproduction is not quite so close:
Ifon Dieu! nion Dieu! que j'aime ma
deesae
Et do son chef lea triors precieux !
My < r. m i, niv Ood, how much I hive my
Jess 1
WliosL* virtues rare, unto the heavens
an
My God, my God, how much I love
her »
One shining bright, the other full of
hard I
My God, my God, how much I love her
wisdom!
Whose works may ravish heaven's
richest 'maker.'
<M whose eves' joys, jf 1 might be
partaker;
Then to my soul, a holy rest would
inc.
My Qod, how much I love to hear her
jpOftVI
Whose hands I kiss, and ravished oft
rekisseth;
When she stands wotless, whom so
much she blessed).
then, What mind tin* honest love
would break;
Mon Dieu! ruou Dieu! que j'aime ses
beaux yeux,
Dont Tun m'est doux, l'autre pleiu de
rudesse !
Mon Dieu! mon Dieul que j'aime la
De ses discours, qui raviroient les Dieux,
Et la douceur de son ris gracieax,
Et de son port la loyale hauteaso!
Mon Dieu! que jfaixnB ) me ressou-
vonir
Du tans qu'Ammir mo list serf devenir !
Toujours depuis j 'adore mon servage.
Mod mal me plaist plus il est violant ;
1 This sonnet of Constable is not an imitation of Petrarch's ' Benedetto sta '1 gtorno
e 1 mese e V anno/ as mi^ht be expected at first sight,
19—2
276 The Elizabethan Sonneteers and the French Poets
Since her perfections pure, withouten Un feu si beau m'egaye en me brulaut,
blot,
Makes her beloved of them, she knoweth Et la rigueur est douce en son visage.
not?
Again Sonnet n of the * Fifth Decade' was certainly composed in
i nutation of yet another sonnet of Desportca' Diane. The phraseology
-oinewhat modified, but the general idea and conclusion
identical:
I do not now complain of my disgrace, Je tie me plains de vostre craft!
cruel Fair One! Fair with cruel A mes desirs ixyustement contraire;
croat ;
Nor of the hour, season, time, nor Je ne me plains que tout me desespere,
place;
Nor of my foil, for any freedom lost ; Ny que le tans cede a ma loyaut**.
Nor of my courage, by misfortune Je ne me plains du vol que j'ay
hied; tcnti,
Xor of toy wit, by overweening struck ; Jeunc Dcdale, aux perils te'meraire ;
Nor of my sense, by any sound en- Quoy qu'il en soit, j'auray de quo
chanted; pi sure,
X'ir of the force of fiery pointed hook; Fondant aux rais d'une telle beau
N of of the steel that sticks within my Je ne me plains que Feffort des jaloux
wound ;
Nipt- of my thoughts, by worser thoughts De moy me prive en me privant de voua.
defaced ;
Nor of the life, I labour to confound ; Je ne me plains que tout me
cruindn*;
But I complain, that being thus dis- Mais, en souffraut taut de punitions,
graced,
Fired, feared, frantic, fettered, shot Be deaespons, de moits, ilnfuir tions,
through, slain;
My death is such, as I may not com- Las! je rue plains que je D6
plain. plain dre !
In conclusion, I may add that the last sonnet of Giles Fletcher's
Licia (1593) is a fairly close rendering of one in Ronsard's Amours:
sugared talk 3 wherewith my thoughts doux parler dont les mots doucereux
do live.
brows ! Love's trophy, and my Sorot engraves au fond de ma me moire I
senses' shrine,
charming smiles J that death or life front, d'Amour le trofeo et la gloire,
t$H i^ive.
heavenly kisses ! from a mouth doux sourcis, o baisers savoureux !
divine.
O wreaths ! too strong, and trammels O cheveux d'or, o eoustaux plantureux
made of hair!
O pearls! enclosed in an ebon pale. De lis, dVuillets, de porphytv rt dVvoirel
O rose and lilies ! in a field most fair, feux jumeaux, d'nu le ciel me ht boire
Where modest white doth make the red A si longs traits le venin amoureux !
seem pale.
voice! whose accents live within vermeillons! 6 j>erlettcs encloses!
my heart,
heavenly hand ! that more than Atlas dianiants ! 6 lis pourprcs de roses !
holds,
L. E. KASTNKR
277
sigha perfumed! that can release
my smart.
happy they ! wham in her arms she
folds.
Now if you ii.sk, Wliere dwelletto all
this bliwH?
Seek out my Love I Hid Bbfi will tell
you this.
chant qui peux lea plus durs emou-
voir,
Et dont Taccent dans les ames de*
meora.
Eh I doa ! beautea* revieudra jamais
Theure
Qu 1 entre mes bras je vous puisse
ravoir?
Ill writing another of his sonnets (No. xvn of Licia) Fletcher,
who rarely descends to wholesale plundering, had probably in mind
Sonnet xxxn of Du Bellay's L"Olive\
As are the sands, fair Licia, on the
shorn ;
Ol oolou red flo were, garland s of the
Spring;
Or as the frosts not seen nor felt
before;
Or as the fruits that Autumn forth
dolt) bring;
As twinkling stars, the tinsel of the
(right;
Or as the fish that gallop in the seas;
As airs, each part that still escapes our
sight :
So are ray Sighs, controllers of my ease.
Set these are such as needs must
have an end,
For things finite, none elae hath Nature
dont :
Only the sigbs which from my heart I
send
Will never cease, but where they first
began :
"pt them, Sweet, as incense due
to thee!
von immortal made them 10 to be.
Tout ce qu'icy la Nature enuironne,
Plus tost il naist, moins longuement
il dure:
Le gay printemi>s s'enrtchist de ver-
dure,
Mais pen fleurist l'honneur de sa
couroune.
L'ire du ciel facilement etonne
Les fruicts d'este", qui craignent la
froidure :
Contre 1'hiuer out l'&oroe plus dure
Les fruicts tardifs, ornement de Tau-
IttQfl
q pr in temps les fleurettes setchees
ait vn iour de leur tige arrachns
Non la vertu, Fesprit et la raiaon,
A ces doulx fruicts en toy meurs deuant
Taage,
Ne faict Test^, ny Tau tonne dommage.
Ny la rigueur de la fi m.
However, in thin bit instance it must be admitted that plagiarism
from the French poet is not absolutely proven ; Fletcher may be
reproducing or paE&phxBaillg an Italian original, unknown to me, which
ih:iv have served us a model both for the French and English versions.
In reference to Daniel it may be recalled in conclusion that lh<
fioaroea of Ins tonneta have already been studied by Josef Guggenheim
{Quellenstudieti z>f Stomal Ihmiels Sotiettencyclm Delia, Berlin, 1898),
and til passant by H, Isaac (Shakespeare- Jahrbuch t xvn, 165 — 200).
Both Guggenheim and Isaac show that Daniel's debt to the Italian
poets, particularly Petrarch and Tasso, was not inconsiderable, but
neither of them as mnch as suspects any French influen
L. E, Kastnek,
WEST GERMANIC TIN OLD ENGLISH SAXON
DIALECTS.
I*
In EWS. the vowel i may be regarded as fairly constant, if we except
the cases in which it develops into io, eo, and with i mutation into ie,
these developments being caused (1) by fracture before certain con-
sonants, (2) by u and a/o mutation before liquids and labials, and (8)
after w without reference to the following consonants. Ho,
Sievers suggested (Angelmchmsche Grammatik, §105, A. 5 and §107,
A, 6) and Biilbring definitely asserted (Altenglisches Elemmtarhitch,
§ 235, A), a cause of further variation is found in the influence of various
Saxon patois in cases where u and o/a mutation occurred before
sonants other than liquids and labials (e.g., nioffor*, siodo, Siosum, etc).
But it is probable that we have the influence of such a patois also in the
frequent cases in EWS. where ie^ appears instead of i* The following
is an attempt to discover whether the occurrence of these ie 3 forms is
due to the influence of a patois in which the iej forms were a normal
development, and, this being so, whether the influence of this ]<
extended to LWS.
In EWS. we find ij subject to a double variation; it appears (1) as
io, due to the patois mentioned by Bulbring, and (2) as ie*. In LWS.
we again find i x subject to a double variation; we have (1) eo, io, arising
Tinder the same conditions as the EWS. io forms, and therefore probably
due to the same patois, and (2) y s forms. But, as will subsequently be
shown, there are no ie 2 forms 3 . If the ie,, forms in EWS. are due to the
1 For convenience the following notation has been adopted: i,, constant i in Early and
Late West Saxon (EWS. and LWS.) j y., EWS, y < West Germanic (WO.) u + i, j ; ie,,
EWS. Ie <^ ea + i, j, etc.; 1%, EWS. ie which sometimes occurs instead of EWS. i t and is
the subject of the present investigation ; y^, LWS. y < EWS. ie x ; y J( LWS. y which
sometimes occurs instead of i r
3 In the examples quoted no distinction is made between $ and |> which are nuiformiy
represented by IS.
* There are a few exceptions : (1) in the Codes Wititoniensi*, where we find hiera, but
this LWS, monument preserves various archaic forms; (2) In the Stickling Homilies,
where we find hiene three times; and (3) the Dialogue* of Qreg&ry, where we find ie in
wriexle, gesien, scyppendra, stiehtiendum, hiere (twice), but ie iu the tirst and third of
these stands for y,.
MARIE A. LEWENZ
279
influence of a patois, it naturally suggests itself that tonus in
LWS. are due to the same cause. This is all the more probable as the
LWS. y. 2 forms are the normal development of the EWS. ie, forms,
whether these arose from i mutation of eo, ea from e preceded by a
palatal consonant, or instead of io, eo, owing to the so-called palatal
mutation due to a following hs, ht (Siwers, I.e., §108, 1, Bulbring, le.,
§311). If then we should find LWS. y s forms occurring under the same
conditions as EWS. ie a forms, it would be pretty safe to infer that, the
y a forms are a development of the ie? forms. R, A. Williams has
suggested (Die Vokate der lonmlhen im Coder Wiatoiuetisis, Anglia t
N.F., XIII, §4) that there was some connection between the y, forms
and the to forms, and Sievers (I.e., §105, A. 4, A, 7) seetDfl to imply the
same; it will subsequently be shown that this is probably the case.
We must first consider under what circumstances ie* forms aroee
in EWS.
II.
1. The following words occur in EWS. both with i, and ie. 2 forms.
The examples are all taken from Cosijn's Altwestsiiclmsche Graminatik,
§§27-41.
Cunt Paatora&ia'. hilwite and derivatives, 30 times with i; biclwit-
lioe, 1; birnan, 3, bieruan. S, biro', bireo", 10, biero*. 0; biteran, 1, bietre, 1,
smefl) i ; hringan, ©to. Hatton MS. 17, gebrienge, Hatton Ms I
(in the Cotton MS, only brengan); addigten, etc. 4 with i, to dielgianne,
I, ftrenlust, 7, fierenlast, 4; geflites, etc., 5| gefliefcHj 1; gefriQbch
gefrie5ode t 1 : hider, 7, hieder, 1 ; hilpefl, 1, hielpeft, 1 ; hine and bidOti
occur innumerable times; i(])lca, 9, ielce t 1; irnan, etc., 3, iernan
10; li(g)et5, 2, liegeft, 1 ; ungerisenlic(e), 7, nugrrisim, 2, ung< rieeenKce,
1 ; Bint, 344, sient, siendun, 11 ; gosih<\ forsihft, 83, gesiehVj fursiMiff, 9;
gesihst, 2, gesithstf, Hattmi MS. 1 J aslitoii, tosliten, 3, fcoelieten, 1 ;
ti denies, 3, tied ernes, tiederlic, 2; tieglan, 2; Bider, 12, hieder, 1;
geo'igene, 8, getSiegene, 1 ; Ciengn, l, otherwise only with i; wille and
its derivatives, IS) times with i and 10 with ie; wintS, 5, wieuff 2; awint,
gi -wint, 5| wient, 2: wit-ste, 1, otherwise wisse, wisffe, wiste ; compounds
of wi5 r, l!> timos with i, once with ie; ge write, etc, 20, a wri ten, Hatton
MS. 48, Cotton, SO, gewrietinn, 1, awrieten, Hatton MS. 3, 0n^
binends, I. bierDfiOde, 2; hine, 15, hiene, 237; inian, etc,, 8, iernan,
etc., 4. Aaron QkromoU: bine, 18, bieae, 12.
On analysing these forms we find that in the Cum Pastoralis the
ie, forms occur in most cases before or after labials and sonorous dentals
280 West Germanic *I* in Old English Saxon Dialects
(1, r t n). The ie<j forms are most numerous in the onaooeated word hine.
There are seven words which do not show the influence of labials or
sonorous dentals, namely, hider, gesihft, forsihft, gesihst, tidernes, etc.,
tiglan, Eider and geBigene. These, however, furnish us with only
seventeen ie 2 forms; and perhaps those from seon hardly belong here
(o£ Biilbring, I.e., § 306 C). (irosius only shows ie. forms in three
words, all of which show the influence of the above-mentioned con-
nts, and of fchfl 243 ie 2 forms, 237 occur in the unaccented hine.
In the Cfwtjuirie the only ie a forms occur in hine,
2, Turning next to such forms as occur in KWS. with i ]t io (eo),
and ie,,, we find the following: Cttra Pastoralis: clipianin\ clipaff, etc,,
17 with i, cliepiaB, 1, cleopian, etc., 10 with eo, cliopa, ate, 7 with io ;
hira, hire, heora, hiora, hiera. hiere, all occur frequently; behionan ;
iila£, etc., 4 with i. KofaS, 2 with io, <*ndlicfene, 1 with ie ; nitSor and its
derivatives, 5 with i, 2 with io, 4 with ie ; tilian, Hatton MS. 22 with i,
Cotton MS. 9 with i, Hatton, 4 with io. Cotton, 2 with io, Hatton, 2
with ie, getilian, tilao*, etc, 26 with i, 8 with io, 7 with ie ; witena
(doctorurn virorum), 1 with i, 1 with io, 1 with ie; witan, Hatton MS.
8 with i, Cotton, 3 with i, 1 with eo, 3 with io, Hatton MS. 5 with io,
Cotton MS. 6' with ie; derivatives of witan, 37 with i, 11 with io, 24
with ie, twi- in compounds, 5 with i, 2 with eo, 14 with ie. Orosius:
hira, 7 with i, 276 with eo, 107 with io, 76 with ie; fcliefcue, 1, leofaS,
1, endlefan, 3; nitfer, etc., 4 with i, 1 with eo ; witan, etc, 32 with i.
2 with eo, 1 with ie ; twi-, 1 with ie. Chronicle: hira, 1 with i,
23 with ie; behinon, 1 with i, 1 with ie ; tilgende, 1 with i; gewiton,
1 with i, wiotan, 8 with to.
Here again we find the influence of labials and sonorous dentals, and
it is again obvious that io, 60 and ie, forms are most frequent in the
unaccented hira,
3. Finally we have to consider under what conditions y : is found
tor ii in EWS. Cttra Pastoratis: byrtf, 1 (see p. 279); abryeff, 1;
clypian, clypien, 2 (see p. 280); cwyde, 1; fryecea, 2; hlynigen, 1;
meet, 2 (see p. 280); mycele, 1, and mice! ; aryson, 1, arison, 1;
gesy hV, (videt), 1 (see p. 279); sylofr, 1, silofr, I, derivatives, 1 with eo,
7 with io; symle, 7 ; syn-, in compounds 3 with y, i often ; syfitfan, 1, 1
with ie, i often ; spryctS, 1 ; aespryng, welspryng, 3 ; swyngean, 1, 8 with
i; awyra (collum), 3 with i, 1 with io, se tydra, 1 ; to ftyeganne, 1 ; ffysmn,
etc., 14 with y t tSys often, i often, tSeos, fieosun. BeostUBj about 8 times,
3ios t Siosum, tSiosan, about 15 times. Oram us; by man, byrnende, 2 (see
MARIE A, LSWBNZ 281
p. 279); drync, 1; sylfren, etc., 3, 4 with eo, 2 with io; syinblc, 8;
aespryngS, 1; tfis f etc., i often, 5 with eo, 5 with io. Chronicle: Bryttisc,
1 ; ylcan, 1 ; myela, 1 ; to tymbranne, L.
The majority of cases in Cum Pastoralu once more shows the
influence of labials and sonorous dentals. Those which do not an-
gesihff, siSoan, tidra, Sie^anne, $is, etc* Excepting Cis, these give tis in
all only 4 y 3 forme and one io., form, 6lB which occurs frequently, with
y, eo, and io, is an unaccented word. Droning also shows the influence
of the above -named consonants, and the unaccented word ois, though it
does not occur with y it yet occurs with io, oo. In the Chronicle we find
y 8 in every case in the vicinity of labials or sonorous consonants.
From the above analysis it appears that in EWS. ie 2 and y, forms
are most frequent before or after labials and sonorous dentals, and the
fact that a word is not accented seems to encourage the appearance of
these tonus. It is reasonable to assume that the phenomenon is due to
the influence of some patois, in which, under the given conditions, ij
regularly developed into a sound denoted by ie or y* As far as ie,, forms
are concerned, it is noticeable that there is not much agreement between
the Cum Past oral is, Drosim and the Chronicle. In the two latter io, m
only common in the two unaccented words hine and him, and we may
consequently conclude that in Orosins and the (Chronicle the influence of
the patois is for the most part restricted to unaccented words; whereas
in the Gum Past oralis the influence is to be seen not only in such CftOpa,
but also in the vicinity of labials and sonorous dentals. As far as the
unaccented forms are concerned, it must be noted that these fall into
two classes, words which are practically never accented, such as particles
and propositions, and words which occasionally have an accent, as pro-
nouns and sometimes adverbs, Wonts such as hieder, ftieder, syotSan,
may have been unaccented, or the tw<> Hrst forme may have bei a
influenced by IUe8er. Other Bporadfc forms t eacb as geBiegene, etc., may
be due to scribal errors \ It haa been alreadj remarked that where the
I -onsnnantal influence and the absence of accent coincide (>v/, bine, hira).
the ie, fonm are nn*st frequent; and it may therefore be concluded that
under these cireumstanees (In influence of the patosa wjxs greai
p -.'ipliii-ally tin- influence does DOl seem tO have beefi equally distri-
buted, that of the consonants being more restricted and having little
influence on the dialects of (h id the Chronicle*
1 According Io BtUbffiag, L<\. £306* A. 2 T a certain amount of confusion between i and f
seems to have existed among the EWS. scribes ; we find i in words where we should expect
ie or (later) y, e.g u w *?to.
282 West Germanic i I 1 in Old English Saxon Dialects
III.
The following phonetic explanation of the phenomena discussed
above has been suggested by R. A, Williams: ii was originally close i 1 ;
now EWS. iGj becomes LWS. y s , which probably indicates that ie was
first monophthongised and then became y t that is, ie 1 >i J > j $ *. This
intermediate i s was not equivalent to i 5 otherwise it could not have
developed into y^ Since ^ was close, we can only assume that i* was
open, and consequently it follows that in Alfreds time ie! stood for
open L
Further, in the patois in question the influence of labials and
BOKLOPOttfl dentate changed the original close i, in certain cases. This
can only point to the fact that in such cases, either i a was diph-
thongised, or ij became open. When* however, we consider that the
same change took place owing to absence of accent, the former alter-
native does not seem probable. Lack of accent at all times favours the
formation of simple vowels rather than of diphthongs, and is more
likely to have made a close sound open than to have converted it into a
diphthong. Hence it fallows that in the patois original close ii be<
open i under the influence of labials and sonorous deutals and absence
of accent But since original ie, had become open i, although the
diphthong sign was preserved, it is easily undersinod that the Open i
forms of the patois were usually written L6*
The open i of which we have been speaking develops into y. It
must therefore have been nearly related to y in sound, which probably
explains the presence of these Jfa forms in EWS,, Since they occur
mostly for ie t or for ie 3 (that is, for open i). They represent the
tendency to write y for open i, which is consistently carried out when,
at a later period, the approximation between the two becomes complete.
The fact that ie 3 and later y s forms occur side by side with io, eo forms
in many words, suggests that the ie* y 3 and io, eo forms have the same
historical basis. If that be so, then most of the Saxon patois probably
changed at an early date close i to open i under the conditions indicated
above. After that they seem to have diverged into two groups, the one
developing open i into y, the other changing open i into io (eo) by a/o
and u mutation. Both these grotipQ would appear to have had about
equal influence on the WS. common speech.
1 See Pogatseher in QutlUn und Fartcknngen, lxiv t pp. 62 ff.
1 Sweet i» alao of opinion that in Alfred's time ie was reduced to a monophthong. See
his HisUwtj of Englhh Sound*, §§421 ami 474, and his Anglo*ajtoit Rtadsr, §59.
MARIE A. LEWENZ
2s: : ;
IV.
We must now turn our attention to LWS. The following is a
list of the LWS. texts of which I have made use, I have in no case
examined the BIBS, themselves, but I have incorporated in my notes
the results of the grammatical investigations of others. As will be seen,
several of these texts belong tu the transition stage between Anglo-
Saxon and Middle English, but the LWS. literary language is well
preserved and shows little trace of Middle English forma. It is note -
worthy that in all the grammatical investigations to which I shall refer,
the i forms with which we are concerned are treated as normal, whereas
the y forms are given as exceptions.
1. Blooms, This is found in a single MS. of the twelfth cent in v
According to W. H. Holme, Die Spravlte der altenfjlhchen Bearheit ung
tier Soliloqnien AtujudinM (Darmstadt, 1894), the dialect is WS., but
there is an admixture of other dialectical forms. He remarks that there
is much uncertainty as to the use of i and y for i,, but an analysis of the
tones brings out very clearly that y 3 appears most often in unaccented
fbrmflj and in all other cases we find it in the neighbourhood of labials
or sonorous dentals. Moreover, the y 3 forms are more numerous than
the i, forms in the snaooented iroffd^ especially in those in which the
consonantal influence and the absence of accent coincide; i, seems quite
constant where the patois oould not assert its influence.
2. Ooden Wintonienrie, The Charters date from 6QS to 10413, hut
the Codex was probably compiled between 1130 and 1150, R. A,
Williams, Die Vokale der Tons&ben fan Qodm Wvrtfoftfensis (Anglia, N.F.,
xiu), suggests tentativ.lv the influence of w, rand labials, especially of
r,and also refers to the io, BO terms due to a non-WS. U t a/o mutation of
i, as in noun- way conditioning the development of i, into y a (see afa
p. 270). An examination of the forms he quotes leads fee the conclusion
that where y forms ire not due to the influence of labials and sonorous
dentals, there is a lack *>t accent except in on we tind y once in
tychellcache. With regard to this form, however, it may be noted that
tiglan appears twice in the Owm PastoroU* with ie ..
;}. Tin- LWS. Qospd$ baaed on four MSS. dating from 1000 to 1050.
G. Trilsbach, Die Lantlehre der spalwest* m Evmujdien (Bonn,
1905), observes that y forms are not confined to the neighbourhood of
hihials. An investigation of the forms -hows that y 3 also occurs in the
neighbourhood of 1, r, and n, that it is frequent in unaccented words and
284 West Germanic *I* in Old English Saxon Dialects
that the form hym, for instancy where we have lack of accent and the
neighbourhood of in, appears 290 times with y and once with i. In a few
cases we find y under other conditions, e.g., dyhte, dyhton, dysce, dyxsas,
stycao", syt and its derivatives, tygehvyrhtena (see above), yt ('eats 1 ).
4. The Stickling Homilies. The MS, belongs to the end of the
tenth century. According to A, SL Hardy, Die Sprache der Blickling-
Bamffim (Leipzig, 1899), the original dialect was a northern one, hence
we find in addition to the usual \VS. forms, a number of Anglian ones,
but there are also traces of Kentish influence. Hardy notes that y is
most frequent in the neighbourhood of labials, but it is clear that it also
ooeora near sonorous dentals and in unaccented words.
5. Aethelred's Jkms. The investigation of A. Karaus, Die 8pm
der Gesetze des Konigs Aethelfred (Berlin, 1901), is based on a number
of extant MSS.; the originals go back to about the year 1000, but the
copies date from between 10G0 and 1125, The dialect is Saxon in the
main. Karaus shows that the y forms occur in the neighbourhood of
labials and of liquids and nasals (r and m), and are pretty frequent in
unaccented words. The only exceptions are forsytte and tyhttan and
its derivati\<
6. Kmtfs Latts. L. Wroblewski, Uber die altenglischeti Gesetze des
Konigs Kind (Berlin, 1901), says that the text of these is based on four
MSS. ranging from 1060 to 1 1 25, and on several prints. He characterises
the dialect as \VS., but there are traces of Anglian, Kentish and southern
dialects. He further p>ints out that the y forma occur under the
influence of labials and liquids; twice we find y. before n and we also
have forms of tyhtlan which both he and Karaus hold to have been
influenced by tyhtan. In unaccented words y is also frequent.
7. Aelfrics Latin Grammar. Here we have fifteen MSS. which
mostly belong to the eleventh century: the earliest elates from about
the year 1000, while one MS. appears to belong to the twelfth century.
H, Briill, Die altenglische Lateitt-GnnHtmUik des Arifrir (Berlin, 1900).
gives many instances of y in cases where there is lack of accent He
also shows that y is frequent in the neighbourhood of labials and r f but
it is clear from an inspection of his list that it also frequently occurs
under the influence of n and 1. There are only two words in which y
appears under other conditions, namely ytt and ytsL
8. A elf red's Laws (Textus Roffensis). R. Munch, Die Rs. H
\ I't.'hts Roffensis) der Gesetzsammhmg Kiinig Aelfreds des Grossen
MARIE A. LEWENZ
L>Hf>
(Halle, 1902), says that the earliest original law dates from 604, but the
copies range in date from 1130 to 1150, The dialect is od the whole
uniform. He points out that y occurs in the neighbourhood of labials
and in unaccented words; but an examination of the forms given shows
that eOOOroua dentals have a similar effect The only exception is stal-
tyhtlan (see above p. 284).
9. Abingdon Cartulary. There is some doubt with regard to the
date of the two MSS. F. Lunger, Zur Sprache des Abinfjdun-CItttrttilars
(Berlin, 1904), places them at the end of the twelfth and the middle of
the thirteenth centuries. The (Haldol shows truces of Anglian and
Kentish influences. Langer does not seem bo have realiseil that the
forms were due to special influences, but on investigating his list we
Bm) that y, occurs iu unaccented forms, and in the neighbourhood of
sonorous dentals. The only two exceptions are Gyddandcne and hyd (?).
10. The Dialogues of Gregory. According to H. Hecht, Die Sprache
der oUenglischin hi* doge Gregors des Grossen (Berlin, 1900), the text
is based on three MSS. of the middle of the eleventh century. The
dialect of two of these is LAVS, with a few Anglian forms; that of the
third shows a good deal of Kentish influence. He draws attention to
the iact that y nppeais V6TJ often for I, and states that this change is
due to the influence of consonants and the lack of accent. He makes
no suggestion as to what consonants exert this influence, but an exami-
nation of the forma he gives, ebowa that y t appears ia the neighbourhood
of I duals and liquid dentals. The only exceptions are gestyhtad, tyhtao\
ty^ian, and geoygde.
11. Ael/riv'a HeptattHch. J, Wilkes, Lantlehre z>t A ef fries Hepftt-
ntul Bach Hivh (Bonn, 1005), remarks that the text LB chiefly b
OQ one MS. which is supposed to have been written shortly after 1066,
He does not suggest that y tonus are due to any especial influence, but
analysis .shows that they occur in the neighbourhood of labials and
sonorous dentals and m unaccented words. There are a few except
namely, hystmia, tyceen, tygelan, ytat, ytt and ysopan.
12. The Benedictine Rule. \V. Hermanns, Lautfehre itttd
ti&ch$ Untentuchung der altengHBoken InterHnson ad/ik*
tinerregel (Bonn, Hnh;i says the MS. of this dates from the first half of
the eleventh century. He also tails to point out that the appearance of
y is dm* to any particular cause, but on examining his forms, we find
that in even occurs in the neighbourhood of t&biak or wnonraa
dentals, or in unaooentad words,
286 West Germanic 'I' in Old English Saxon Dialects
Although the i forms are the normal ones, y, occurs fairly often, and
in all these LWS. monuments y, forms are found most frequently in the
vicinity of labials and sonorous dentals and in unaccented words. There
are certainly some exceptions, but they are few when compared with
the cases in which the above-mentioned conditions hold 1 . I think we
may thus fairly maintain that in LWS. y, appears normally only under
the influence of labials and sonorous dentals on the one hand, and of
the absence of accent on the other.
We have seen that in EWS. iej (and y,) forms tend to arise under
certain conditions, and it seems justifiable to ascribe this phenomenon
to the influence of some patois. A further investigation has shown that
in LWS. y 8 forms occur under the same conditions as the EWS. iea
forms; this makes it appear highly probable that the LWS. y 8 forms
are a development of the EWS. iej forms. The patois in which this
development took place exerted a comparatively small influence on
classical EWS. ; its influence on the language of the LWS. monuments
was much more considerable, though naturally the effect was not in all
cases equal.
Marie A. Lewenz.
1 It is possible that they are due to some special cause ; they all seem to show the
influence of d, t, 8, or $.
REVIEWS.
The Cambridge History of English Literature. Edited by A. W. Ward
nil A. R. Waller. Volume I. From the Beginnings to the
Cycles of Romance. Cambridge: University Press, 1907, 8vo,
xvi + 504 pp.
The want of a scholarly history of English literature, which should
be sufficiently inclusive and sufficiently detailed to make it a standard
bonk of reference for students and teachers of English literature, has
long 1 d acutely felt It proof of this tact were needed, it was supplied
by the welcome which, we understand, has already been accorded the
first volume of the Cambridge History of English Literature, prepara-
tions for a second issue of which hat! to be made within three months
of publication.
The chief objection likely to be raised against this first volume, and
possibly against the work as a whole, is perhaps the want of continuity
and uniformity of treatment, doe to the collaboration of writers of
different styles and different points of view. After reading the first
volume, the impression left is that of chapters on literature rather than
a history of literary development, In treating of the 'beginnings' it
is no doubt more difficult to avoid such disjoin tedness than in tracing
subsequent lines d 'progress. Bur in any oaa a certain want of con-
nected and uniform treatment is the inevitable outcome of syndicate
work On the other hand, the advantages U* be derived from the
Collaboration of a large body of writers are obvious. Headers are
presented with the results, garnered after special study in particular
departments, ley English, American and continental scholars; at the
same time the editors can chum from contributors fl consideration of
Other mens news and an impartial and all round handling of the
problems under discussion such as would not necessarily be expected in
a work bearing a single name. Again, the comparatively shorl space
of time within which we may hope to see the Hislurg complete is no
small asset. The present day is undoubtedly characterized by a widen-
ing end deepening interest in English literature. This is indicated on
the one hand by the successful inauguration of the English Association
and its extremely rapid growth during the first year of its exist*
and, on the other hand, by the increased attention that the teaching of
English is receiving from the educational authorities, so that English
literature bids fair to take its place as one of the leading suhjed
secondary schools. Hence the appearance of a History of English
288
Reviews
Literature on a wider and more scholarly basis than has hitherto been
attempted will be particularly welcome at this juncture to a very targe
circle of readers, and the usefulness of a work which aims at embodying
the most recent results of research will be greatly enhanced by the
prospect of not having to wait half a life-time before seeing its com-
pletion,
The book; to judge by the first volume, is not intended exclusively
for scholars, but will certainly appeal to b wide circle of general readers.
The chapters on the Arthurian Legend and the Metrical Romances and
the West Midland Poems will be read tool y and appreciatively
by scholars, but also with keen interest by many who have read few or
none of the winks discussed. One feature of the Bistort/ which will be
warmly Welcomed by all scholars and would-be scholars is the addition
of bibliographies to the si v. ral chapters. Though not intended to be
i '\haustive, they provide b meet useful summary of the most important
Literature oi the subject; for instance, the bibliography of the Metrical
Romanced, with its clour arrangement and useful notes and reference,
supplies a great deal more information than one would expect from a
mere list of books rind articles.
Among the chapters which, on account of their scholarly character,
will be appreciated more particularly by the student, is that on l Early
National Poetry ' by Mr H . M . Chadwick. In his discussion of the historical
and ethnological problems connected with Beowulf] Widsitk and other
early poems, he shows the same learned ;uid competent treatment as
found in his work on the Origin of the English Nation, The poem whicl
receives I treatment is, of course, Beowulf. In pointing out the
occurrence of many of the same pertotu and events in the Old English
epic and in Scandinavian literature, Mr Chad wick accepts the identifi-
cation of Beowulf with Boffvarr Biarki, the chief of Hrolfr Kruki's
followers. He does not believe that, the much later Grettis Saga, with
its curiously similar story of the hero's slaying two monsters, is taken
from the Beowulf, but that both have a common source in a folk-tale,
In discussing the original composition of the epic, Mr Chadwick acceptfl
the view that independent lays may have had a separate existence
(perhaps in strophic form ?} before their incorporation in the epic, but
in view of the Grettis Saga, would not assign Beowulf's fight with
Grendel and the fight with Grendels mother to two separate lav
has bean dour by most scholars following Miillrnimtf. 1 1 l ; niv attempt
to dim n on ate between earlier and later strata the only safe criterion
is to be sought in the references to religious belief and observances,
Mr Chadwick points out how largely the sentiments of the characters
are coloured by Christian feeling, although the religious observances,
for instance the burial of Beowulf, rue almost entirely pagan. At the
same time the references to Christianity are so closely interwoven
with the tissue of the poem, both in the speeches and the narrative
portions, that their i&sertios must be ascribed to the period of oral
tradition, but to a time when large portions of the poem already
existed in epic form. The presence of pagan ritual and Christian
Review* 289
sentiment implies a heathen work which has undergone revision by a
Christian. His omission to delete the description of heathen customs
from the poem might be due to the fact that such customs 9
no longer practised and would not therefore excite such repugnance
m the minds of Christian hearers as if they were still in \
The vagueness of the Christian sentiments and absence of definite
doctrinal belief in marked contrast to Liter Old English poetry, point
to the conclusion that the Christian revision took place at an early
date, In discussing the Finnxlwrh. fragment Mr Chad wick makes the
interesting suggestion (communicated in greater detail to a meeting of
the Cambridge Philological Society) that the Hengist of the poem may
be the Hengist who founded the kingdom of Kent.
The distinctive literary features Of OUT oldest English poetry, and its
underlying sentiment -its reflectiveness, its low of nature, particularly
of th ta I al ili-iii, its courage in the f>u < • *f" death— are briefly
touched upon by Mr Waller in the first, chapter of the volume; and
Mi-s M Bentinck Smith, who contributes the chapter on Old English
:011s poetry, writes with evident appreciation of the literary aspect
of tEe subject. But her view that l the depth of personal feeling in a
poem like The Dream of the Hood, and ' the melancholy sens, of kinship
In tw.rii the sorrow of the human heart and the moaning of the
cold waves that make Tin Seafarm a human wail/ an: elements con-
tributed to English poetry by the Celts, does not seem to be shared by
Mr W.ill-r i|>. 2) nor Ptofeteor Jonefl (p. 275), both of whom cite the
Seafarer ae typically Kugliah in sentiment.
Mi nek Smith writes interestingly of (ynewulfs poems, and
the cjii'stion of the authorship of doubtful poems attributed to him is
treated fairly and without bias. She gives u glowing eulogy of the
Dream of the Rood which she calls "the ohodceel EtoaBom of Old English
poetry/ and inclines to the view that Uyirnvvuli" was the author — in
hot, in li iinuii. of the- poet numbers it among his workfl —
on account of the similarity of feeling in it and the Sri
The Latin literal ore to the I ime of Alfred is treated by Dr M. R. James
with much animation and distinction of style. He traces the rise of
the two great eohoolfl of L;itin scholars, at Canterbury and at York.
One of the pupils of the former was Aldhelm, whose Celtic love of
grandiloquence is amusingly illustrated by a literal translation of a
paragraph from his prose. The greatest repreaentative of the northern
school, in fact of the whole period, WBB Bede, whose simple-minded
devotion to truth and whose services to letters are brought out lovingly
and reverently. Professor Thomas in concluding his chapter on Alfred
(hat m Literature personality m of the utmoet Lmportanoe ami that
Alfred u the moat pervonal of writera; bat we hardly feel the
agton of the write? s own glowing admiration as we do in reading
I >r Jamee'c tribute to Bede.
Peril of the most erudite chapters in the BiHofV is the
chapter on the English Scholars of Paris and the Franc israns of Oxford,
h J. lv 8andya By dealing with the individual scholars and giving
M. U R. 111. 20
290
Reviews
summaries of their works, from the point of view of scholarship, and
by neglecting to trace the development of philosophic thought and the
ral intellectual movement of the time, an opportunity is mined of
enabling rued readers to realize in some measure the deep ini
which belongs to a period marked by such rapid growth of thought.
y little is said of AbelarcL Diderot s description of Roger Bacon as
'one of the most surprising geniuses that nature had ever produced, and
one of the most unfortunate of men 1 is quoted, but we arc kit in tin
dark as to whether the writer endorses this opinion. There is, however,
one Oxford scholar who seems to strike a responsive chord in I )r Sandy-
heart, and that is the bibliophile Richard of Bury, who 'prefers manu-
scripts to money, and even slender pamphlets to pampered palfreys'; and
who writes of his books: 'They are masters who instruct us without rod
or ferule . ■ . if you approach them, they are nut asleep; if you enquire
of them, they do not withdraw themselves ; they never chide, when you
mistakes; they never laugh, if you are ignorant.'
The chapter on ' Early Transition English f by Prof. J. W. H. Atkins deals
with an interesting period of varied literary experiment. The arrange-
ment of the material is good, and the writer shows his appreciation of
the oew forms and tendencies which emerge after the silence which had
fallen ihi vernacular literature after the Norman Conquest. Unfor-
tunately his style is not unimpeachable, as witness sentences such as the
following: 'His use of the motive is, however, so far untraditional in
the nightingale, unlike the owl, did not appear in the ancient
Physiologus,' ' FreehneSS and originality is, however, carried at times
to excess in the vituperations in which the disputants indulge, w T hen
crudity and naked strength seem virtues overdone.'
Chapter xu on the Arthurian Legend; by Pro£ \Y. Lewis Jones, and
chapter xill on Metrical Romances, by Prof. W« P. Ker, aiv among the Dft «1
attractive in the volume and both convey a great deal of information on
Middle English romance literature without allowing the reader's interest
to Wag. There is a certain amount of overlapping in chapters xiii and
XIV and the literary judgments of the two writers do not always agree,
e.g, t in the estimate of the romance of Sir Triftrtmt.
Chapter xix by Dr H. Bradley, on Changes in the Language to the
Days of Chaucer, succeeds admirably in the difficult bask of giving B
thoroughly readable and interesting account of a number of facts which
students of English are generally supposed to learn from dreary statements
of SQtt&d laws and lists of iul!< i English historical grammars, but
which rarely leave as clear an impression, oven after long hours of
studious application, as a single intelligent perusal of this chapter should
produce*
The editors expressly warn their critics that subjects whieh seem to
have been omitted may prove to have been deliberately reserved for later
treatment, so it would be rash to dogmatize about what, at the first
glance, set ins a rather step-motherly treatment of Anglo-Norman litera-
ture. It is true the l matter of France' is discussed in the chapters on
the romances, and Mr Waller in chapter vm says something of the more
Reviews
291
considerable dehts of England to Normandy. On the other hand the
Chansons de Rulattd receive only brief mention; Bishop Grosseteste's
Chateau £ Amour is dismissed in three and a half lines; Horn et
Riwenhiirf is not given in the index. The fact that Anglo-Norman
architecture is the only entry in the index under An-i" Xonnan —
Anglo-French, France, French do not occur — tends to strengthen what
may be an unfounded impression. Might not a few references to the
most important passages oearing on Norman influence be inserted in
the index I
Among what si em to the reviewer to be minor inaccuracies or dis-
crepancies are the following:
p, 55. The subject of the Elene. is said to be contained in the Ada
StmrfantM of May 3; on p, 134 in the Acta Satictontm of May 4, The
latter statement is the right one.
p. 43. The refer 'i to Walhalla is misleading, as the word does not
occur in Beowulf.
p, 47. The statement that J the old English Genesis B is based on
the wmk nf the author of the I/eliand? conflicts with the more guarded
views expressed in the preceding paragraph as well as with Sievers's
Opinion that tho Old Testament fragment- <l in the Vatican are
not by the author of the Helta tia r ; unless ' is based upon ' means merely
1 is ft product of the same school of poetry/
p. 5(i. The paragraph in smaller type is not an actual translation of
the passage from the Elene, as its form might lead readers to suppo
p. 108. The Statement of the first paragraph that 'it was during
the tenth and eleventh centuries that our language in its Old English
stage attained to its highest development as a prose medium,' is difficult
bo reconcile with the next paragraph whieh describes the constant war*
fare timing these een tunes and the statement that * in these times of
struggle, letters and learning found, for a tune, tip ir grave, and long
years of patient struggle were needed to revive them/
p. 1ST. We are definitely told that Judith deals with the struggle
ast the Danes. Tin account given of the date and purpose of the
poem on p. I4M is more ambiguous.
pi 177. Uiraldus and Map are treated here and in chapter X In
both pieces eross-relnviires would be useful; as also in the oase of
Nennius, wh<> is treated in chapter v and chapter xn, and Layatnon
(op. sesf and 334 ty
p. 219. The translation of the lines from the Proveri<< / Alfred in
footnote 2 in taking arewe = armw and not caitiff or foe differs from
Morris and Skeat and the Xew English Dio&fcftOfy. The meaning /
supported by the similar lines in the Prurerbs of Hemhftat, quoted at
p, 8«
p. 227. Mention is made oi the Old English Be Domes I)ae<je t The
A dt tress of tk >*the Bod tofStPo/uh On looking
up the latter work in the index, the only reference given, besides to this
bo 8 Latin vision of St Paul.
p, 822, In the translation of the stanza from Pearl, the word which
20—2
292
Reviews
is rendered 'glades' is glodez which in the N.EJ). is translated *a Hash
of light, a bright place in the sky.' This gives a better sense,
p. 338. The chronicle of Thomas Bek of Castleford, mentioned in
the text, does not appear in the Bibliography. The MS. is described in
the text as * inedited.'
p. 862, Why ifl bounty ity (bunting or yellowhamtuer) transit
! black bird ' in footnote 7 ?
p, 439. Studies on AngUhBcuoan Institutions by H. If, Chadwick
should be quoted under The Latrs.
Whatever the superficial faults of the work T it is, as we have already
stated, with wann gratitude to editors and contributors for their valuable
enterprise and painstaking labour that we welcome this first volume and
look forward with eager expectation to the appearance of its BU0C€B80r,
When the whole work ifl completed it is much to be hoped that the
editors will see the advisability of adding a small supplementary volume
containing an epitome in connected form of the previous volumes* Such
an epitome would add greatly to the usefulness of the work.
Minna Steele Smith.
The Queen or the Excellency of her Ses\ Nacfa del* Quarto L653 in
Neudruck herausgegeheit von W* BANQ, {Materialicn zur Kunde
des alteren Englisehen Dramas, Band Xtil.) Louvuin : A. l/vst-
pruyst, 1906. 8va ix + 60 pp.
It was not till 1653 that appeared this * Excellent old Play. Found
out by a Person of Honour, and given to the I'uhlisher, Alexander
Goughe/ but it is clear that it must belong to an earlier though not
very early date. Professor Bangs publication is of interest, for the play
has never before been reprinted, and though the original is not of v< i v
great rarity, it is side to suppose that few living persons have read it.
And in spite of great defects it is worth reading. Controversy is likely to
centre round the editor's tentative, but personally confident, ascription
^*i the play to John Ford. A general characterization of the similarities
of style in the introduction is supplemented by a not very striking
collection of parallels in the notes, full discussion of the question being
left over for another occasion, and, the editor intimates, to another pen.
After a careful and repeated reading of the present play along with the
whole of Fords acknowledged works of a dramatic character, I have
formed a iairly confident opinion on the subject, which is entirely at cme
with Professor Bang's. The style, the conduct of the plot, the peculiar
treatment of jealousy owing a distinct debt to Othello, the preposterous
denouement, the extravagant romanticism, the miserable humour, are all
Ford's, It is not Ford at his best, for the poetry nowhere reaches the
highest level, but still his touch can be felt in a dozen passages. It
cannot be a case of imitation, for some of it is Ford at his worst, and
that no sane man would imitate. In the copy of the original belonging
to the editor there is an inscription in a contemporary hand l Compare
Rev\
293
this play with y" dumb K.V. I so far disagree with Professor Bang that
I do nut think that the resemblance to which this entry points can he
accidental, but a comparison of the Qtteen with Markham and Machin's
play will bring out almost more than anything else its similarity with
the min<>r works of John Ford.
\Y W. Greg.
The Hector qf Qermamie or the Pa fay race Prime Elector, By WBHT-
wurth Smith. Edited by L W, PAYNB,jr. (Publications of the
University of Pennsylvania: Philology and Literature, vol. XL)
Philadelphia: J. G Winston Co., 1906. 8vo. 146 pp.
The Hector of Germany was printed in quarto in Hi 15, with the
name 4 W, Smith 1 on the title-page and 'W. Smyth* at the end. It
appears thai, though there is only one edition, there are two distinct
bitle~page& The ropy in the Library of the University of Permsyh
has both, one of win. with the Boston Public library and the
i with the British Museum copy. Why Mr Payne has only repro-
duced one is not explained : happily he has chooen tin- American
so that English bibliographers can place the two side by side.
The text has ifcood a partial but careful testing fairly well: L 27^,/or
to he ,\ (Jentleman Porter read to be Gentleman Porter; L 1117, for
Frenoe read French ; L 1556, far hair read haire; 1. 1562, for seldoine
nod Beeldome, Such spellings as Uandorne and imls(;uaue are, of
course, absurd, The notes mv rather meagre. The printing, like so
much American University printing is bad: dirty press-work and care-
leaa composition : for instance, why, in the list of characteiBj should the
BRANDEXBUKiill br favoured with a special type all to itself
The chief point of interest in connection with the play is the identity
of the author. We learn from the epistle dedicatory that an earlier
play by the same writer, entitled the Freeman a Honour^ had born
acted by the Kind's men r to digntfie the worthy Companie of the
Marehantaylors/ while the present pieee, written in honour of th-<
Princess Elizabeth's suitor, was performed, not by any regular company,
but ' by a Company of Touag-meB of tins ( Jitie.' The earlier blbiio-
heiB, from Edward Phillips to Stephen Jones, gave the author the
Christian name of William. Tun William Smiths are known n»
literature about this time (one familiar ;is the author of Chtoris, the
other AH obscure heraldic writer), but neither is likely to have had
anything to do with our play. Later bibliographers of the drama,
including the compiler of the Lint of English Plays issued by the
Bibliographical Sock tbe the play to Wentworth Smith, and it
is with these that Mr Payne finds himself in agreement. It is, however,
doubtful whether this ascription has much more to recommend it than
the others. Wont worth Smith is known as an industrious stage hack
in the pay of the companies connected with Philip Henshnvc, and his
name appears as part author of fifteen plays between ItiOl and 1603,
L'94
Revi
There is 00 reason to suppose that a single line of this work sun
The only other plays that come into consideration are Saint George for
England mentioned in Warburtons very questionable list and there
ascribed to William Smith, an attribution which may reasonably be
regarded with suspicion in view of the consensus of early bibliographers ;
and the Foul Fair One licensed by Herbert, Nov, 28, L8S3, as 'written
by Smith/ Now the authority of the early bibliographers on the
question of a Christian nam', in such e case us the present, in which
ire are quite unable to discover the ground of the attribution; must be
regarded as negligible, and Mr Payne is ijuifce right in rejecting it.
But his aocepianeo of the ascription to Wentworfch Smith is Ism
satisfactory. We have on the one hand a W, Smith who is a hack
collaborator in plays written for the regular companies from 1001-3,
and again a W.Smith, obviously closely connected with the City guilds,
who produces two pl&Jfl more than ten years lain-. J hardly think that,
considering the frequency of the nann\ we can with any reasonable
uiity assume their identity. Several other plays were published in
the seventeenth century with the initials ' W. S.\ lml Mr I'ayne rery
rightly concludes that they have no connect inn with Smith whatever:
the initials were certainly intended to suggest another.
The Introduction is open to a good deal of criticism in detail, for the
editor's judgments are more fluent than his acquaintance with his
subject quite justifies. A little more familiarity with bibliography
would have saved him (p. 4K) from manufacturing a printer out of the
initials of th< Stationers 1 Register; while a more careful study of
Henslowe's Diary and the allied documents would have warned him
against assuming (pp. 1 2 and 42) that record* < I \ >ay n ien I s t i> at< as
are proportional to their shares in the work, and a less exclusive ivlr
on Colliers edition would have prevented his perpetuating (p, 14) the
forgery of the 4 Northern Man/ The remark (p. 17} that the prop
entries show that the title of the Black Dog of Newgate tfl not meta-
phorical, suggests that Mr Payne is unacquainted with the extant
chapbook upon which the play was doubtless founded It may also !><•
remarked that it has been habitual to suppose that the silk 8a{
Sept 4, 1602 (p. 49) was for the play house-mast, not for the per-
formance; also that AlphvnsHs of Germany was printed in 1 0*54 not
1645 (p. 37). Lastly Mr Payne will do well to be mere careful with
seal names: he has Casino tor Carina, Clerumemc for Ctentmenoe
and Diphius far Diphilus in three consecutive lines (p. 40).
W. W. Greg.
Early Sixteenth Century Lyrics. Edited by F. M. Padelford. (The
Belles-Lettres Series: Section II.) Boston: D. C. Heath and
London: G, G. Harrap, 1907. 12 mo, lviii + 174pp.
The texts in this dainty little volume consist of selections from
Wyatt, Surrey, and the 'miscellaneous poets 1 of the court of Henry VI IL
Reviews
295
Mr Padelford says that originally the design was to include the popular
songs us well as t he poems of the Courtly Makers in this volume, but space
forbad. But. it appears to be difficult to draw a hard-and-fast line of
demarcation between the two, si nee many lyrics of this date are 'courtly'
re-writings of 'popular' songs. In Wyat-t's ■ A Robym jnly Robyn,' and
in the anonymous 'Colle to me the rysshys grene,* the refrains are no
doubt of popular origin, and the songs were tanked on to them (and
presumably to their tunes), just as many of the secular lyrics were
adapted for religious use, e,<r. The NutJwown JAnV/, 'Come over the
bourne, Bessy/ and many of the (tittle and QodH& fiaJtofeff. Mr Padelford,
however, has seleeti-d with taste, and a pleasant book is the result.
The main problem tliat faces an editor of early poetry, especially
that of this particular era, is the oneetion of spelling. Personally we
fail to see what is gained by printing a verse of One of Sum v > h.-.sr-
known poems thus : —
& eo grene wawea when th«* aealte ffioode
dootht sswalle by ranges oft" wynde,
a thwasande ffanwys en that raoode
assales my renteles ruynde :
.illn-s ! n..»w ih'rii.-|n foo f
that \\ r ti/i upork off my harte dad
lyfte rue; but alias ! whye dad M nofl
Such fidelity to a M8. in which the hand ifl very slovenly; words, and
even lines, are scratched out, to be replaced by slightly different spellings/
may be all very well in a scientific contribution to Angtid OX BngM$ch$
Studim; but it, seems t<* us to be the wrong policy in a charmingly
1 pooket-volume, Nor do we believe in the need for
am* in printing lyrics subsequent to the fifteenth
retaining the l thoi
century
However, Mr Padelfbrd has turn extremely careful ; his departures
from the original are minute, and ihr variants in other MSS. elaoora
recorded. Hi^ o are excellent, and the parallels from Italian
poetry striking. The Introduction is a useful essay on kite history of
the sixteenth-century lyric and the 'new company of courtly mal
and oontaim much sound criticism of the poems tie He is
only unfortunate in his period; it was not a brilliant epoch of English
fioetry, coming as it did after the unapproachable fifteenth century and
>eforo the gmgeona Elizabethan era
\\ SlDOWli
The PoptUar Ballad, By Fbancis B, QumfSRi. (The Type* of English
Literature. Edited by Ptof \V. A. Nkilsox. Ynl. 1.) Bos ton and
Nan fork: Houghton, Mifflin and Co»J London: Constable and
Co. 1907. Square Ltimo. ivi + S6Gpp
This is tlh initial volume of another Am -, which, from
the list of announcements, promises tube fully as valuable aa the rarioua
I of texts and literary studies that have recently appeared in
296
?CS
America Types of literary form — Essay, Tragedy, Lyric, Novel, Saints'
Legends, Pastoral, Allegory, Masque, Short Story — each is to be tn
in a volume, as the product Of the ages or of a particular age ; ami we
anticipate not only from the excellence of Professor (itimmere's study
of the Ballad, but from the names attached to the subjects — such as
Professor Sch' Hi! the Lyric, and Professor Thorndike's to the
Tragedy — thai i ies will be folly representative of the best American
scholarship. In certain of these subjects, it might be claimed that
English scholars would be heard frith equal or even greater attention ;
but in Balladry, when a pupil of Professor Child speaks, we can only
listen and admire.
Professor U um mere, after advising gentle readers to begin their
reading with the second chapter, devotee his first, extending to more
than a third of the whole book, to a recapitulation of the definitions and
theories of origin of ballads given by previous scholars, accompanied by
weD-bftlanced criticisms of each. His final test of popular origin is
'incremental repetition/ B feature which be considers to be the original
pattern of Balladry*
The second chapter, amounting nearly to half the book, groups the
Ballads according to subject-matter Incidentally Professor ( i union
Wide reading in ballad-lore and ballad-literature assists him to make an
interesting and illuminating critical study of each ballad, ss il comes up
for discussion. Child acknowledged 305 ballads, some mere fragments;
Professor Cumnicre deals singly with more than nine-tenths of the-
well as with a 'fresh candid. ballad honours which has been
discovered since the completion of Child's work. Two short chai
complete the book; the fanner deals with the sources of the Ballads,
and the problems of their distribution and the probability of a common
origin; the latter, on the worth of the Ballads, is an admirable summarv
of the values of popular poetry contrasted with those of artistic poetry.
Throughout, Professor Gum mere s manner demands, 00 leSB than his
matter, respectful appreciation; time after time he hits upon the happy
uonJ, the illuminating phrase, the apt citation. The readers pleasure
is such that he almost overlooks the assumption that Balladry is a closed
chapter in English literature — that the gallant three hundred have
d mrum mtiture psr ora. But the present writer, inasmuch as he
has collected in the past three months half-a-dozen variants of the ah
mentioned candidate for ballad honours' — a carol entitled The Bitter
Withy — warm from the lips of English folk, cannot entirely acquiesce in
that assumption. Vet whether the Ballads are a forgotten manufacture
0T not, there Lb but little to be added to Child's collection ; and it is none
too BOOB that his labours, cut short by death, have been gallon J v and
piously continued by such erudite pupils of his as are Professor Cuinmere
and Professor Kittredge.
F. SlDGWICK.
Reviews
297
Modem Studies, By Oliver Elton. London : E. Arnold, 1907. 8vo,
vii + 342 pp.
Under the above title Professor Elton hi- issued, in i revised term,
a number of ^ riginaUy contributed to the Quarterly Review, the
Fort hi if fitly, and other periodicals. The subjects range from Giordano
Bruno and Spenser to living writers like Mr George Meredith and Mr
Henry James, and suggest catholicity of taste on the part of the critic.
Rare though it is to find an occuprml of B University chair concerning
himself with contemporary literature, Pko£ Elton does not hesitate to
make incursions into this territory, and his estimates of modern writers
iiiv among the most original in the volume* Side by side with these
contemporary studies stand tie essays on Bruno and Spenser. The
latter is, indeed, only a fragment, limiting itself to the colour and
imagery of the poems, but it serves to remind us how little has yet been
done in the direction of a systematic analysis of Spenser's literary
method. The parallc <>n Bruno supplies a valuable sketch of a
personality, in whom the spirit of the Renaissance was incarnate.
Though Bruno had to wait till the nineteenth century for complete
recognition, he is shown to have exerted some influence on the more
thorough-going of English Renaissance scholars, and the
illumined by quotations from La Cem rfe le G&neri, which present us
with a vivid picture of Elizabethan England— " the artisans and simp-
folk, who know ytni to be in some fashion a foreigner, snicker and laugh
and grin and mouth at you, and call you in their own tongue, dog/
Further side-light on the Renaissance is afforded by the essay on
Literary Ftuue.
The chief word of praise must, however, be reserved for those
- in which the writer endeavours, by i comparative study of a
Dumber of literary text-books, to arrive at an estimate of modern
ical doctrine. The attempt was a bold one, and calculated to arouse
hostility, but Prof. Elton's task must perforce be undertaken, at some
time or other, by every reader who is brought bos to bos with oon-
Rioting critical methods. Happih it is not often aq of direct
opposition, so that the critic's task resolves itseli into an endeavour to
ss the merits of the various contributions recently made to literary
history. The more general of the i /V iteming <>/ Literary
is largely occupied with J>r < 'otirthope's History &f En$
Poetrth the merits and defects of which are admirably brought out.
The companion essay on Mecemi ShateeperB Cri&iciem is a particularly
fine example of the application of broad critical principles to s more
limited field of research. Despite the somewhat gratuitous attack on
so-called antiquarian research, the characterisations of the work of living
everywhere admirable, Dr Brandos 1 psychological surenfces,
combined with weakness in matter of fact, Prof Bradlejys insight into
oharaeter and strong hortatory instinct, Prof Raleigh's broad tolerance
and eminent style — these charac are all duly emphasised and
illustrated. Diner KB WS may frmn Pro£ Elton OQ minute issues, w«
298
Reviews
cannot withhold our appreciation of a series of essays, characterized
throughout by maturity of judgment and by a style at once dignified
and imaginative.
P. a Thomas.
An Introduction to Vulgar Latin, By C. H. Grandgent, (Heath's
Modern Language Series.) Boston: B.C. Heath; London: O, G.
Barrap 190Z 8vo. svii -f 218 pp.
The same excellent qualities which distinguished Professor Grand*
gents Outline of the Phonology and Marphotofft/ of old Provencal (1905),
are to be found in the present Introduction to Vulgar L'din: the farts
are well grouped and arranged, and the principles are expounded in a
clear and concise style. In the bibliography we have only noted
importance the absence of the Tram de la formation de la lamauA
fnturaise, which forms the complement to the Ihetionnaire <jrm : ral de
la if I Nj fUi '>. X- 1 t h i ng that is essentia] has been omitted from the
section dealing with Phonology and Morphology. The parts concerning
the Vocabulary and Syntax call forth a few observations. The discussion
of these matters is, on the whole, too short; the first chapter is somewhat
dry and might be more fully worked out. A brief account of the direct
and indirect sources of Vulgar Latin was indispensable, and the si\r> < n
lines (p. 15) which Professor Grandgent devotes bo the subject., are quite
inadequate. No mention is made of ruins (cf Catalogue du mommies
es de la Btbliotfi&que nationals^ Let Momtaies ffiirovingiennes
la mice Prou t Paris, 1892), the evidence of which is all the more
valuable because it is easy to date. The charters and the laws of the
barbarians ought also to be mentioned as important aids towards the
reconstruction of Vulgar Latin. A few examples ought to have been
quoted in support of the very judicious remarks on the critical use of
(lie different texts which have come down to us; it might also have been
shown how the reconstruction of some lost forms <»f the spoken lung
is rendered possible bv a comparison between the subsequent develop-
ments of the Romance tongues. To these general remarks the following
particulars might be added. Page 8: add that in 0. F. a, ot* 1
used without y, as the Latin hahnit in the sentence: 'In area X
habuit serpentes'; for example: 'Plus tel de lui n'ot en sa cumpagnie *
(CIl de RoL t 1632). Page 9: men lion cokors besides C0TS\ mane was
only partly, not entirely, superseded by nnitutinntn, as is proved by the
survival of main, both as substantive and adverb. Page 16 i Quominm
is the best example to give as proof of the negative meaning of
minus. Page 17: mention the suffix *-ic?re, which must have el
together with -escere: distinguish -nfare from -culare. Page 90 : the
vulgar form of i was tab-cider*, which perhaps arose under
the influence of ohseidere. The explanation that it was a result of
1 umgekehrte Schreibung/ would account neither for the French form
ocire, nor for the Provencal anvir. Page JU: besides *vol<%nt, accented
Reviews
on the penultimate, there must have existed in Vulgar Latin a form
*col$bra t accented on the antepenultimate, Cf. conbre in Raschi's
Glosses (Revtte des JStudes Jirives, T. liii, p, 167), which allows as to
reconstruct *colbre. Page 170: why not admit *vare beside vadere M
just as *fare is admitted beside facere ? It seems to me that it would
give a satisfactory etymology for the French word river; resver and
rever in O.F, might then be explained as arising from *re+&r-f rar**
and re + rare. Page 187 : Srunt passed regularly into -tirunt under the
influence of -grant, -triut and ~%rent.
h Branthv
H isto riot! i m 't-f> tttit Qn m ma r. Vol nine I. Pit on olog\j\ Word-Forma thai
and A ccidt mce. I » y - 1 < >s ?; i « 1 1 Wr i i ; h T\ Ox ford : Clarendon Press.
8vo, xiv + 314pp.
An Mid Hiffh German Primer. With OrOTOTOOTj Notes and OloM
By JosEen WitmHT. Second Edition. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
8vo. xii + 178 pp.
A promising beginning has been made to the series of Historical and
Comparative (iramtnan, published by the Clarendon Press and edited
by Professor Joseph Wright, with a ffidt&rical Herman Gramrnar by the
editor himself. The volume opens with an introductory chapter which
briefly outlines some of the general principles of language; this is follow i . j
by a classification of the Indo languages with special reference
to the Germanic group and a summary of the chief ditVerenees between
0.BLG., M.Hj . i. and X.H.C. The sound-value of the various alphabetic
signs during the three periods of the German Language is next discussed,
01 accent is dealt with, and then follows in the usual order a
detailed history of vowels, consonants and inflexions.
A compendium presenting in brief form tie present state of investi-
gation into the linguistic problems connected with German has long
been wanted, and Professor Wright's book ought therefor.- to i
t useful to students, especially to those f&o have to do without
academic ten dung and find themselves handicapped when they attempt
to use the larger German works. But the teacher will be grateful too
for l he constant references to English which will greatly assist him in
illustrating the more obscure f< of German grammar to the
English student.
While the book may thus be recommended as a whole, it chall.
-' i ions criticism in matters of detail, First of all, it is entirely dog-
matic. There is not a single reference fco the authorities upon which the
author relies, or to the reasons why he differs from them. Again, absolute
accuracy and tie caution in the statement of results are indis-
able virtues in a book of this kind, and there is here much room for
fusion in a second edition. The necessity for condensation has not
uufrequeiitly led to vagueness tu the slurring over of difficult points
and to ineautkraa generalisations, Is there any reason why, contrary to
300 Reviews
fjeneral usage, vocalic I, m, n, r, consonantal t and w, and the velars with
abialisation are not distinguished in print ? Forms like wlqos (p. 26)
and treies (p. 28) not only look peculiar, but are misleading. The
C3ent *nem-o-a (p. 233) also seems to imply that these portions of the
k need overhauling. From the earlier chapters I add some further
instances. N.H.G. dn corresponds to M.H.G. du, the u of which, like
that of nu, did not become a diphthong in N.H.G. ; the M.H.G. forms on
p. 213 ought to be given as du, du. In what respect are wann — wenn,
dann — denn (p. 4) illustrative of a difference of accentuation ? The
classification of the dialects in § 9 is unsatisfactory; Swabian is not
specially recognised, and Ripuanan and Moselle Franconian ought to
appear under Middle Franconian. The claim of East Franconian to be
included in the Upper German dialects should be mentioned. The
chapter on stress (§ 23 ff.) is also unsatisfactory, particularly § 24, which
deals with the secondary stress (Nebenton). Considering the importance
of this stress for O.H.G. and M.H.G. prosody, it is strange to find it dis-
missed with the curt observation that it ' fluctuated/ § 26, too, is vague
and indefinite. On page 28, 2, line 1 'the same or' ought to be omitted.
The rule given in § 56 is, of course, doubtful, but if it is retained, the
retention of i in the past participle of the strong verbs of the first class
should be mentioned. A note on p. 41 incorrectly ascribes the pre-
vention of the umlaut by a following It, Id, only to upper German ; the
fluctuation between u and u in the preterite subjunctive is quite common
before other consonants as well as nasal 4- consonant. It is too much to
say (p. 42, note) that Middle German did not distinguish in writing
o, il t 6u, ue from o, u, ou, uo. It is done often enough. These few
examples — and it would be easy to add to them — will show the
necessity of a careful revision when a new edition is called for of this
very useful handbook. •
A book like Professor Wright's Old High German Primer may fairly
claim to have proved its usefulness when it has reached the dignity of a
second edition ; and indeed, this little book has been, and will probably
remain for a long time, the sole refuge of those who are desirous of
acquiring an elementary knowledge of O.H.G. of the ninth century, but
dread Braune's larger books. Many a student will no doubt be tempted
by the simplicity and lucidity of Professor Wright's book to take up a
subject which usually repels by its formidable initial difficulties. The
only part of the little work to which serious exception must be taken, is
the cnapter on syntax. It is thoroughly unsatisfactory, and had much
better be omitted altogether. The few useful notes which it contains
might easily find room in the accidence or in the vocabulary. The notes
to the extracts might, with advantage be recast. The student working
under a teacher does not need them, whereas the private student needs
more elaborate help than is here offered him. A few words on metre
would also have formed a valuable addition.
J. Steppat.
301
Teschiedem's nttt het Drama Bh nan het T Tedertand, Door
J. A. WOHP. 2 Volumes Oroningen: J, B, Walters, 1904—8.
viii + 466 pp. and viii+577 pp. Bva
Or J. A. Worp's History of the Drama and Th\ the Netkmiatm
which has just been completed by the publication of the second volume,
ti importance which is by do means limited to the subject and the
literature of which it treats. It is a valuable contribution to the coin-
!ve history of the European drains, ami will be appreciated by all
who seek to understand the gi meral movements of modern literature*
Ac a matter of fact, the key of such movements is often to be found in
the little literatures of the continenl rather than in France, or Germany,
or England ; this is particularly I which is, as it wen,
hedged in by the three great literary powers. There is much to be
learned from the reflection of French and Bngliah ideas in the Dutch
d, and Professor Grierson'a recent attempt, in Ins contribution to
Periods of European Literature, to bring the Dutch Renaiss;
movement into line irith the classicism of the rest of Europe, was
a noteworthy recognition of the comparative value of Dutch literature.
A careful study of Dr Worp'e two admirable volumes will help us,
better than any other existing history of the subject, to realise how
much light the study of the Dutch drama is able to throw on the
dramatic literature of other lands. This comparative value of the book,
and the fact that our English journals rarely take cognisance of the
[lent work which ie being done at present in Holland in the Held of
modern literary research and criticism, are my chief reaaom for bringing
1 u Worp's history before the notice of the readers of this Review.
The most conspicuous merit of Dr Worp's book is, as I have just in-
dicated, thai i r constantly keeps in view what may be called the European
standpoint. Unfortunately, the early record of the Dutch drama, whore
every fragment of evidence 18 precious, is detect i- have a mere
handful of dramas from which to draw OUT inferences and conclusions.
This broken and incomph ion has perhaps been the reason which
led to a somewhat adventurous criticism on the pari of older writers on
the subject — I mi tell as Dutch — an attempt to set up hypoth
of Dutch origins, which were at variance with rite parallel evidence of
French aud German literary history. Dr Worp has not forgotten that,
before we are justified in inventing new theories, the evidence against
a development analogous to that in neighbouring lands, must be very
strong; and he has succeeded in proving that the early Dutch traditions
involve no factors which are absent in other literatures. Indeed, 0H6
wonders now that any other explanation could ever have been accepted.
It is, however, to later times that the reader will li most
inter be Oentuiy Of Ilooft and Vondel, when Holland succeeded
in creating a national renaissance drama, which combined Seneean form
with the spacious imaginative atmosphere of the medieval liturgic
drama. The comparative results of Dr Worp's investigation of the
drama of the enth century are not as enlightening as one might
302
Reviews
hoped to find them; he has made abundantly clear the various
w;ivt s of foreign influence that swept over Holland from abroad, but he
not added to our knowledge 01 the influence that went out from
Holland to other lands, and especially to Germany. If we are ever to
find a solution to the many fascinating problems of ( toman dramatic
literature in the enth century, from the Stdea and Phoenicia
of Ayrer to the Pvter Stpteutz of Schwenter-Gryphius, and the school
comedies of Christian Weise, it roust, as is generally admitted, oome by
way of Dutch literature. But if Dr Worp has DO TOW farts to offer,
his history 7 at (east helps us to realise what is too often forgotten, the
essentially Dutch character of the German drama of that age. The
advantages of the authors comparative method are to be seen in his
treatment of the eighteenth century, a period barren enough in the
history of Dutch dramatic literature; as especially suggestive I would
note his discussion of the influence exerted by the French classic drama,
on the national tradition that had come down from the drama of the
preceding century.
Dr Worp s book is characterised by < German thoroughness and German
method, The more important plays are taken up one by one and
discussed in detail; in fact, there is occasionally almost an excess of
method in thi> respect, and the broader a.- the dramatic move-
ment do not always receive their due. His style is lucid and straight-
forward, and need not discourage anyone whose knowledge of Dutch
requires constant recourse to the dictionary. The book is provided
with valuable lists rf foreign dramas in Dutch translation, and three
mplary indices.
J. O, Robertson.
MINOR NOTICES.
M. Gustavo Cohen's Histoire de la mise en scene thrift U theatre
ret n ?ie n. i franeais du mogm Age (Paris, Champion, 1906, and now out of
print), has been translated into German under the title GcsrhirlUe der
Inszenieruitg im geistlkhen Schampiele des Mitteltdters in Frank n
by Dr Constantin Bauer (Leipzig, Klinkhardt, 1907), This, however,
kOtte than a simple translation, and the formula 'verbesserte und
verniehrte Ausgabe* is fully justified both as regards illustrations and
text. The German edition has two platea which are not in the French
original: Die drei Marien am Grave, from a Reicheiiau MS, of the
twelfth century, and Der Weinmarld in Luzern als Schanplatz tifati
Qsterspieles vom Jahre 1583. With regard to the text, numerous
rectifications and valuable additions have been made. These have
bees suggested by the reviews of Roy (Revue Bourguigncmm, 1906),
Sepet (Romania, October, 1906), Rigal (Revue des Langues Romanes,
December, 1906), Chatelain (Revue d'llwtoire LitUraire, September
Minor Notices
303
1 906 ). Schneegans ( Zeitsch rift f*r romci n isch e Ph Holwf ie< 1 906 ) , V \ 1 1
Hamol (Museum, October, 190t>). Some notes hare also been utilised,
which were sent to the author by H. Logenmn, or taken from Chambers's
Media mi I Staff e and Gal lee's Bijdragen tot de gesvhiedenis der dramatische
vertoonttftjftt in de Nedertanden gedttrende de M tddeteeuwen (1873). Of
the additions we note as particularly interesting the comparison bet
the instructions given to the actors in the Jen d'Admn and in H outlet,
and the valuable evidence with regard tu tin* sei nery intended for the
representation of a mystery at Alencon in 1520 (p. 82). On the
evidence mainly of a passage in the Miracle de Theodore, the author
originally was of opinion that persons had appeared entirely naked on
the stage ; he now expresses himself convinced by the arguments of
Sepet and Langiois that this was not the case (cf. especially Langiois
in the Bibl. Ec, de* Ghartm, 1906, p. 524). We understand that an
English edition of this valuable work is in preparation.
L. B.
Dr Paget Tuynbce, the compiler of the vn;v representative anthology
Ol 78f9Q attd prose from the works of Dante, which has been published
under fettf title fa the Footprints qf Dante (London; Methuen and CV,
1907), has refrained from any ainbitious classification of his brief selec-
tions] he has followed, for the most part, the order in which the w
appear in the standard Oxford edition, to which, with the aid of a
subject and a reference index the book forme an excellent guide for
the beginner who wishes to "dip into' Dante's writings generally, instead
of plodding th rough the first half of the Ittfemo and then leaving off
Many who are already familiar with the Divina Commtdia
and the Pita STlWtta, will realise with surprise Imw much there is of
human and historical interest in the prose works both vernacular and
Latin. To each passage is appended an English rendering. 1 >r Toynbee
has culled freely from his predecessors in the art of translation, but
among the most charming of all, are his own renderings, of which he
has made a modest use. Of the rest, Mr Shad well's Marvellian stanzas
are particularly striking in tins farm of short selections.
I* R
We have received three excellent little volumes of the ' Riverside
Literature Series': (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Oaj London: <• 0,
Ihurap): Malory *s The Book of Merlin and The Book of Sir Balirt,
edited by C. G. Child (11)04); Bmwutf and The Finne&uiri Frogn
translated and edited by <\ <J Child (1904); and Chauoer'fl PfvloffU9 t
dtt's Tale anrl Jfint'i Pries?* Tab by R J. Mather (1899).
are all provided with good introductions and are intended
primarily for Bfcttdenl incline rather to literature than
to language. In the first the spelling and the forms tit words are
unfortunately modernised. The second is a good proee transit
304
Minor Noi
v huh steers an even 000186 between pseu do-arch B isiu^ and modern
colloquialisms. The introduction to the translation is slightly didactic
in tone; seeing that the poem gTOti next bo no information about
Beowulf 8 long reign, we cannot agree that 'the unity aimed at was
the presentation of the life of the hero/ The volume of Chaucer
selections is, we think, the best edition extant for the beginner. The
Introduction of 7!» pagei would be difficult to surpass, and the text,
except for the partial adoption of Ski -at's normalized sjx-lln been
edited on sound principles.
x a a a
Geo rye Eliot, von Helene Richter {Wissemchaftliche Frauenar-
n, hersuegegeben von K. Jantaen and O. Thurau. IV. — V. Heft.
Berlin: A. DuBcker, 1907) eoilBists of live essays of which only the
first, 'George Eliot, ein ilioakterbild/ has not previously appeared in
print. This short biography is the least important part of the volume,
as it simply offers in a condensed form what has already been said.
The second essay deals with 'Der Humor be] George Eliot/ and insists
on her claims to be regarded as a humorist; the third, ' Pn Fniuen-
hm, 1 dlSf /tisses George Eliofs views as to the proper sphere of worn
activity; Hie last two essays deal more strictly with George Eliot as
a novelist. We note that, in her discussion of Romola. Fraulein Richter
expresses a point of vn m which is at complete variance with that of the
Sir Leslie .Stephen or Mr Oscar Browning; die Erzahlung/ she
4 ist nnr insofern historisch, nls sie durchans im I leiaJ and Character
der Epoche gehalten ist, in der sie spielt*
A, B. Y.
The publications of the Malone Society for the hist year of its
existence have been completed by the issue of two more volumes. One
of these is a reprint of the old play of King Leir from the quarto of
1605, the other the first, pun of the Society 'i (fottBOtums, This includes,
besides notes on the other publications and reprints of certain recently
discovered dramatic fnurments, an article by Mr E. K, Chambers on
(he 'Elizabethan Lords Chamberlain' and annotated reprints of the
dramatic records from the City Remembra ncia* This important series
of documents has, indeed] been indexed, but the records in question
have never before been printed in full, though many of them are of the
first importance for the history of the drama.
The first year's work of the Society is therefore represented by six
volumes distributed to members in return for their guinea subscription.
It is proposed to issue the same number in 1908, and the list approved
by the Council is as follows: Sir Ttuma* More, from MS. Harley 7368;
Oaheto and Mdiho&a, F'\ n.d.; jSMsmtp, 4 . 1594; Locrine, 4", 1595;
Sir Jt*hn (Hdcastte, 4", 1000 ('V.S/ quarto); and Collection*, pt. ii.
Further information may be obtained from the Hon, Sec, Mr Arundell
Esdaile, 166 Holland Road, London, W,
Minor Notices
305
Hem Ilaehette and Co. will publish shortly a phototype repro-
duction of the remarkable copy of the Etmis of Montaigne (1588),
belonging to tin- municipality or Bordeaux, which contains the author's
marginal notes and corrections. Those hear witness to the extraordinary
care with which Montaigne revised and polished his work in the last
years of his life. The reproduction, which will contain some 70U dates,
is being edited bj Profteoor Strowski of Bordeaux. The subscription
price of the oomplete work is 150 francs.
From a recent report of the German Commission of the Berlin
learn that the new edition of Wi< Lmd is so far advanced
that arrangements have been made to begin printing. The first volumes
to appear will be the 'Jiigendsehrifton' edited by Dr Homryer, Berlin,
and the Translation of Shakespeare edited by Dr stadler, Sttaasburg.
Or the Deutsche TeMe ties Nittetalters, volumes VIII, IX and xm have
just been com pie ted and the Archive is now in possession of over
3000 descriptions of manuscripts, of which about two-thirds h >
catalogued
Of editions of German classical writers in course of publication
or announced we note as being of particular interest, the following:
The six-volume ' Yolks-Goethe, which has been edited by Trot
Erich Schmidt for the Qoetfae Geselbehaft (Weimar, Bohlau), is almost
ready for publication, end the new edition o\' Hireel'a Derjunge Goethe
will be published by the Insel-Verlag in Leipzig in May. A new edition
of Brentano's S&ndlich* UYv/o edited by GL Schllddekop^ is announced
by *e littller in Munich, and the same firm has just issued the
first vuhnm of a ' historisch-kritische' edition of E, T. A. Hoffmann's
S&mtliche WeAe, edited by C. It. v*>n Maassen, It is to be hoped that
the edition of Brentano will be followed by what is even a still greater
desideratum to the student of German Romantic literature, a complete
edition of Arniius works. The firm of Hesse in Leipzig has just issued
the first three volumes of Umbo's SdmUickt HVr/v, to be completed in
fifty volumes.
OoBBgonov. On page 124 (January number) delete the last two
Bdntenoes of the oote on rucus.
M. L, K. Ill,
21
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
December, 1907— February, 1908.
GENERAL.
Hertz, W., Aus Dichtung und Sage. Vortrage und Aufsatze. Stuttgart,
Cotta. 3 M.
Meillet, A., Introduction a l'&ude comparative des langues indo-europcennes.
2e ecL Paris, Hachette. 10 fr.
Vaughan, C. E., Types of Tragic Drama. London, Macmillan. 5*. net.
Volkelt, J., Zwischen Dichtung und Philosophie. Qcsainmelte Aufsatze.
Munich, Beck. 8 M.
ROMANCE LANGUAGES.
Bibliotheca romanica. 41 — 44, Cervantes Saavedra, Cinco novelas ejemplares ;
45, Camdes, Os Lusiadas, v — vn ; 46, Moliere, L'Avare. Strassburg, Hertz.
Each number, 40 pf.
Melanges Chabaneau. n. Teil. (Romanische Forschungen, xxm. Band.)
Erlangen, F. Junge. 25 M.
Richter, E., Die Bedeutungsgeschichte der romanischen Wortsippe bur(d).
Vienna, Holder. 4 Kr.
Italian.
Canilli, A., V opera poetica di Emilio Praga. Saggio di letteratura con-
temporanea. Milan, Signorelli e Pallestrini. 1 L. 50.
Carducci, G., Da un carteggio inedito di. Con prefazione di A. Messi. Rocca
S. Casciano, Cappelli. 3 L.
Della Torre, A., Saggio di una bibliographia delle opere intorno a Carlo
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Volume III
JULY, 1908
Number 4
D ANTE'S LYRICAL METRES: HIS THEORY
AND PRACTICE.
The object of this paper is in the first place to give a sketch of
Dante s theory of lyrical metres as outlined is the De Vylgori Ehqm
with some reference I" the souxGea from which it is derived and its
connection with other metrical treatises of contemporary, or nearly
contemporary, date ; and secondly to analyse the structure of his lyrical
poems, considering how far they exemplify his metrical theory, or add
to uur knowledge of it*
The De Vulgar i Elo<{ttentia has the special interest of being the
earliest extant treatise on Italian poetry, as Dante himself states at the
opening of Book i; — 'cum neininetn ante nos de vulgaris eloquentiae
doctrina quicquam invoniamus trad&oae : words which it is impossible to
reconcile with the ill-authenticated tradition that his special friend, Guide
Cavafcanti, who died before banks treatise can have been GOmpOOed, had
written 00 the yeCTMICIllw grammar and rhetoric. It is clear, however,
that Dante'e metrical doctrines and practice were largely derived,
directly OT indirectly, from Pftwenfal literature, to which allusion is
probably made in WOfdfl that follow those quoted above: — * Eton solum
Bqaam uostri ingenii ad tantum poculum haorientee, Bed, aoctpiendo ve!
oompilandc ab aliis r potiora miaoantea 1 (i t 1, 11. 13 — 15)*« This fact
- special interest to the Provencal the Leys d'amon, which,
although it was not written before the second quarter of the fourteenth
centm v, and was not completed till aboni UoO.ia valuable as preserving
the traditions, and summing up the practice, of a much earlier time.
The date of the lie Vulgori Eloqutntia is BUppoeed <>n internal evidence
to be about 1305 -B : some interval between books 1 and 2 is Btiggec
by the opening Of the latter ad calamum frugi operifl rftfattftftft 1 Both
booke are dearly Bttbeequenl bo Dante's exile in 180% to which refer-
1 The lelVivnces Are to tbe t.Krfunl Dante,
M. L. R. II
22
314 Dante'* Lyrical Metres: his Theory and Pravf
book 2 (chap, ti i
\M made twice in book I (chaps, it and 17) and once
The work is therefore contemporary with the commentary composed by
Francesco da Barberino for his DoounUMti d\ittmre, fur the Document*
apparently written before 1*296, and the commentary which
includes notes * de variis inveniendi et rimandi modis' 1 is stated by
EVa&ceeoo da Barberino himself to have occupied him for sixteen years
(? 1296-1512)
There ore only three other metrical treatises bo which it will be
-sary to refer oreasionally. The first is that of Antonio da Tempo: —
I In Stuiitna art}* rititimici (sc. dictum in is ) or An rithimontm etdgarium
composed in 1332, and dedicated to Alberto della Sea la , 8 ignore of
Verona. The second is Gidino da Sommaeampagna's TraUaio tie li
rkythimi rolgari in the Veronese dialect, cumpusetl nut long after 1350,
and dedicated also bo a Scaliger, viz. Antonio della Scala, who was
'podesta' of Verona 1375-1387. The third and last is the Poetica of
Trissino, who, it may be noted, mentions Dante and Antonio da Tempo
as his only ] >rs. Of this treatise the first book, which alone
DOdOernfl us, was pubHahed in 1529, in which year Trissino also produced
his Italian translation of the J)e Vulgari Etofjuetttut.
Anyone who reads Dante s treatise far the first time must be sur-
prised and puzzled by the peculiarity of its metrical terminology. This
applies not only to unusual words, but also to common words such as
1 pea, 1 'carmen,' 'metnim*' 'dimeter/ which are used by Dante in
senses entirely different from those which they usually beer, and perhaps
due to him alone. This will appear in the following sketch, in which it is
imposed to shew how Dante builds up the metrical structure from the
syllable to the ltne t from the line to the Combination of lines in w T hat we
may call a* period/ though Dante does not use the term: and lastly
from tho period to the combination of periods in a stanza, or rather in
the three lyrical forms which he used, viz, those of the canzone, the
ballaba and the eonet&O,
The primary element is the ' syllable, 1 U might be expected in any
theory of Romance metres, in which no account is taketi of the ' foot/ the
different forms of line being distinguished by the number of syllables,
not of feet, which the line contains-. This marks at once the distinction
between Romance and Germanic metres, in which latter the number <>f
syllables is comparatively indifferent, the primary unit being the fool
which may be represented by one, two, three or even four syllables.
1 Cf. Ill Vnhj. Shi. "» 1.
ft, 5 ami e, 12.
11. 6 f. * inrentoribiw, in vet) turn.'
C. B, UKBEIIDEX
315
The different farms of line which Dante recognises as legitimate are
only four, viz. those of eleven, 107611, five and three syllables: but the
last of these is not to be used in the " tragic 1 style, except as funning a
part of a line, when m interna! rhyme falls upon the second and third
syllables. The nine-syllable line is rejected as it is also in the Leys
(I amors, the reasons given by Dante for its rejection being that it is the
triple of the trisyllable, and was never held in esteem, or had fallen out
of use l propter fastidium. 1 Lines containing an even number of syllables
are all rejected, as being rarely used, ostensibly for the curious reason
that they 'retain the nature of their numbers' 1 and even numbers are
'subject to 1 C subsistunt ") odd numbers, as matter is to form-. But the
real reason fur their rejection seems to be that, as in the majority td
Italian won Is the accent falls upon the penultimate syllable, the normal
rhymes are dissyllabic* not monosy llabic j and as, moreover, the DM
used by Dante are exclusively * rising 1 not 'falling' rhythms, 'iambic'
not * trochaic,' in accordance with the general practice of Italian poetry,
it follows that the linos must consist of an odd, not an even, number of
syllables. Of the three normal linefi the In .-iideeasy llabic is by far the
most frequent and the most important All the 'cautioner illustres'
according to Dante begin with a hendecasyllable, fur it is to he noted
that, wrongly, as it seems, he regards all those Provencal lines which
appear to contain only ten syllables as being in reality hendecasyllabie,
the WOld 'eanturs/ for example*, at the end of a line being according to
him trisyllabic, the *r' and 's' funning a distinct syllable, And not
only must the stanza begin with a heiidecasyllable, but the hendeca-
syllable must be predominant throughout. Next in order of importance
is the heptasy liable, the peat&eyllable coming last.
In this classification it is bo bfi observed that, just as haute does Dot
recognise the * foot' as a higher unit between the syllable and the line,
BO neither does he recognise any section. kw\qv, combination of feet,
short id the line. Yet that the Italian bendecaayllable u composed of
two sections is obvious from the fact that there is al\\;r as, i.e., an
accentuated syllable, falling in the middle oi the line as w i the
end: i.e., either the fourth or the sixth sv liable as weD at the tenth is
accentuated. This is in agreement with the doctrine of the Leys cPamors
where l1 ifl said that in the ten-syllable line (corresponding to the Italian
hendeeasy liable) there i> a pause after the fourth, though not indeed
after the sixth, syllable.
ii, 0,5,11 B8 I
3 Cp. i, 16, II. 53-5.
! ii, 0, 5i
22—2
316 Dante s Lyrical Metres : his Theory and
The term which Dante uses for the line is 'carmen/— a use which,
though not classical, is found in post-classical writers. Another term
which he occasionally uses is 'nietruin/ e.g., in Book ii, e. 11; hence
1 dimeter/ l trimeter/ and the like, which in ordinary metrical language
mean certain combinations of simple or doubl* f'.-.-t, its the case mav be,
not being required by Dante in such meanings, denote in the De Vulgari
Eloqitentia the number uf lines or c carmina/ the * dimeter' being two
lines, the 'trimeter' three lines and so on. For this use I have found
no parallel, The familiar term for the line, namely ' versus/ is, as will
be seen, employed by Dante in a special and peculiar sense.
We have new to see how the stanza or strophe is built up. Dante
-nises only three forms of lyrical stanza in contrast to alius
illegitimos et irregularis modos/ viz., (1) the 'eantio per superexcel-
lentii mzone, (2) the l ballata/ and (8) the * sunitus '
(sonnet) 1 . Of these the canzone is the most 'noble/ the sonnet the
least, the ballata intermediate in the scale of dignity. The reasons
assigned for the superiority of the canzoni to the ballate are not only
that they bring their authors more honour and are regarded a> move
precious and that they alone comprise the whole of the poet's art, but
also that they produce their effect without any adventitious jiid while the
ballate * indigent plausoribus* (ii, 3, 1. 30), require performers. The
meaning of this latter expression is generally supposed to be that they
require 'musicians' to accompany the words, and this is the interpret-
tion of Trissinn who in his Italian translation renders ' plausores ' by
'sonatori/ But it seems probable that it should be translated 'dancers,'
in support of which may be quoted ' Pars pedibus pianduitt choreas/
Yirg. Aen. t 6, b"44, and GWoP, Ifl ' plattdente chorea,' though the reading
there is doubtful This interpretation is in harmony with the meaning
of * ballata/ which is a song accompanied with dancing. That the
'ballata 1 is superior in dignity to the sonnet is, according to Dain
universally admitted. Of these three forma Dante describes the first
only : the other two were to have been discussed in Book iv (ii, 4, 1. 12).
For the analysis of their structure it will be necessary to examine the
extant specimens and to refer to the aeeoimts <>f them given by the
metricians. Of the canzone there are two species, which differ according
as the stanzas of which they are composed are divisible or indivisible.
Those which are indivisible are sung to a melody which extends over
the whole stanza without any repetition, ' quaedam sunt sub una oda
continua usque ad ultimum progressive, hoc est sine iteratione modu-
I ii. 3, 1.10; ii, 8 f 1.59.
C. B. HCBEKDEN
317
lationis cuiusquam et sine diesi ' (ii, 10, 11. lfi-21). These are the rarer
forms and in Dante's <\{h:<>niere are represented only by the three
normal sestine and possibly by the * double BesfctOA referred to in
ii, 13, 1. 90 as 'novum alirpiid atyoe int.* ntatum artis/ which according
to Trissino is indivisible, though there is some doubt whether he is
right. It would be Ottt of place here to give a complete account of this
highly artificial Win which was invented by the Provencal troubadour
A mail t Daniel, of whom Dante makes Uuido Utriuizelli speak with
admiration in Purg* xxvi, 117, as a 'miglior fabbro del parlar materno/
It seems to have found little favour, for there are said to be only four
Pruvwirnl specimens extant, and Dante was the first to introdur. it
into Italian literature ; using it however only in the poems belonging
to the curious 'pietra' group. As to its sfcroefcovBt, it will be sufficient
for the present purpose to say that each of the three single 'sestine'
attributed to Dante consists of six stauzas containing six lines of ele\. n
Syllables, each ending with one of six different words which recur in
each stanza in varying order, Each sestina is closed by a ' tornata ' (of
which more will be said presently) consisting of three lines, containing
three or six of the recurrent final words which have just been referred to.
All the other stanzas in Dante's eanzuni belong to the class of
divisible stanzas. The characteristics of this class are not only that the
i is divisible but also that it always involves at least one repetition
of the same metrical structure, and therefore of the melody to which the
csanaone was originally intended to be sung. The repetition may be
either before or after the point of division, or there may be a repetition
both before and after it. What the technical term for the dividing
point is, whether 'diesis 1 or 'dieresis,' is not absolutely certain. It is
mentioned seven times in Book ii, c. 10, in all which instances the MSS.
have the form 'diesis': once in & 12 and once in c. 13, in both which
instances the UBS. have 'diereeW The definition which Dante gives of
the term is as follows (ii, 10, 11. 21-3); 'dtestm dicinnis deduction' r n
nh in do una oda in aliam,' which apparently means 'a transition
from one melody to another/ tie ,[ structure and therefore the
melody being changed at this point, Uon the regular meanin:
diesis, which is a well known term in Greek music, is certain: it is an
interval which is a division of a tone, being usually a quarter-tone,
though sometimes none. This bears little or no analogy to the
required here: \i/~, that of a division (Trieaina'a translation is
D the two paitl of a strophe. This however may be
said ako of the fcero the usual sense of which is a d : ' •■ of a
318 Tkmte's Lyrical Metres: 4m Theory and Practice
diphthc
vowek. thus
ling two syllables. And
that 'diesis' is probably the right reading is indicate! by a passage in
the Origines of Isid f Seville, iii, 20 'diesis eat spatia quaedam «r
deductiottes niodulandi atque verr/otdi de nun in alterum son una ,' — words
which certainly seem to be the origin of Dante s definition, though
probably misunderstood by hint That the won! in any case, whether
'diesis 07 ' dieresis/ was unfamiliar and would not have bees ' under-
standed of the people' is shewn by Dante's remark, ' banc vol tain
vocamus cum vulgus alloquimur f (ii, 10, 11. 23-4), It has been Mnomcd
in what has been said that the required sense is that of the dividing
point between the two divisions into which the stanza tails, but this,
though most probable, is not indisputable, It might be thought that
the definition implies not a point, but a passage, of transition, and in
this connection it may be noticed that in all but one 1 of the twent\
canzoni printed in the Oxford Dante* as well as in Ballata 7, which is
in reality not a ballata but a canzone, the first line of the second
division is linked by rhyme with the last line of the first di vision: a
device which Dante calls quaedam ipsius stantiae concatenatio pulcra *
(ii s 18, 1. 4(i). It is therefore possible, and has been maintained, that tin-
tine which thus forms a link between the two parts, and not the point
of division, may be the diesis.'
It has been seen above that in the ' divisible stanza there must be
at least one repetition of metrical structure whether before or after the
' diesis/ and that there may be a repetition both before and after it.
If the repetition occurs only before the dividing [joint, the stanza is
said to have 'pedes 4 : if it occurs only after the dividing point, the
stanza is said to have 'versus/ If there is do repetition before the
' diesis/ the first part of the stanza is called ' from ' : if the second part
contains no repetition, it is called ' cauda * or 'airoia 1 (or as the MSS.
have in c. 10 'sirinia'). There are thus three forms of the divisible
stanza : (1 ) pedes + versus, (2) pedes + cauda, (8) frons + versus. These
uses of the words 'pedes' and 'versus* — words so common in other
metrical senses — are very peculiar, but whether they were first so
applied by Dante is uncertain, Dante calls special attention to the
distinction between his use of 'pes' and that of the * regulati poetae/
i.e., the Latin poets, 'quia illi carmen ex pedibus, ims vero ex carmini-
bus pedom eonstare dicimus' (ii, 11, 11 57-9), i.e., according to him the
* pedes ' are coin posed of lines, according to them the lines are comp
of pedes/ There will be occasion to return to the history of the term
1 The exception i* the fragment In Pftd $nora, c.
B. HEBERDEX
319
' piles' when dealing with the sonnet. Scarcely less peculiar in Dante's
use of * versus' which differ from the 'pedes' only in their position in
fche stanza: i.e., in coining after, instead of before, the diesis. Possibly
'versus' maybe a translation of the vernacular 'volta need by Francesco
da Barberino to denote the same thing. If so, ( volta * and ■ versus '
wmdd both mean a turn : i.e., the turning point together with all that
follows it. But the inconvenience of using words so liable to be inis-
Undeirtood as 'pedes' and 'versus 1 in this connection was felt by
Trissino who accordingly employs * base ' to represent Dante's ' pedes '
and, like Barberino, ■ volte ' to represent Dante's ' versus,' It may be
noted in passing that in the Convivio f Vend* 9 is .need frequently in yet
another sense, viz., that of stanza.
The word frons 7 denoting the fini part of the stanza, when that
pari is indivisible, presents no special interest or difficulty : it is some-
what different with the word 'sinna' or 'sirima' denoting the latter
pari of the stanza, when that part is indivisible. As to the form of the
word there is considerable doubt. The MSS. give 'sirima' in c, 10 and
'sinna' in c. 11. Trissino, biith in his translation of the De Vulgari
Elotptetttitt and in bis Poetica> has ' sirima/ * Sinna' (or * syrma ') is the
I freak avppa, a "train* of a dress; and is defined in Du Cange as ^genus
vestis tragicorum vel eauda seu tractus vestis feniinarmn.' It appoaifl
also to have been used in the terminology both of rhetoric and of music,
meaning, in the former, rhetorical amplification, in the latter, a pro-
longed note, Of musical phrases or melodies appended to the close of n
psalm or antiphon. Dr Toynbee has however pointed out to me that
tie- form used by Dante was probably 'syrina,' this being the word
ii in the CaihoUeon of Giovanni da (Jenova, whose authority was
Uguccione da Pisa, ilie author of Dante's Latin Dictionary. Giovanni
explains the word as meaning l Cauda vestis feminartuii * : and in the
last edition of Du Cange the form 'sirina* is given, with the explanation
1 cauda vestis : fimbria. 4 This form, connected with 'syren/ seems to be
due to a mistake on the part of these early glossarists, and to a confusinn
with the proper form 'sinna.' In any case it will be noticed that both
'sinna' (or 'sirima'* and ' sirina ' are glossed by ' cauda, T Dant. >
alternative term for the part of th<' BfNWa which is in question.
For Danie 9 i account of one spedal feature in tin- eansone not men-
tioned in the De Vulga/ri Eloqitmtia, reference must be marie t«> the
Cnitririth This is the ' tornata ' (Provencal * tornada') which is found in
17 out of the I] eanaoni printed in th / Dante. ' It is generally/
I )ante(Cbll9. ii, 12, 1. 7), 'called "tornata*' because t fate poets who first
320 Dante's Lyri&d Metres: his Theory and Practice
made a practice of composing it, did so in order that, when the canzone
had been sung through, a return might be made to the* canzone itself
with a certain part of the song' (i.e., the p^et turned to address his
canzone, and in doing so repeated a portion of the metrical structure
and melody of the preceding stanzas). ' I T however/ he continues, 'have
seldom composed it with this intention, and in order that this might be
perceived by others* I have seldom set it in BOGOrd with the structure of
the canzone as far as concerns the metre which is essential to the music*
(La, the metre and accompanying melody are seldom the same as in the
preceding part). 'But I composed it when anything was required by
way of ornament to the canzone over and above its general purport/
In the three canzoni commented on in th to, as almost without
exception in Dante, the ( tornata * takes the form of an address to the
canzone itself, and this is in harmony with what he says ay. io the
practice of those who original iy used it. But his re i D arks as to
his own practice in respect of metre cannot be reconciled with the
structure of the 'tornata 1 in the extant canzoni. In five instances the
'tornata 1 is identical in form with the preceding stanzas as in Vonvivxo, iii.
In five instances the metrical structure is that of the 'eirma, 1 and in five
others it is equivalent to a portion of the 'simia'; only in two i
dors it differ altogether from the l sirma/ and in one of these (Cans, ix) it
is probable that the * tornata ' now appended to the canzone did not
originally belong to it. It cannot therefore be said that, so far as the
existing canzoni are concerned, Dante seldom composed the 'tornata'
in a metre that would fit a part of the preceding melody. It appeal's
however that the 'tornata 1 is on the whole in Italian poetry less often
identical in structure with what has preceded than in Provencal, and
this may probably be accounted for by the supposition that the Italian
CUUXffli were not so regularly composed with a view to being sung,
though it will be remembered that Dante's 'Amor che nella mente mi
ragiona, 1 the theme of Con virtu, hi, is sung by I /asella in Purg. ii t 112,
and in De Vtdg. Eloq. ii, 10, 1. 15, it is said that 'omnia stantia ad
quandam odaui recipiendam armonizata i
Having now outlined the structure of the canzone as given in the
De Vnhjari Elutjiwntia we must turn to the existing canzoni in order to
see whether, or to what extent, tb<v conform to the rules there laid
down. And first as to the length of the lines Tin* hendecasyllable
invariably begins the stanza, and it is also emphatically predominant in
all the canzoni. The stanza is entirely composed of heiidecasyllables in
Cam. i and vi. The heptasyllable occurs only once in the stanza in
V. B. HEBERDEN
:V2\
. iii, iv T vii, xv, xvi ; unty twice in Canz, ii, xiv, xxi ; three times
in Gang, \\ xi, xii ; four times in Cans, ix, xiii, xviii; i.e., the hendeca-
syllable is found exclusively in two, the fenrasyllable occurs once in
five, and between few© and four times in nine: while the number of
lines in the whole stanza varies between the minimum of thirteen and
the maximum of twenty** >ne. The largest number of lines shorter than
the hendecasyllable is found in Qan$, viii, x, xix, xx (all of them, be it
observed, belonging to the ethical and didactic group), and lastly in
Ball, vii, which, as has already been mentioned, is not a ballata but a
canzone. AH these contain more than rive heptasyllables, which Dante
apparently regards as the largest permissible number (De Vulg. Eloq* ii,
12, 1, 86). Thus Ball, vii contains six heptasyllables in a total of eighteen
lints, Cam. viii contains seven in twenty lines, Ctatff. x nine in twenty-
one lines, Cans, xx sewn in eighteen lints, Caaz, xvii and xix must be
taken together as being the only canzoni of Dante which shew an
internal rhyme. Cattz. xvii consists indeed entirely of hendccasyllables,
but in two of these lines has an internal rhyme on the fourth and fifth
syllables. Carte, xix is still more elaborate: it contains ten hendeca-
syllables, is two of which there is an internal rhyme on the second and
third syllables, seven heptasyllables, and two pentasyllables, one in each
'pes' (compete ii, 12, I, 52, where it is said that there should not be
more than one pentasyllable in the whole stanza, or at most two in the
'pedes'). Even in this, the nmst complicated, in metrical struetiu
all Dante's CbftfOftt, the bend* GAayUable is still just predominant With
regard to the division of tin- stanza into 'pedes/ 'versus/ 'frons* and
^inna/ the facts are as follows. The division into ' pedes ' is invariable,
and each of the 'pedes 1 is usually of three or four lines, the only
exceptions being Cbto % which has fivv lines in tie pee, 1 and Canz. xix
which has six. There an , strictly speaking, only tw<« iiistane, a ►!
us* pure and simple. One is Qam, i, which falls into two % pedes'
of four lines each, and two ' versus' of three tines each, being identical
in tlirtii with the sonnet, and differing from it only in the number of
the stanzas, and in the arrangement of the rhymes, for the first line of
the beroetfl thymes with the last of the tjuatrains t and does not, as usually
in the sonnet, introduce a new rhyme. Tie second instance is the
celled Ballata vii t which has two 'pedes' of four lines each, and two
of five lines each. In addition however to these two canzoni,
DOS. xiv, xvii, and xviii may perhaps be regarded as affording instances
of ' versus ' with a ' cautla ' added : viz., of t WO lines in dm xiv, of one
line in Cans* svii, and of three lines in Cam** xviii. But there is
^l'l* Dcmte'a Lyrical Metire*i his Theory cund Practia
HO reference to such tin addition in any passage of the De Vuijf
Eloquentia.
With regard feo the arrangement of the rhymes it has already h
observed that the next line after the * diesis' generally rhymes with the
preceding line, as in Cbmt. i referred to just above; and the last two
lines of the stanza generally rhyme together, in accordance with />e
l^/;/, Bloq. ii, 1*1, 11 50-2, 'pulcerrinie tain en se habent ultimoruni car-
minum desinentiae si cum rithimo in silentium cadant.' Hetv it may
in passing be noticed that Dante, following the example of some other
medieval treatises on metre, alway> uses for rhyme the word l rithiinus,*
which he neVer employs in any other >. n- . except ODOG in th> Epistle
to Can Grande, IK 17!) ff, where he says, speaking of the Divine ( f *tmedy,
that the whole work is divided into three ' (antique, ea<-h (Ymtiea ' into
* Cant us/ and each ' Cantus * into ' Rithimi ' (apparently — tercets). On
the other hand in the Cunvivio (i, 10, I 88) 'rittno' means rhythm, and
*rima' (iv, 2, 1. 102) is said to have a narrower and a wide the
narrower equivalent to rhyme, the wider feo rhythmical and rh\
composition.
It appears, on the whole survey, that the structure of all the
canzoni printed in the Oxford Dante, with the exception of five, in-
cluding Hall, vii, harmonises with the principles formulated in Ike D§
Vttlffari Eloauentia. Of these five exceptions one (no* viii) is the
canzone at the beginning of Conv. iv, two (nos. x and xix) are quoted as
his own by Dante in V, £, ii, 2, I 93 (where he speaks of the author as
a friend of Cino) and in ii, 12, L 64 These canzoni, therefore, though
m>r altogether conforming to Dante's rules, are indisputably his com-
positi<»n, and either he held different opinions at different times as to
what was permissible, or he deliberately adopted in these five instances
a slightly [en dignified style, an ' elegiae umbraculum 1 (ii, 12, 1. 4!h Bfl
ho tells us had been done by Guido Ghisilieri and Fabruzzo de' Lam*
b<Ttazzi T who had composed canzoni in which the stanza began with a
heptasyllable. In any case the discrepancy between Dante's theory
and practice in these instances is a warning that it is unsafe to infer
on metrical grounds alone the spuriousness of any of the poems the
authenticity of which may be on other grounds doubtful. The com-
position of the De Vulgari Eloquent* a, as we have seen, probably Falls
within the last fifteen years of Dante's life: and it need not be supposed
that he must have always followed the rules which he lays down in this
later work.
That the structure of the Italian canzone was derived from Provencal
C- B. HEBERDRN
323
poetry, though it is not described in the Leys tfamors, is shewn by the
Provencal poetry that bm come down bo us, and here, as in Dante, the
tripartite division of the stanza into r md a ' sirma ' appears
to be the commonest The same .structure is found in the work of the
Minnesinger and Meistersinger. and ran be traced batik BB tar aa the
last quarter of the twelfth century when the Minnesinger began tu be
influenced by French and Provencal models; and there is a metrical
terminology for it which was coined by the Meistersinger. The German
'StoUe®' correspond to Dante's 'pedes, 1 and the ' Abgesang' to the 'sirma/
■ Stolh-u/ rt vmologically connected with the vrrh ' stellen/ means a
prop/ " post/ ' loot' (of a piece of furniture), and bears thriven some
analogy to the term * pedes/ as does also < teb&ado 1 to stantia/ 'stanza/
The principles governing the structure of the ballata and the Bonnet
it was Dante's intention to elucidate in Book iv of the De Vuigari
Eloifiti'ntia (ii, 4, 1. 12), where he proposed to treat of the 'mediocre'
vernacular as distinguished from the ; i I lustre * or * aulieum ' or * nobilis-
.si mum ' and 'tragic 1 style with which Book ii is exclusively Occupied.
In order therefore to arrive at their structure we can use only the
BZtatlt specimens and the oldest treatises on Italian metre. Both
Antonio da Tempo and GidittO give fairly long accounts of the ballata
and its various forms. The name, as Qidino SBJ9, find as we have already
seen, is given to it because it was, originally at least, accompanied by
the dance 1 , and corresponding, though slightly different, forms are in the
/,< >/s ePomom denominated 'danaa 1 and 'bale. 1 What characterises the
ballata is the ' reaponaorimn/ ' ripresa/ ' refrain/ with which the poem
begin* Dante is therefore distinguishing the eanaone from the ballata
when he says that the former is sine reaponeorio' (ii, H t L 70), This
refrain was n peatcd at the close of each stanza, or, at least, at the end
of the entire poem, for authorities appear to differ on this point
Antonio da Tempo says 'vocatur autem prima pars ideo repilog&tio quia
de Qonanetudin€ approbate a tan to tempore citra cuius non I
m»-mori;i est ijuod statim finito «aiilu alteriUfl [\alietiiusj vultae vel
omnium verbnimn alicuius ballata imunt et rcpdogant ac
repetunt primam partem in eanta et ipsam iterate eantant/ (Jidino:
'item nota die la ditta prima parte de la ballata lifi CanZQtte ee
appellada represa o sia resposa, per eaxone che Q0&A totfto QOme 6€
oompinto de oanfcarc la volta de una etoncia de la ditta ballata <> sia
canzone, inconteneute lo nine, e canta ancora la ditta
prima parte de la ballata o m ae light is thrown upon the
1 *A |i» CflTlt' ^O.
$24 Dante's Lyrical Metre*: his Theory and Prm
method of performance by what is said in connection with the poems
inserted in kite Decameron at the end of each day, which are called by
Boccaccio canzone' or ' ball at el I a/ but are all of the same type as the
ordinary ballate such as we find in Dante, Each of them is sung by a
singer, accompanied apparently by the dance, which is distinctly
mentioned at the close <4 the first day : ' Lauretta prese una danza
e quelle inriin, oantando Emilia la seguente canzone/ and on the second
'I By both the dance and the repetition of the retrain in chorus are
indicated: ' menando Emilia la carola, la seguente canzone da Pampiima.
rispoildendo- 1 1 alt re, fu cantata/ The same phrase 'rispondendo l'a
recurs on the third day. and on the eighth day * la canzone de Pamphila
haveva fine, alia quale quantunque per tutti fosse compiiuameiit.-
risposto ' etc.
The complete structure of the ballata is as follows: The refrain with
which it begins is followed by two 'pedes' or ' mutazioni ' : and tbeae
are in turn followed by a ' volta* which is of the same metrical form as
tin r< train, and partly, if not wholly, rhymes with it, Francesco da
Barberino lays down the rnle that the first line of the * volta * must
rhyme with the line immediately preceding it, and to this rule the
only ome exception in the ballate printed in the Oxford Lhiuiv. viz, no, iv,
which is now ascertained to be tin composition not of Dante but of
Guido Cavalcanti.
The different kinds of ballate enumerated by Antonio da Tempo and
Gidinoare distinguished by the varying number of lines contained in
the refrain. Of Dante's ballate three have refrains of three lines, and
five have refrains of four lines; while another (no. viii) is abnormal in
not having any division into 'pedes/ As in the canzone, the hendet a-
sy liable is predominant in all but one instance (no. viii). The form of
Cavalcanti's ballata is distinguished from that of all the others attributed
bo Da&to as being entirely composed of lieptasyllables with the exception
of a single hendecasyllable in the % responsorium ' and ' volta ' : and even
this hendecasyllable has an internal rhyme on the sixth and the seventh
syllables. No. viii, however, is somewhat similar in form as it has only
three hendecasyllables, and the responsorium and volta are composed of
heptasyllables exclusively.
In passing from the ballata to the sonnet we are <»n more familiar
ground* The division of the sonnet into two puts, oi eight lines and
six lines respectively, is obvious: but questions have been raised
the origin of the form and the elements of which it is composed. These
seem to have been now finally decided by Biadene in his exhaustive
C. B. UEBERDEN
325
essay on the Morfotogia del Sonetto in the Sttidj di filologut ront<
vol iv. He has there shewn both by internal evidence! i.e., the position
of the pauses in the sense, and also by the arrangement of the lines in
the eldest MSS. containing sonnets, that they were originally regarded as
consisting of eight lines divided into four couplets, and six lines divided
into tw.i tercets, though later the first eight lines were regarded as
being divided not into four couplets but into two quatrains. Biadene's
conclusion is borne out bv the statement of our earliest metrician,
Francesco da Bnrberino, who divides the *somtium ' into four * pedes ' of
two lines each (one line in each couplet being however a heptasyl table)
and two 'mutae' of three lines each. This original division is further
indicated by the fact that, the arrangement of rhymes ab ab ab ab
is older than that of abba abba. And even the sestet wus probably
in origin a combination of three couplets, no1 of two tercels, the earliest
arrangement of rhymes being cd cd cd. In other words, according to
Biadene, the sonnet was a combination of a L strambotto * of eight lines
with one of six, 'strambotto* being a Sicilian term for a stanza usually
of eight, sometimes of six, lines, containing two rhymes, rhyming in
Alteitl&te lines, the first with the third, the second with the fourth, and
bo "ii. In illustration of Francesco da Berberifio'a use of the term
pedes," and as indicating perhaps a popular Origin for that terminology,
Biadene points out that the modem Sicilians call both the single lines
and the couplets of the strambotto ' piedi.' It is cm ions that our three
earliest metricians use the word * pes ' or piede' in connection with the
sonnet in different Msneea With Francesco da Barberino, as has been
seen, it is applied to each of the first lour conpfets; with Antonio da
Tempo each of the first eight tines is a* pes'; with Qidino, departing
for Alice from the footsteps of Antonio da Tempo, whom he usually
follows, it is the name given to each of the tjitatraivs: a use which was
natural when the first part of the sonnet had come to be regarded as
falling into two quatrains, and which is also in harmony with the use of
the term as applied to the canzone.
The metrical characteristics of Dante s BOBOBtfl OaD be stated
shortly. Putting aside the two 'gonetti doppi ' which are the second
and fourth in the l* ; >w, but including tin three addressed t««
, then are 52 i J i the Q&ford Dante. In all of these the arrange-
ment of rhymes in the quatrains is either aha b or abba: the lattei
tin the inosi frequent (48, aa against 9), There is much greater
. in the arrangement "Stet, which contains sometimes I
sometimes three, rhytn of each being almost exactly
326 Dante's Lyriccd M his Theory and Practi
equal, viz., 26 with two rhymes, 25 with three; while one sonnet (liii)
is peculiar in introducing into the sestet one of the rhymes in the
quatrains, the arrangement of the whole being abab abab ode bde.
The various types, arranged in order of frequency arc as follows: — cdc
dcd (12 instances): cde dee ill); edd doc (9)j ode ado
c do cde (6) ; cdc cdc ( 5 ).
The facts aa to the number of rhymes may 1m* sum man sed thus: —
(1) There an never mora than rive aor lees than four.
(2) The octave always contains two and <>nly two.
(3) When in the sestet there are only two rhymes, either eaeh
occurs three times, or one ocenra four timet and the other twice. The
latter is the rarer case (!> instances as against 17 of the former).
Their remain the two instances of'aonetti doppi' Of 'sonetti rinti i-
sati, 1 which are two Domes (or the same thing, 'doppi being the older,
'rinterzati' the later term (not found apparently 1»« ji.n the fifteenth
century). In this form the sonnet is expanded (I) by the insertion of
a heptasyllabic line between the first and second line of each couplet,
so that the quatrains are extended to six lines each ; (2) by the inser-
tion of one or two heptasyllables in each tercet, which is therefore
extended to four or live lines. In Dante's two 'sonetti doppi / onlj
heptasyllahle is inserted in each of the tercets, although this form, in
which the entire sonnet consists of 22 lines, seems to have oome into
existence later than the sonnet of 24 lines containing two heptasyllables
in eaeh of the tercets. The two sonnets in question (no& ii and iv) are
precisely similar in the arrangement of the long and short lines and
differ only in the order of the rhymes.
A further expansion of the ' sonetto doppio * is found in another
sonnet attributed to Dante, viz., that on the 'council of the birds 1
('quando ii consiglio degli augei si tenne'), but the critics arc niuch
divided on the question of its authenticity. From a metrical point of
view it is in any case abnormal, for the tercets are expanded to six lines
each, the first being exactly similar to the six lines of the expanded
quatrains, and the second being further irregular in introducing a fresh
rhyme, as well as a different arrangement of the long and short lines,
BO that it differs in form from the preceding six lines.
In conclusion something may be said on a question of more general
scope than the technical matters which have been the subject of this
paper, It has Keen seen that the canzotii which are undoubtedly
authentic are oo the whole in harmony with the doctrine of the second
ok of the Be Vnhjari Eloquentm. It has however been asserted that
C. B, HEBKRDEN
327
iii another respect Dante 8 greatest work is in flagrant contradiction
with this book, is, in fact, a repudiation of it: 00 the ground that in
the treatise it is maintained that the greatest themes;, viz. t 'anus,'
"love/ and 'virtue/ are to he treated in the most excellent style, that
of the 'cantioiies' or * canzoni/ whereas in the Divine Comedy the
greatest themes art* treated in a totally different form of poetry , Blich as
might be classed with the 'alms illegitimos et irregularis modcp J which
are contrasted with the canzone, the ballata, and the sennit in De
VaUj. Btoq. t ii, 3j L 10, It would he strange if there were this complete
divorce between the theory ol the De Vultjuri Elwjuentia and the
pnus&ioe of the Divine Comedy, which must, at least, have been begun soon
after the second book of the tn atise was written. But is this a neces-
sary or a natural conclusion? In the first place it must be remembered
that the second book of the De Vulgari Eloquent ia deals only with
lyrical poetry, ami that the subject-matter and general design of the
Co wed if preclude lyrical treatment. If it be maintained that accord-
ing to Dante the highest subjects can only be treated worthily in the
form of the canzone, we are reduced to the absurdity of supposing that
Dante must have regarded the treatment of such subjects in an epic
form ftfl inadmissible. In the second place it must be borne in mind
that the canzone is, according to the treatise, the form appropriate to
the 'tragic* style alone: and the very fact that Dante himself styles
his poem a r coiaed| u sufficient to shew that it must differ in style
from thfi ' tragic' canzone. The Style <'t the canzone is clcvati d
throughout; may it not be said that the style of the Comedy, * to
which both heaven and earth have set their hand/ rises and falls in
accordance with the poet's intention \ This point may even be illustrated
by the curious remarks which Dante makes in Ik Vnty. Efvq., ii, 7, on
certain words which arc to be excluded from the * tragic ' style, i.e., the
style of the canzone. One of these is lemma' which, including
1 feminetta/ occurs ten times in the Comedy and never in the
zoni. A second is greggia' which occurs six times in the Comedt/
and never in the cauzoni. It may be admitted that, considering the
shortness of the whole Cansmiert in comparison with the length of the
Comedy the absence of these words from the canzoni may be due to
accident, especially as it must also be admitted that a third word r ee
which is proscribed in the De Vnlyari Eloqttentiu, and is frequent in the
Comedy, doet oeeur COOS in the canzoni (viz., in L 123 of that which is
the theme of Com, iv). But perhaps the most striking instances arc
the two words which Dante stigmatises as l pucrilia/ viz./ mamma ' and
328 Dante' 8 Lyrical Metres: his Theory and Practice
' babbo.' Of the former there are five instances in the Comedy ; the
latter occurs once, viz., in Inf. xxxii, 9 ; where however it is to be noted
that it is employed in connection with ' mamma ' for a special purpose,
in order to indicate childish prattle. It might of course be contended
that all these are instances of the discrepancy which is asserted to exist
between the two works. But it is a far simpler explanation to suppose
that Dante in the Comedy deliberately adopted something different
from the ' tragic ' style ; and that this is the true explanation seems to
be indicated by the emphasis which is laid on the ' comic ' character of
the poem in the Epistle to Can Orande, § 10 ; where after a statement
as to the difference between tragedy and comedy, both in subject-
matter and in style, the conclusion is drawn that the poem is rightly
called ' Comoedia ' : — ' et per hoc patet, quod Comoedia dicitur praesens
opus. Nam si ad materiam respiciamus, a principio horribilis et foetida
est, quia Infemus ; in fine prospera, desiderabilis et grata, quia Para-
disns. Si ad modum loquendi, remissus est modus et humilis, quia
loquutio vulgaris, in qua et mulierculae communicant.' With this may
be compared De Vulg. Eloq. ii, 4, 11. 44-6 : * Si vero cornice, tunc quan-
doque mediocre, quandoque humile vulgare sumatur.' It would seem
then that the Comedy, so far from contradicting, confirms the theory of
the De Vulgari Eloquentia.
C. B. Heberden.
THE CONNECTION BETWEEN WORDS AND MUSK'
IN THE SONGS OF THE TROBADORS.
In the HivistQ Mnsicale Italiamt, Volumes [i and in. Rested baa
devoted an article to the melodies which accompany many of the poems
in the Mss. of Provencal songs, and has dealt with the popular songs
from which the Trobadocs derived their poetry and music, the influence
of Church music, etc. He transcribes into modern notation niel<
by various Trobadors and devotes a Special chapter to the songs of
IViroL He remarks that the question of the relation between metre
and melody is a v«rv complicated one and that a study of the music
can help but little towards solving it. Given that the lyrico-melodic
art of the Trobadors originated in popular poetry, he says* we cannot
understand the nature of this art without going back to the origins, and
this, beyond a certain point, we are unable to do. The oldest popular
music we have (twelfth century) shows various melodic .schemes inde-
pendent of metrical scheme?. It is probable that originally one type
of melody had a corresponding type of stanza, but we do not know this.
Certainly the melodies and the sfe ■ sting Tru bailor songs
are often quite independent of each other as to form, but it may be
supposed that the ports intended a connection of some sort between
musk and words.
In the following notes on this connection I do not attempt to tr
the subject in an exhaustive manner, I ha d my study on some
of the melodies given in three MSS. in the Bibliothe<pie Nationals
Paris, Nos. 1254$, 844 ami 20050 of the Jhmh franrais, K, \V and X in
Bartsch's list.
On comparing the musical and metrical structun k >t the songs, no
one can fail t<> be struck by the fact that the melody does not always
correspond exactly with the metrical division of the stanza, In about
half the cases studied, the melodies flow cm without repetition of any
phrase throughout the whole stanza. The metrical form of (he-
m. l. it. hi. 23
330 Words and Music in the Songs of the Trobatlors
written ' sub una oda continua ' very often admits of no sub-divisioi
and it is therefore to be expected that the melody also should form ai
undivided whole, e.g. Peire Vidal's ' S'ieu fos en cort que hom tengue
drechura ' (melody in MS. R) in which the lines of a stanza rime no
with one another but with those of the next stanza, and Bernart d<
Ventadorn's ' Eras no vei luzir solelh ' (melody in MSS. R and W) witl
its ' rims derivatius,' naturally have a continuous melody. But it is less
natural to find that the latter's 'Cant vei la lauzeta mover* (inelodj
in MSS. R, W and X 1 ) is written ' sub una oda continua/ The stanzas o
this song are divided into two equal parts, the first four lines are sub
divided into two ' pedes ' and the last four into two ' versus/ Tin
lines are all octosyllabic and the rime system is ababcdcd
Yet no single line of the melody is repeated, except 1. 4, which is
echoed in 1. 7.
As a matter of fact, the double sub-division 2 pedes + 2 versus ir
the melody seems very rare ; when any part of the melody is divided i\
is almost always before the 'diesis' only. In many cases the stanza
also is divided into 2 pedes 4- cauda, e.g. Iaufre Rudel's ' Lanquand li
jorn son lone en may' (melody in MSS. R, W and X 2 ). But often the
second half of the stanza is sub-divided, though not the second half oi
the melody, e.g. Peirol's ' Manta gens me mal razona ' (melody in MS. R).
In one case, on the other hand, namely Iaufre Rudel's 'Can lo rieu
de la fontayna ' (melody in MS. R), the form of the stanza would lead
us to expect a continuous melody, but here the melody of 11. 1 and 2 is
repeated in 11. 3 and 4.
It soon becomes clear that the connection between the music and
the words of a poem is not merely a connection of form. Repetition of
melodic phrases is a feature of the popular songs from which the
Trobadors are generally supposed to have derived their art, and the
' oda continua ' is, as Restori points out, a more learned form, borrowed
from Church music. We do not find, however, that this repetition
of melodic phrases was used only by the early Trobadors, and that as
the art developed it was entirely discarded for the more advanced form.
The ' oda continua ' is found accompanying the songs of such early
writers as Marcabru and Peire d'Alvernhe, while in those of such late
Trobadors as Peire Cardenal and Guiraut Riquier a repetition of some
part of the melody takes place.
1 Also in MS. G. Restori gives a transcription into modern notation of aU four
readings.
2 Restori gives a transcription into modern notation of the version of MS. X.
BARBARA SMYTHE 331
What reason then had the Trobadors for repeating a melodic phrase
in some songs but not in others? A comparison of some of the
melodies with the stanzas to which they are sung has suggested to me
that some Trobadors at least wrote their music to correspond not with
the form so much as with the sense of their poetry.
As examples of music written according to the general subject of
the poem we may take two melodies by Marcabru, the earliest Trobador
whose music has come down to us. This Trobador employs a popular
form a b a b c c d, for the music to his pastorela (a popular genre) but
writes his crusading song 'sub una oda continuaV As Restori has
remarked, this song owes much to Church music because of its subject.
We find also that some melodies are written to correspond with
the special meaning of the stanza, e.g. the first stanza of the song by
Bernart de Ventadorn alluded to above runs as follows :
Can vei la lauzeta mover
de ioy sas alas contra *1 ray
que s'oblida, laissa's chazer
per la dossor cVl cor li vay,
ailas tal enveya me*n ve
de qui qu'en veya iauzion
meravilhas ai car desse
lo cor de dczirier nom fon 2 .
Although the first four lines can be sub-divided into two equal parts,
the meaning is not so divisible, i.e. the four lines describe the flight of
the lark without any repetition of ideas : * When I see the lark moving
its wings towards the sun for joy, so that it forgets itself and lets itself
sink for the sweetness that fills its heart.' The last four lines are
entirely taken up with the poet's description of the emotions aroused in
him by the sight of the lark : ' Alas, such envy comes to me of whom-
soever I see rejoicing, I marvel that my heart does not break at once
with longing/
Here a repetition of any part of the melody would be inartistic, as
serving to give prominence to the form, at the expense of the meaning,
of this stanza — and indeed of any stanza in the poem. I found several
1 The four existing melodies by Marcabru, 4 Dirai vos senes doptansa, 1 * Bel in'es quan
son li fruit raadur,' 'Pax in nomine Domini' and • L'autrier jost'nna sebissa' have been
published in Quatre poesies de Marcabru by MM. Jeanroy, Dejeanne and Aubry. A tran-
scription of the two I mention is given by Restori.
2 As the melodies I mention are all taken from MS. R, I have given the texts also as
they stand in MS. R, only correcting a few obvious mistakes.
23—2
Words mid Music in the Songs of the Trobadors
other poems written, like this one, r 8llb una oda continual the stanzas
Of which wei'e metrically sub-divided.
The first stanza of another song by Bernart <lc Ventadom runs as
follows (melody in ICSS. R and \Y 3 >:
Caw gjftf la (tar i'^tft-1 vert fttelh
e vei lo terns rlur e -->
et avig lo chan[»] cF&uaelt pel bruelh
que m'&doaaa'l cot cm rove,
duos L'ause] chanton ■ lausor
ieu phis iii de ioi en mon cor.
dei lien chatitur car tug li miei iocoal
BOD id e chan que no p6Dl de ren al[fi].
Here the first four lines can be sub-divided, not only because of their
form but because of their meaning as well. In them the poel describee
the beauties ■>! spring: 'When the Bower appeals by the green lea£
and I Bee the weather clear and bright, and hear the sung of the birds
in the wood, which BWeet&nfl and gladdens my heart/ The four lines,
though all glwn up to the description of the springtime, can be easily
broken up into sub-divisions of sense, and so the melody accompanying"
the two lines which describe the floweH and the bright weather is
repeated in the third and fourth lines which describe the birds' aong.
This sub-division of the first half of the stanza into two identical
melodic phlttftefl is used by Bernart de Ventadorn in several songs, ami
in no case doea the repetition of the phrase accord badly with the
meaning of the words.
It is usually the first stanza with the meaning of which the rnusie
seems to correspond best in 08068 win re ei.Ttain phrases are repeated, but
this is only natural, as the poets probably had the first stanza specially
in their minds when composing the melodies.
Among other songs whose music is divided into 2 pedes + cauda is
the -• Alba' of Guiraut de Bornelh (melody in MS. R"), another example
of a popular form of poetry set to a popular form of music. In this
song the melody of 1. 1 is repeated in I 2, the remainder of the stanza
being sung to a different melody. The effect of this repetition m
ally artistic in the first stanza, but it is quite suitable in all
except, perhaps, the fifth and sixth.
It is not always easy to understand why the second as well as the
1 Also in MS
,; A transcription is gi\en by Itestori Etoe also E. Bohm in tlie Archiv filr fhi* Sittd
Meftn Sprttclnrtt y vol. cx T p> 113 ft Buhm has written a piano accompaniment to
this beautiful melody, and to t*eiror8 * Mania gens me inal razona,' mentioned below,
BARBARA SMYTHE 333.
first half of a stanza should not be musically sub-divided, when the
meaning would permit of it. Take for example a song by Peirol
(melody in MS. R 1 , where the song is attributed to Peire Vidal); its
first stanza runs :
Manta ien[s] me mal razona
car ieu non chant pus soven,
niais aisel que rn'ochayzona
no sap cosi longamen
m'a tengut en greu pessamen
»il que inon cor[s] ni'enprezona,
tot ay i>erdut iauzimen
tal desconort nie dona.
The first four lines of the melody are divided into two pedes, but
the last four are undivided.
The repetition of a melodic phrase in the second as well as the first
half of a stanza is not at all usual. The only examples I have come
across are the ' Canson redonda ' of Guiraut Riquier, Bernart de
Ventadorn's * Pus mi preiatz, senhor ' and Peire Vidal's ' Baros de mon
dan covit' (these melodies are all in MS. R 2 ). The melody of the
' Canson redonda ' corresponds exactly with the form of the stanza, i.e.
the melody of 11. 1 and 2 is repeated for 11. 3 and 4, 1. 5 having a
different phrase, and the melody of 11. 6 and 7 is repeated for 11. 8 and
9, 1. 10 having another new phrase. The first stanza of the song by
Bernart de Ventadorn runs as follows:
Pus mi preiatz, senhor
qu'ieu chant, ieu chantarai,
e cant cug chantar, plor
mantas ves que essai.
greu veiretz chantador
l>en chan can mal l'estai,
a mi del mal d'amor
va mielhs que no fes may,
e doncx perque'm n'esmai ?
This song may almost be said to have the division 2 pedes + 2 versus,
for the melody of 11. 1 and 2 is repeated in 11. 3 and 4, and that of 11. 5
and 6 in 11. 7 and 8. There is, however, a ninth line which has a
different melodic phrase. This division of the melody suits the meaning
of the stanza fairly well, but the same can hardly be said of ' Baros de
mon dan covit ' :
Baros de mon dan covit,
fals lauzengiers deslials,
car en tal don' ai chauzit
on es beutatz naturals,
1 Transcribed by Kestori. See Note 2 on p. 332.
a • Pus ini preiatz, senhor' is also in MS. G.
334 Words and Music in the Songs of the Trobadors
e tot aquo que tanh a cortesia,
be soi astrucx sol que mos cors lai sia,
car sa valors e sob tin pretz pareis 1
denan totas c'anc d'araor no s(e) feis,
I>er que soi ricx s'ela'm denha dir d'oo.
The melody of 1. 1 is repeated in 11. 2, 3 and 4, except that the last
note of 11. 2 and 4 is a tone lower than in the other lines. The melody
of 1. 5 is repeated in 1. 6 only — and not quite exactly, and that of 1. 7 in
I. 8 — also not quite exactly, while 1. 9 has yet another phrase.
Guiraut de Bornelh's ' Leu chanson,et' e vil,' which has a nine-line
stanza, is differently divided. The melody of 11. 1 and 2 is repeated in
II. 5 and 6, but 11. 3 and 4 differ from 11. 7 and 8. This arrangement,
however, clearly marks the division of the eight short lines into two
equal parts.
Other unusual forms are found (1) in 'Conortz aras say yeu be' of
Bernart de Ventadorn (melody in MS. R 2 ), where the melody of the
first four lines is repeated in the remaining four, though the rime system
of the second half of the stanza differs from that of the first half. The
sense, however, is similar in both halves :
Conortz aras say yeu lje
que vos de me non pensatz,
que salutz ni amistatz
ni messatges no nie'n ve.
be sai trop fas lone a ten,
ct er be semblanz huey may
que so qu'ieu cas autre pren
pus no me*n ven aventura.
(2) In 'No m , agrad , iverns ni pascors* of Raimbaut de Vaqueiras.
Here the melody of 11. 1—4 is repeated in 11. 9 — 12, 11. 5 — 8 having
a different melody. The long stanza falls naturally into these sub-
divisions, but it must be admitted that there is no greater similarity in
sense between the first and third parts than there is between the first
and second, or the second and third.
In a few cases, certain phrases of the melody are repeated, but not
in such a way as to make the whole melody regularly divisible. In two
such cases it almost looks as if the similarity between two lines of
music is due to an error of the copyist. In the version given in MS. R
of Bernart de Ventadorn's ' La dossa votz ai auzida,' the melody of 1. 1
corresponds exactly with that of 1. 3. Jh the same MS., the third line
of Peire Vidal's * Anc non mori per amor ni per al ' has the same melody
as the sixth line. In the versions of MS. X, however, there is no such
1 MS. R has plazem. 2 Also in MS. G.
BARBARA SMYTHE 335
correspondence in 'Anc non raori/ while in 'La dossa votz' it is the
fourth line, not the third, that corresponds (not quite exactly in this MS.)
with the first.
The other cases are more interesting. One is ' Can l'erba fresqu'el
fuelha par' of Bernart de Ventadorn (melody in MS. R). Here the
first line has the melody of the fourth and the fifth that of the sixth.
It might be expected that the melody of the first half of this stanza
would be divided into two pedes, as the sense of the first stanza would
well permit of it, though the other stanzas divide less easily. The
conclusion of the first half of the stanza is instead marked by the
repetition of the first phrase in the fourth line. As line 6 of stanza I
gives a sort of echo of line 5 :
ioi ai de luy e ioi ai de la flor,
ioi ai de mi e de midou» maior —
so the music is echoed, with good artistic effect.
The other song is by Guiraut de Bornelh. Only four melodies by
this Trobador have come down to us, and all are given in MS. R only.
Two, the 'Alba* and 'S'ieus quier cosselh, beirarni' Alamanda,' are
written in the regular 2 pedes + cauda form, while the division of ' Leu
chansonet'e vil ' has already been mentioned. If the remaining example
is a fair specimen of this poet's melodies, he must have spent as much
care over the music as he did over the words of his songs. It is the
song 'Non puesc sofrir c'a la dolor' (on which the famous war-song
' Bern platz lo gais temps de pascor ' is modelled) :
Non puesc sofrir c'a la dolor
de ma den la lengua no vir,
e*l cor 1 a la novela 8or
lancant vey los ramels florir
e'ls chans fors pel boscatie
de'ls auzeletz enamoratz,
e sitot m'estau apessatz,
ni pres de mal usatie,
cant vey cams ni vergiera ni pratz
ie*m renovel e m'asolatz.
Here the melody of the first line is repeated in the fourth, and that
of the third line in the seventh. The first half of the first line is also
repeated in the first half of the eighth — one of the two hexasyllabic
lines in the stanza. The first, four syllables of the other hexasyllabic
line (1. 5) have the melody of the first half of the second line.
It cannot be said that this song is a good illustration of the theory
1 MS. B has chant.
336 . Words and Music in the Songs of the Trobadors
that the music is written to correspond with the meaning of the poetry.
The repeated melodic phrases do not help the sense of the words in any
stanza. Perhaps Guiraut de Bornelh, being decidedly a formalist, thought
more of the form than of the meaning of his stanza when he set it to
music, for the form of the melody can be shown to correspond with that
of the poem. The diesis, according to the metrical arrangement of the
stanza, falls after the fourth line, and the melody of 1. 1 is repeated in
1. 4 to mark the close of the first half of the stanza — as in the song by
Bernart de Ventadorn quoted above. The melody of 1. 3 of the second
half (1. 7 of the whole stanza) equals that of 1. 3 of the first half, and the
two shorter lines, 5 and 8, echo the first half of the second and first lines
respectively.
The repetition of half a line of music is not unusual, e.g. the melody
of the first part of 1. 3 of Guiraut de Bornelh's ' Alba ' is repeated in the
second part of 1. 4.
The reading in MS. W of ' Can vei la lauzeta mover ' has the first
half of the melody of 1. 2 more or less exactly echoed in 11. 4, 5 and 7.
In the reading of MS. R, however, this is not the case (though in both
MSS. 1. 4 and 1. 7 are identical), but the melodies given in these two
MSS. for this song are obviously only variants of the same melody.
Barbara Smvthe.
SHAKSPERE'S PLAYS: AN EXAMINATION.
L
After more than a century of wrangling and bickering the critics
have Arrived it substantial Agreement) not indeed as to the actual dates,
nor even except in a general way as to the chronological order of the
playa of Shakspere, but ;>* to the periods to which the several playa
belong, It does not follow that they are right or that the matter is to
be regarded as definitely settled Majorities hav. ln-on wrong before
to-day, and some of the universally held U lu-ts of the mid -nineteenth
f- Tii.ut \ are universally scouted in the twentieth. One may then be
pardoned for approaching the question of the chronology of the Shak-
spere plays with an open mind, neither willing to accept views b$C
they are generally held nor desirous of contradicting them in a mere
spirit of perversity.
It is evident that much depends upon the way in which the accepted
opinions have been arrived at. It is asserted that the question has
been approached from two Bides— firstly, that, of external and tnt€
evidence of the date Of production; and secondly, that of internal
evidence of the date of composition, If, as we are assured, these two
means of determination yield the same result, the case for the son*
elusions arrived a1 ia indeed strong; but it ssary to exercise care
to see that faets have not been OTested from their true meaning to
make them fit the exigencies of the case sod bring about an agreement
that, lias no basis of reality.
The external evidence of production may sometimes fix a downward
date (that is to say, the latest possible), but rarely an upward date,
As regards the playa that first appeared in the folio, the scope is almoel
altogether that of Shakspnvs [ife LB LoodOQ --perhaps even more
extensive than that — while the plays published in quarto are limited
in downward data only by the date of publication. The int> m 1
evidence as to the rj a T<. ( >f production is of partial use only; for,
though most of the plays contain allusions to current events, a difficulty
Shakapere's Ploys : An Exawninafo
from the fact that revisions of old plays were constantly being
made, and that revivals were usually marked by topical interpolations.
The date of composition may be determined in either of two ways —
by the character and tone of the play, or by the style of the writing.
The former is largely relied upon by the critics, bat is of very doubtful
value. ShaksjKre's bitter plays need nut have been all of one period,
Deed bisjoytime have been confined to one small patch of thro
four years: nor yet do resemblances in plot between any two plays
aaarily imply nearness of composition* This means of determination
i> ti i ►t without i b: it is possible to distinguish between the
young man's outlook in life and the old man's, between tie
ardour of youth and the mature thought of the man who is peat middle
age; but it affords no very solid working ground. The other meai
determination— Style — is tolerably safe, if the criterion be sound
the authorship be sure. If these two condition- (which, indeed, ;<r<-
but one condition) be fulfilled, there is do i which to
determine the chronology of Sttakspere's plays; but if any blui
be made as to authorship, there m tip tesl which can be so utterly
nding. It follows then that the first thing t-> be decided in an
attempted determination of dates is the authorship of the various p
that pass under the nan f Shakspere, and the various acts and bo
and portions of scenes that make up those pie
It is to be noted that inclusion in the first folio affords do pi
whatever of Shakspere's sole authorship, any more than omission from
the folio is decisive proof against his authorship. (The circumsts
that a copy of the folio is in existence in which the M
does HOI find a place is evidence enough of the latT- All the
folio may reasonably be held to claim is that with the writing
play it contains Shakspere had something to do — perhaps much, perhaps
lung. The publication of a play in quarto with an
attribution to Shakspv-re is quite another matter. In such a case there
rod ground fur believing that the play is entirely his, unless the
text be very corrupt, in which case it is possible that the attribution is
no mors reliable Ml toto than is the text.
{far deciding tie- authorship of the thirty-six plays included in the
(and at first it is w,l| to lake im note of any other play), oil
then thrown back on other means than those afforded by the title)
of the quartos or the first folio. Various mind's will turn to vai
moans: some tn the indefinable literary qualitj we know as
to the mechanism of the verse; some to the characterisation;
K. H. C. OUPHAKT
339
soi ne to the vocabulary, the grain matical const ruction, the formation of
the sentences; some to the tone, the habit of thought, the imaginative
quality, the throb of lifc in the dialogue; some to the conduct of the
plot, the knowledge of the return uenTs of the public stage. All are
useful in their way, but nothing like a seemv basis is afforded by any
except that mentioned first Tests based on the mechanism of the
would be of very considerable value were riot results liable to*
vitiation by printers' errors ami actors' interp* but in any case
their use would be only to confirm or modify views otherwise arrived at,
Snrh tests have been largely used in establishing the chro&olog
order i>\ the plays, but obviously the authorship of every BCeoe lias to
be ascertained before their employ ment can be of any real value. It
is in style — and in style alone — that any sound basis for a determination
of authorship can be found, the verse mechanism, the characterisation,
the tone, and the other means suggested being used only for con-
firm;! feioo ok otherwise.
If then it be m to settle the question ot the authorship of
the different divisions of the various plays by a consideration of a
the question arises, is the style of Shakspoiv sufficiently iHstin-
enable his work to be distinguished from that <d* his content [
The matter is complicated by the supposed changes of manner which
are assarted bo mark his work at different periods, these periot
held to number four; but, however the really individual early work of
any Elizabethan dramatist (after h> was out of fche ippreni
imitative Stage) may differ from his Late Work, the difference will he
found bo be orte of degree only, the general characteristics remaining
much the same throughout, Unless Shakspere differed from Ins fellows,
it will probably be found that his manner while striving lb] to in-
dividual style was ii«»r v«, vastly different from his manner when it had
Ned or even from hie manner when it had become
nature to him. That is to be Been; if it be BOj Shaksp. ?• fa work should
be separable from the BOn-Sheksperiaa J if not, the task of inve
will be rendered very difficult ind.
A division of Shakspeivs dramatic effort into four periods is
reasonable enough; but it is not to l>. expected that the last play
of one period will dii ppreeiably from the first play of the
succeeding period ; nor is it advisable for other reasons to effort
the division OB I basis of style. It would be more natural tO divide
the poet's play -prod net ion into four periods by important events in
his career than acoordii *aracteristics of his dramatic work.
340
tkspere** Plays: Au Examinati
On this principle the event which marks off his Hr^t period from his
aecond may lie taken to be Greenes splenetic reference to him in lo!>-2.
a proof that he had won his spurs, and was beginning to be reck-
with. That the recognition wat not general is evident from the nature
of Greene's remarks, and the attack probably had the unexpected ert'eci
of helping Shakspere along the road to success. The second mark of a
change in his fortunes is afforded by hi* purchase of New Place in
1597. By that time he had won tame as well as a competency; ami,
had he retired from the theatre even then, he would have been con-
sidered a highly stressful adventurer in the dubious region of stage
prise. Henceforward all he did was of the greatest interest in the
theatrical world: he was a name as well as a personality, a writer to
be imitated, a dramatist who was the vogue, His name was one
to oonjltre with and to trade on. It was his retirement from the
which ended this third portion of his dramatic career. The
date of that event is by no men a in, but it may be set down
as belonging to the year L604. When he ceased to act, Shakspere
must have deemed himself in affluent circumstances, and thencefon
he was not tied to London aa he had hitherto been, but was abl
he life of a country gentleman, with frequent visits to the metro-
polis to look after Ids theatrical interests and perhaps supervise the
production of his later dramatic works.
For the student of Shaksperian drama this partition has an ad-
vantage in that, while any gnat change of style between the last play
of one period as ordinarily reckoned and the first of the next is out
of the question, there is reason to regard the position of the dramatist
as undergoing such changes at the division dates here set down that
tlie ci renin stances of composition after any one of them may be con-
sidered aa entirely differing from those previously existing. In his thst
period Shakspere doubtless acted mainly as assistant or pupil to some
dramatist of established reputation, though it is highly probable that
he alsM tried his hand alone at work imitative of that of his bei
If he collaborated on equal terms w T ith any one, it can have been only
with another novice, and if he altered the old plays of others he did so
only in a subordinate capacity, under instructions or under superv)
When he had shown himself a man to be reckoned with, a dramatist
not incapable of good independent work (that is to Bay when his second
period had been entered upon), his work would be done alone or in
collaboration on equal terms with other professional dramatists. As
his first period was that Of apprenticeship, so his third was that of
E. II. L\ OLIPHANT
341
mastership. If in this period be took part in the writing of plays Dot
entirely his own he did so not as equal, but as tutor, supervisor or
fitter of the work ef younger men, or as fanuer-uut of work for whieh
he had no time or in which he was ao1 sufficiently interested During
both tins period and the preceding one the bulk of his work was
however no doubt done independently oi others, most of the time not
given to original weak or to revision of his own early plays being
devoted to the overhauling and touching up of the works of other
dramatists dead or no longer oonnecoed with his company, i species
of hack work which he may have been glad in the earlier period r>
share with a collaborator and in the later to farm out to some Other
dramatist. In the la>t period everything is changed by reason of his
long sojournings at Stratford* It is id ore than probable that he often
came to London or left London with a play incomplete, in which
some other playwright would be called in to finish off the fragment,
His own work would almost certainly be dfl&e alone, and he would
probably devote ■ portion of his spare time to the re-writing of
of his early work with which he was dissatisfied Doling his long
absences from the metropolis, however, it would often be deemed
advisable to revive in amended form B0IQ6 of his early plays, and
aeeordingly for the first time it would be the lot of his dramas to
fall into other than his own hands for revision, 8 fate ft which they
would be subject thenceforward right up to the publication of the folio.
Theeo an* nothing more than probabilities, and may be found on an
examination of the plays to differ from facts in several particulars;
but, without assuming their correctness, they may he held to form
a good working ground of supposition, likely to be of value when the
investigator is endeavouring to determine the probabilities in favour of
conclusions he has arrived at 00 B basis of style.
Whether Shakspers's manner differed materially in his fourth period
from what it was in his third, or even what ii was in the second (his
period of experiment) is perhaps best determined by s consideration in
their entirety of those plays that, judging by style, are D01 the result
of collaboration or the patching of one man's work by another, and by a
comparison of those of them that were actually published during the
»aily part "I his third period (and that therefore wry probably bob mil;
to the second) with those that there Is good reason to regard em be-
ing to the fourth. Let not this be misunderstood. To look fort
play in which every word is William Shakapere's US, In all probability,
q rain task. It may well be that we have no Elizabethan drama
342
Shak$pere'$ Plays: An Examinat
as it was written, unless it was given bo the printer by its ant);
authors, and not always then.* Interpolations by the aci u\ it
may be presumed, is afaooet every acted play; nod, when these ar^
confined to oaths and exclamations and a tow odd witticisms, they
are not detachable except when they have the effect of spoiling the
run uf the verse. When it is slid that a play is wholly Shaksp
or wholly Marlowe's or wholly Middleton's, there must il this
atmn; and. that being mad., an examination wiU show thai
the thirty-six plays in the folio, comparatively few are certainly of single
authorship. Other plays are possibly or even probably entirely the
work ot one author, but there are only fourteen of which
authorship ran ton style) 1m- predicated with anything like certainty.
These are AtPB Well, Anfritttf, As Fo*| Like It, Hamlet, 2 Henry I \\
Joim, J f* I ins Va sad i \ Mea tm *$ far Jfa WW -e , M u Isuw rh t's Di *
Much Ado, Othello, Richard IL TroUu* s and Twelfth Night \ and, m
the inclusion of some one or more of them in the folio be without
justification the author must in every case !>*• Shakspere, It is plain,
moreover, that it is the one writer at work in every one of them.
Taking Richard II as amongst the earliest of these plays, and Ani
as the latest, it is tolerably plain that the writer of the latter is the
writer of the former, with his style more fully developed and his intellect
matured. These are two good plays to take for purpose
not only because, of the fourteen named, the one is probably the
earliest (in its entirety) and the other the latest, but also bee
they are two uf the only three (the other being the second pari
Heat*} IV) that there is n«> reason to look upon as of more than
date of composition- John, Alt's Well, Much Afl>>, Twelfth Night, Ju
Caesar, Othello, and Trot/us have apparently one and all been subjec
to more or less r writing; but, though the earlier work has t<
rated from t}\*< later, it is evidently the work of the one hand.
Here then there is sufficient to give a safe basis for an estimate
Shakspere's dramatic manner and style of versification during the three
really vital periods of his career as author, for Richard II, first given to
the reading public in 1597, must belong to the second period, and
Aittontf, entered for publication in May 1608, almost certainly beh
to the fourth.
To take these plays as affording a basis for knowledge of Sliak
style may not seem a very novel or revolutionary proposal, but it is in
reality calculated to yield results ray different from those obtained by
th** ordinary method, which has been to assume that all in the folio not
E. H. C OLIPHANT
343
lifted from other plays, not too bad to be Shakspen/s. of not markedly
the work of another must be his. The assumption is unwarntii
and the outcome can hardly fail to be unsatisfactory. Xot only is it
liable to cause errors in the attribution of individual plays, hut it is
also calculated to afford an entirely wrong conception of Shaksp.
style.
Having determined for himself which of the plays show absolute
unity of stylo (for no one should accept the opinion of any one else
on such a matter), and having carefully studied these until he has
arrived at a clear knowledge of the manner of the great dramatist
as displayed in these particular works, the investigator should then
examine closely the other plays and bring every portion of every 0116
of them mid< r Miinr muo or Other of four different headings, grouping
together (1) those that, by reason of their general resemblance bo tin
matter on which his knowledge of Shakspcre's stylo is baaed, he would
know to be Shakspere'e wherever they occurred ; (2) bhose that, though
not distinctively Sbaksperiao, have no qualities opposing themselvi
the idea of Shakspere's authorship, and that may be judged by their
environment to be his; (8) those bhat are possibly Shakaperian, but
exhibit none of his distinguishing characteristics, and appear in cir-
cumstances that l&vite suspicion; and <4) fehoaa that are clearly not
.ShaksjMiv s. When he has done this he will treat the first tw
genuine, the others as spurious, and <m the former and on the plays
he lias previously selected as ■■■■rr.uuU of single authorship will form
his final and comprehensive view of the JShakspenan manner: and he
will then and not till then be ready to proceed to a determination
of the chronology of tie genuine work of Shakapera.
In this way, anil in this way alone, may a satisfactory knowledge of
Shakspms manner at the close of his Career be obtained* His last
play was, if the external evidence may be trusted, Ifvurt/ VIII.
Spedding proved over half a century* ago that part t>f tin* play was
from the p»n of Fletcher, and later critics (Fleay, Boyle. Uld Olipl
have diacovered the presence of Maaainger also, SCasainger'a wort
evidently done fora late revival, ooi of the prologue, the epilogue,
the opening soene aa Euraa the I krdinal'a entry, a revision of Shaksp
work in i. 2 and ii. 3 (very slight in the former), and a revurioi] of
Fletcher'*) in l 8, rv. I (to the proceauon) v t 3 (to the guard
and ihiit p.ut of n. 2 lying between the discovery of the King and
Gardiner's entry. Th« real of the play is Fletchers, with the exception
of the lattei i . 1, II. 4, that portion of III. 2 during which the
344
Shakspere's Plays: An Examination
King is on the stage (the preceding portion showing the presence of
both Shakspeiv and Fletcher), and v. 1. From these four scenes arid
portions of scenes a clear idea of Shakspere > latest style (if the external
evidence as to date bo not misleading) is to be obtained They show
that, as has been said, the change in style from the second period is
Teat. Compare* for example, the Duke of Norfolk's second spi
in Hivhuri II with any passage in the tatter part (that LB to Say th«-
part succeeding the Cardinal's entry) of the first scene of this play,
in which appears a later Duke of Norfolk
Tho advance m great doubtless, but the hand is the same. Abetter
distribution of pauses, the dropping of even final rhyme, the adoj»:
of the weak-ending habit: this is practically the sum total of the
velopnient. This is said in no depreciatory spirit; on tic contrary it is
said in tho belief that, wcif ihrre no play of Shakspere's extant later
than Rkhanl II \ he would still be known as the pre-eminent master
of tho poetry enshrined in the drama of the Elizabethan period. What
it is desired to impress upon thoee wrho m trongly the difference
between the Shaksperian verse of the fourth period and that of the
second {that of the first may he excluded from present consider
belonging to the imitative stage) is that at the end of Shakspere's
career, his verse was in all essentia er to that of his experimental
period than to the verse of his great contemporaries — Jonson
Webster and Fletcher. In his later years ho moved nearer to Fletcher,
i to Beaumont, nearer to Massinger, but his work remained distinct
from theirs; and he never lost his weighty utterar
II
It need not perhaps be wondered at that it is in the final plays
Shakspere that a radical examination of his dramatic output yields
the most curious results. As has been pointed out, while the puet
was living at St rat ford-on- Avon and making periodical visits to the
metropolis, it is likely that sometimes when he left London he left
behind him work in an imperfect state. If so, his later plays should
show traces of other hands than his. The honest investigator will riot
assume that such was the case any more than he would take it (bl
granted that no hand but Shakspere's was to be found in tlmm.
Probabilities In must consider only after he has made his examii
at ion ; and he must also decline to be bound by the general body
of Critical opinion, which however it may be as well to state here.
E. H. C. OLIPHANT
345
Of the four plays almost unanimously regarded as Shakspere s last
contributions to the literature of the stage, his authorship of Winters
Tale has never been questioned (save by Baconians), only a portion
of one scene of Gymbeline is regarded as doubtful t but few critics have
dared to rob him of the credit of the introduced masque in The
Temjyest, and as regards Henry VIII there is substantial agreement
that it is only partly his. The last-named has been dealt with already
incidentally: of the others, a beginning may be made with The Tempest.
Opinion is divided as to whether this play T Wuttrrs Tale, or
Henry VIII closed Shakspere's career as a dramatist. Those who
favour The Tempest maintain that the play is allegorical, and that
the poet, as Prospero, breaks his wand, frees his spirit, and declares
his intention of giving no more play to his imagination. On behalf of
Henry VIII there is the explicit contemporary declaration that it was
performed for the first time (under the name of All is True) in 1613;
while the case for Winters Tale rests on the ingenious argument that
when Shakspere varied from the story on which the play was based by
not setting Perdita afloat in a rudderless boat, it was because he had
already used such an incident in The Tempest. Whatever may be the
date of the latter (and that is a matter of some doubt, for, while
the general opinion favours the year 1610 or 1611, some few critics,
not of the modern school, have declared for much earlier dates, and
one or two whose opinions are worthy of respect hold to 1613), it must
be later than 1609, in which year was published a Spanish novelette
containing the plot of the story. The lateness of its date is of interest
for many reasons, amongst others because its tone is in marked contrast
to that of every other one of the plays that the critics are agreed in
regarding as the latest efforts of the great poet. Coriotanus belongs
t.. the fcngedieft, Tim on is loathsomely morbid and bitter, Henry VII I ',
the last of the ten chronicle plays that figure in the folio, is sad-toned,
unrelieved by any of the gaiety ef Henrtj IV of II* my V (ita immediate
predecessors in its own class), and Winter* * Tale and Cymbefine are
plays that are tragic in tone, thongfa happy in ending. The Tempest
is neither tragi-comedy, like these, nor pure oomedy, like Cove's Labors
Th' 1 Qorr&dy qf 'Error*, Tkt Taming of the Shrew* A liideum
Night's Dream, Off The Merry Wives, Serious in plot yet never
threatening tragedy, it lies midway between the two, among the
seriu-c*ni*edies, with Two O^nthmen, Alls Well, Much Ado, Twelfth
Night, and As Yon Likr It. Pot anything resembling the mercy
fooling of ita Trinculo scenee, it is necessary to go back to All's Well,
In It. Ill* M
346
Shaksperes Plays: An Ez&rni
to Twelfth Night, to As You Like It, to Much Ado. The sombreuess
of Measure for Measure, the savager) r of Timan, the cynicism of Troilus
are gone* and in their place are the mirthfulness and spontan
gaiety of youth. If The TempeM indeed date after 1609, Shakspere
was showing that he t who had not laughed for a decade, was as capable
of fun-making as he had been in his prime. It is rare indeed for
a man verging on fifty to be able to thus recapture the joyousro H
of youth.
Two of th«.' moil eefeee&ted «>f modern critics, Dr Garnett and
Mr Nicholson, havv expressed opinions concerning this play that are
worthy of note, The former explains its brevity by supposing that
it was written for a private performance : the latter considers that it
underwent an entire re-casting, and that Shakspere, who had at first
had Lampedusa in his mind, was, when revising, chiefly concerned with
the occurrences in the Bermudas related in Jeurdan's tract. It is
indeed obvious that there has been a revision: the allusion to the
Duke of Milan's son (in I. 2) affords sufficient proof of it, and in
the same scene Prosperous 'Soft, Sir! One word more/ when the
previous words are not given is a token of curtailment. But that
the reviser was Sfaakspere himself is not so easy to credit, for there
are two quite distinct styles observable in the play. Here are
consecutive speeches from in. 1 :
/' Adoiir'd Miranda :
Indeed the top of admiration ; worth
What r s dearest to the world 3 Full many a lady
I I live eyed with best regard; and many a time
The hrinrioiiv of their tongues hath into bondage
Brought nay too diligent ear; \\*v several virtues
Have 1 lik'd several women ; never any
With BO full soul, but BOtM defect iti her
Did quarrel with the ooblegt graoe she ow'd,
And put it to the foil ; But you, O you.
So i>erfect, and wo i>eerless, are created
Of every m }*eat.
Mira. 1 do not know
One of my BOX; no woman's face remem'
Save, from my glass, mine own; not have- I Been
More that I may call men, than you, good friend,
And my dear father ; how features are abroad,
I am akill-lesM uf ; but, by my mod*
(The jewel in my dower , I would not wish
Any DOmjWriOQ in the world but you;
Nor can imagination form a shape,
Beside yourself, to like of: But I prattle
Something too widely, and my fathers pit
1 therein do forget.
E. H. C. 0L1PHANT
347
Tie former of these is unquestionably Shakspere's ; the authenticity
of the latter also has never been questioned, and yet how different is it
from the preceding speech, how unlike the stately measure of the \
of the master! The manner is distinct; it is that of Massinger: and
it is found here and there throughout the play. It is to be noticed
first in L 3 mixed with Shakspere's, and in the next scene it is to be
discerned similarly in that portion extending from the falling a-
to the waking (and perhaps also in the earlier part). What follows,
except perhaps the concluding couplet, is quite unlike Shakspere and
is entirely in the manner t>f Massinger — indeed, in my opinion, is
Massinger s. The next scene is Shakspere's, The first scene of the
third act contains the two speeches quoted above. The half-dozen
speeches immediately preceding them may eon tain ft little of Massinger,
but are at least mainly the wnrk of Shakspere, while what follows to
the departure of the lovefflS, is wholly or mainly Massinger a. As far
as Ariel's entry, the in bears all the marks of Shakspere:
beyond that point the authorship is mixed. The following scene also
contains the work of both authors. The first two speeches ire hy
Shakspere, and the succeeding portion to Ariel's exit is by Massinger.
The masque in IV. 1 is not like any acknowledged work of Massinger's :
and, if not Shakspere's, may be the production ot another writer. The
final act shows the presence of both Sh&kfipore ami Massinger. The
epilogue is Massinger^, Looking back on the semes where Ma>singer's
work is to be detected a]une, either entirely superseding Shakspere 1 * of
adding something new, it may be noted that in m. 1, which is begun and
ended by Shakspere, the interpolated or substituted work of the reviser
is certainly helpful but not absolutely v. Ike voice is the voice
of Massinger and the hand is not the hand of Shakspere. What could
be more like the dramatist of the still great decadence than the tone
and niamuT of this J
Wherefore weep you?
At mine QamrtViine "ffer
What ! _"i\' mil mmh iem take
What 1 shall die to want: But this i* trifling;
Ami all the doom it ieeln to hide itself.
The bigger hulk it. shows, Hence, beehrdl ouontngl
Ami prompt m*\ pUun tod borj ii m ooe nc el
I arn your wife, if JOB Will OUttTJ EDO;
If not I'll die your maul.
In ill. 3 the Haniiiger |»'rinm might be lifted out entire. It takes
the plaoe of a dumb show, In iv. I \1 trly written all
round the masque — the speeches preceding it, the conversation of the
24 2
348
Shak$pere*s Plays; An Examination
onlookers, and the three speeches iranie4iately succeeding it. It is
possible that the masque is his, taking the place of a dumb show;
or it may be that the masque already existed in its present form and
that he has, as suggested, merely introduced and written round it.
His work ends abruptly, and Shaksperes, clear and untouched, begins
with Pr«>sp. tns beet and longest speech. It is to be noted that the
whole of the Massinger portion may be lifted out of the scene without
any harm being done.
Those who are loth to believe that any of this famous play
be from the pen of any other than Shakspere may be asked how the}
account for the differences between the verse of the portions here
indicated as Massingers and those classed as Shakspere's. The idea
of Shakspere writing one moment in his own style and the next in
the style of Massinger is too silly for consideration ; and that part
of the play is Massinger s should be obvious to anyone acquainted with
the manner and the mannerisms of that dramatist. Before quitting
consideration of this play mention may be made of the circumstance
that in it the name Stephano is pronounced with the accent on the
first syllable, whereas in The Merchant of Venice it is accentuated
correctly, whence it was inferred by one old-time critic that The
Tempest was the earlier of the two plays. The inference was both
ingenious and reasonable; and, though later critics have brushed it
aside, because the evidence of a late date for The Tempest was too
strong to be rejected, it has always remained a difficulty in the way
of the inquirer who is not ready to make facts fit theories. The
difficulty is however overcome when it is seen that in V. 1 (the
only scene in which the pronunciation is distinct) it is Massinger,
not Shakspere, who is responsible for this divergence from the pro-
nunciation of The Itferch&nt of Venice.
Of the twelve plays that are classed as tragedies in the first folio,
only Bine are rightly classified, Timon is presumably so placed because
the hero dies, even though the death, which is surrounded with mystery,
occurs off the stage, T roil as and Cressida has even less claim to rank
with those legitimately entitled to be in the list, for it is a tragedj
only by reason of the death of a subordinate, though a very noble,
character. Smallest of all is the claim of GymbeUne, in which the only
deaths (both off the stage) are those of the two villains (male and
female), and in which, like the tragi-comedy it is, the tragic tone of
the play throughout does not prevent its ending happily. Why should
Winter?* Tale, Measure for Measure, and The Merchant of Venice all
E. H. C. OLIPHANT
349
find a place with the comedies, and Cymbeline, which is of similar
character, with the tragedies ? It may have been obtained too late
to find a place among the comedies; and the only other reasonable
explanation of the circumstance is that it was originally written as
a tragedy, and afterwards given a happy ending, though such a view
is scarcely supported by an examination of the play.
That it is, with the exception of the vision, wholly Shakspere's
has never been doubted, yet what would anyone who, though well
acquainted with the great dramas of Shakspere, had never read
Cymbeline say of the following ?
Got. But I beseech your grace (without offence —
My conscience bids me ask) wherefore you have
Oomttt&ftded of me these most poisonous comiwmida,
Which are the movers of a languishing death ;
But, though slow, deadly '?
Queen, 1 wonder, doctor,
Thou it »uch a question: Have I not been
Thy pupil long) Hist ftwai not Icyiru'd nve how
To make perfumes 1 distil) preserve/ yea, so,
That our gT O ftt king himself doth woo me oft
For my confections? Having thus far proceed' «K
(Unless thou think'st me devil LSD i| t ftot meet
1 I did amplify my judgment
other conclusions t 1 will try the forces
Of these thy compounds on mrIi ereatinv
We count not worth the hftnging [but none human),
To try the vigour of them, and apply
A 1 1 a y 1 1 1 e 1 1 ts to their act; an d by the DO gather
Tie , and effects.
Cor, Your highness
Shall from this practice Hut mulct- hard your heart
Besides, the awing these effect* will be
Bath noisome and infectious.
Qmmm.
0, tent thee,
If possessrd ( »f :\ knowledge of the other great Jacobean dramatists
equal to his ktumlftdgti of Shakspere, the reader would without much
hesitation declare this passage to be due to Musstnger. He would be
right. Nowhere else in the scene is the touch of this playwright
manifest, and it is noticeable that the passage quoted may be lifted
out without :uiy injury to either the sense m the action. Consider the
scene without it —
rWhihvi \< v s on ROTOd, gather thoae flow-
haste: who has the note off th/
1st Lady* h madam,
Ncv QOctor, have you brought those drugs!
Cor. Pleaseth your highness, ay ! ben they tire, m
350
Skaksperes Play a: An Examination
Enter Piaanio.
(/v*r,i. Here comes a flattering rascal ; upon him
Will I first work: he's for his master,
And enemy to my son. — How now, Pisanio?
Doct service for this time is ended;
Take your own way.
1 do
But you shall do no harm.
fjvtm.
you,
Hark thee, a word—
AmU
(And*.}
I do not like her. She doth think she has
Strange lingering poisons; I do know her spirit,
And will not trust one of her malice with
A drug of such dainnVl nature. These she has
Will itimjfy and dull the sense awhile;
Which first, perchance, shell prove on cats and dogs;
Then afterward* up higher ; but there is
No danger in what show of death it makes,
than the locking up the spirits a time,
To be mow fresh, reviving. She m fool'd
With a most false effect; and I the truer
l>e false with her.
Until I send for thee.
No further service, doctor,
I humbly take my leave.
There is nothing lacking here; and, if our hypothetical student, five
from prejudice and free from a knowledge of Cymbeline, attributed the
Olilittdd portion to Massinger, it would tell in favour of his view that
the passage is so easily detachable. It is indeed an insertion in a
scene otherwise Shaksperiaa*
If Massinger touched up one scene he is likely to have touched
up others; and so it proves, His work superimposed on Shakspere's
is found in PL 4, in in. 1, and in part of v. 5, while passages entii
attributable t< him, in which he has either replaced the work of another
or has inserted something he deemed necessary are four speeches {be-
ginning 7i/ia Oh for such means*) in iil 4, all in. 6 except the opening
speech, in. 7, the last five speeches of v, 3, the first two speeches of v. 4,
the whole of v. 5 to the entry of Lucius, the short conversation (six
speeches) of Belarius, Arviragus and Gtiiderius, in the same scene, while
Cymbelini' and Imogen talk apart, the passage beginning ' Cyw. He
was a Prince* and ending 'Mighty Sir' (32 verses, 51 lines), three
speeches beginning 'Bel Be pleased awhile/ and the piece from 'That
I was he* to 'Post Your servant, princes' (14£ verses). If these
passages be not easily separable from the context, that fact aftbrds no
Si Mind argument against their having been written by a late reviser
of the play; but if on the contrary they be capable of being lifted out
E. H. C. OLIPHANT
351
UN
without any harm being done, if they be found to develop an idea only
hinted at or not even hinted at in what precedes and not developed
in what follows, a striking proof is afforded of the correctness of the
attribution of these portions to a play-patcher of later date. Fulfilling
this condition is the passage in III. 4, an insertion in a scene otherwise
Shakspere s, the object of the reviser being to make clear the fact that
Imogen was to don boy's clothes. In III. 6, Shakspere's part (the first
speech) stands quite distinct from what follows, which probably however
takes tin.- plaee <>t" Shaksperian work. In V. 4 we hmi Massinger putting
a couple of verses of preface to a scene which he did not otherwise
touch. The scene with which he meddled most was the closing om.
Of the five portions for which he is responsible, the first is presumably
a re-writing of what existed in another form; the second is an in-
sertion, written because it was deemed necessary, though in point of
fact Shakspere introduces later the recognition of Imogen which
Massinger was anxious to emphasise, and by means of the latters
inserted passage Guiderius' subsequent remark, "This is, sure, Fidele,'
becomes somewhat ridiculous ; the third is another insertion, easily
detachable from the rest of the scene, and written evidently with the
object of making the situation more credible and at the same time
prolonging the excitement; the fourth, if we add the opening words of
the succeeding speech,
0, what? am 1
A mother to th^ birth of three 1 Ne'er mother
Rejoie'd deliverance more,
as perhaps we should do, is also easily separable from the work of
Shakspere preceding and succeeding it, and is written to fulfil Mas-
singer's ideas of the fitness of things— a point on which he was more
particular than the majority of the dramatists of his time (including
Shakspere); and the fifth is also an insertion designed to deal with
Iachimo, whom Shakspere had forgotten to forgive.
An examination of the position and meaning of these passages
affords striking confirmation of the separation of them from the
remainder of the play as the work of a reviser. To find first of all
that portions are detachable and then discern in them the work of
interpolator might reasonably arouse doubt as to the- correctness
the judgment that would distinguish o the style of these
portions of the play and the style of those from which they are
detached; but in this QitG thi determination of the authorship of
the various parts of the play has been effected fi^* * » basis being
352
s Plays: An Examination
a consideration of style alone) and confirmation sought afterwards.
That being so, it is not too much to claim that a case has been
made out for a belief in a late non-Shaksperian revision of this
play; for, if the view enunciated be wrong, it is certainly singular
that it should be so completely borne out by the matter as well as
the manner of the passage* here pronounced to be insertions.
But the late revision by Massinger was not the only change to
which the play was subjected. The vision in v. 4 has long been
recognised as non-Shaksperian, and there are other portions of the
play that might well be placed in the same category. Shaksperian
are the opening scene, L 8, I. 4, the bulk of h 5, I. 6 (though this
is perhaps not unadulterated), M. 2, EL 5, iil 2, all but the
wofully weak close irf in, 3, the bulk of in. 4 t ill. 5 (to Clotens first
exit), the opening speech of i\\. % iv. 8, iv. 4, v. I, and parts of II, 3,
iv. 2, v. 4 t and V, 5. Is the rest (that is to say those portions included
neither in this list nor among the passages credited to Massing
Shakspere's or not! What of I, 2 and D, 1 with their very naked
humour and their numerous asides ? It may be suggested, not without
hesitation, that these scenes, which are not like Shakspere's work, are
not unlike Beaumont's, To the same source may be attributed that
portion of iil 5 succeeding Cloten's first exit, IV. 1, v, 2, the whole
of v, 3 with the exception of the closing lines by Massinger, and that
part of \\ 6 following Lucius entry. The work of all three author
to be found in 1 1. 3 and iv. 2 f though the apportionment of those two
nes among them need hardly be attempted here.
There remains the vision in v. 4. The speech prefacing it is
Shakspere's, and so i>
Tia still a dream, or else such stuff as madmen
Torino, and brain not: either both, or nothing:
Of WQw68B ■peaking, or a sneaking meb
As sense cannot untie.
The vision itself and all that follows, with the exception of this short
passage may be set down to the credit or discredit of Beaumont, though
the first part of it (to Jupiter's descent *in thunder and lightning')
may perhaps be attributable to some weaker man. If Beaumont, it
is certainly showing us that author at his very worst; but it may be
, scrambled work such as he would have been ashamed to put
his name to, but was not ashamed to do to the order of his company
far a work passing under the name of another. (If the vision be his,
the portion of v. E following Itfassinger's final insertion and preceding
E. H. C. OLIPHANT
353
the three speeches with which Shakspere closes the play must be his
also: on style it might belong to either, preferably to Shakspm- )
What seems probable is that the vision is its present form was an
attempt by some other writer, perhaps Beaumont, to give spectacular
effect to what may have been originally a very plain device, and to
acid for the benefit of the groundlings a mysterious intervention of
Providence and one of those silly riddles in which the gods were
supposed to delight. It is not wonderful that this nonsense should
have been declared to be non-Shaksperian ; but why has the fearfully
bald passage closing in. 3 (beginning 'This Polydore ') escaped re-
cognition as the work of some other dramatist than Shakspere? It
may perhaps be Beaumont's, though it is far below his usual level.
And what reason, other than reasons of style, is there to suppose
that then* are more than two hands observable in this play? Many
arguments have been adduced for the belief that it has been revised at
least once, and no one more than superficially acquainted with the
work of Massinger can doubt that many passages which are at least
possibly insertions, an from his pen. Whoever giants so much must
grant also the presence of at least one other writer unless he 1>< pre-
pared fee attribute to Massinger the greater part of the vision, which
is assuredly not the work of Shakspere, Leaving out of question this
vety doubtful vision, what support is afforded to the belief that ninny
of such parti of the play u show none of the cbamcteristiofl of tfunmn
are also not the work of Shakspere? The difference in stvl' between
bhoee portions of the play that in beyond all question Shukspere's and
those parts that are here tentatively assigned to Beaumont may or may
not appeal to others as it appeals to the writer of this article: and to
decide the question it is well to consider the probabilities. First let
it be noted that Maffiringer'fl work is not of the first importance and
is porely of s revisory character, His aim has been to add a maaeve
of probability t" situations that were in their original form out of all
reason, to fill in explanation and needful details where the work was
too bare and too much was left to the i in agination. For what-
faults there may be in the conduct of the story, Massinger is not to he
blamed ; and of all the ShakRperian plays, except perhaps the first
tentative efforts of the great dramatist, this is tin • WQtefc constructed.
It has the appearance of being from first to last a jm ce of bad pitch-
work, the conduct of the story being thus on a par with the style.
That being so, Shakspon 's entire responsibility for the play prior to its
being touched up by Massinger is unlikely.
The merits of C : ~ ♦**«* beauty of isolated passages and
354
Shaksperes Plays: An Examination
the greatness of separate scenes. The play as a whole is loose and
disjointed, badly put together, and lacking altogether the masterfulness
with which Shakspere mm wont to work out his dramatic ideas, The
characterisation is equally erratic, showing Shakspere (if we accept
the ordinary idea and throw all the blame on him) absolutely at his
worst Consider the representation of Gluten. In I. 1 he is ' a thing
too bad for bad report," and his showing in ill. 5 and iv, 1 bears out
this description, yet in III. 4- he is ' that harsh, noble, simple nothing/
Imogen's words cannot possibly apply to the Cloten of the play, any
than the description of him in iv. 2 as 'so fell 1 or in IV, 3 as
4 so needful for this present ' can apply to the vain -glorious but':
of I. 2 and n, 1. Were one inclined to subordinate truth to a de
to prove the correctness of this theory of accounting for the ineun-
sistency in the drawing of Cloten, one might so vary the conclusion
come to on considerations of style as to make one author responsible
for representing hiin as a buffoon and another for showing him as
a formidable person; but in point of fact it is, if the apportionment
of the play ventured on here be correct, Shakspere who speaks of
him both as * too bad for bad report * and as a ' harsh, noble, simple
nothing/ Beaumont however is consistent, exhibiting him only as a
fool and heartless brute, while Massinger, who describes him as
'so fell,' tries to account for the courage he shows by making him too
brainless to have 'apprehension of roaring terrors.' In in. 1, with
which Beaumont seems to have had nothing to do, he is represented
as manly and worthy of respect, generous and not boastful, a
different person from the braggartly ass of L 2 and II. 1.
How it came about that Shaksperes work was twice patched it
is difficult to say. The 1600 quarto of Muck Ado affords reason to
believe that Ci/mbeline was in existence at that early date, and it may
be that Beaumont's work was done for a revision in or about 1610,
when Dr Forman saw the play performed. (The Massinger revision
would of course be much later.) As against this, it is to be noted
that the verse in the Shakspermn portions is obviously uf Liter date
than that occurring in plays dating 1600 or thereabouts, and therefore
there is more reaeonablenefifl in supposing that the revision of 1610
was done partly by Shakspere himself and partly by Beaumont, not in
conjunction, but separately, Shakspere perhaps beginning it, and ere
the work was finished retiring to Stratford and leaving the completion
of it to Beaumont, This theory may help to account for Shakspere s
inconsistent characterisation of Cloten.
The result of an examination of Cymbelwe is, so far as concerns
E, H. C, OLIPHANT
355
Massinger's connection, put forward confidently, but, so far as concerns
Beaumont, it is propounded with diffidence. It is essentially a play for
careful study, but study of the radical type, the only type which should,
and the only type which does not, obtain in Shaksperian criticism.
There remains Winters Tale, the only one of the supposed four
latest plays of Shakspere of which it can be said that the authorship
of no part of it has ever been questioned by any BBZie or reputable critic.
But the risk of being shut out from the ranks of the sane or reputable
must not prevent the investigator from giving it the closest of attention,
As a result, it is found that most of tin scenes are entirely Shakspere's,
and that there is none that does not show his touch, though in the
second scene of Act L, in Act Q., and in that part of in. 2 between
Paulinas re-entry and the closing speech (and perhaps also in in. 1)
there is in places an approximation to the style of Fletcher that s>
to show the correctness of Professor Thorndike's view as to the inrlu
of that writer on the older and greater man.
That the other three plays, Ct/mbeline, The Tempest, and Henry VIII \
are amongst Shakspere s latest is shown by a study of the parts of them
that are clearly his ; but these portions are very different to the non-
Shakspcrian passages, and seem to show that Shu! ■ • did not
degenerate to ih- extent supposed by some critics. If the choice !»■
between a belief in the degeneracy of the master and the sacrifice of
certain portions of his later plays, it is a pleasure to find that careful
examination leads to the adoption of the view that portions of them
are non-Shaksperian rather than that Shakspere s powers fell away
or that he deliberately adopted a manner of versification unnatural
to him, That he retained his powers in full is dearly enough shown
in Winter & Tale and in his portion of The Tempest, and that he wrote
part of his later plays in his own style and part in imitation of younger
men is not to be thought of. The influence of Fletcher, as shown in
parts of Winters Tale, is natural : but to suppose that Shakspere was
the author of the portions of Cymbelini' here ascribed to Massing t
implies either a weakening of his powers or a deliberate descent to
B prosaic manner unnatural to hi in.
E. H. C. Oliphant.
(To be continued.)
THE SATIRE IN HEINRICH WITTENWEILER'S
RING.
It has been pointed out by Bleisch (Zuni Ring Seintich Witten-
weiUr8 t Halle, 1891, p. 21) that the author uf the poem Der Ring was
a man of some literary culture. Ample proof of this is afforded by the
numerous allusions throughout the poem, also by the manner in which
he successfully parodies several forms of poetry which were popular in
his time. The Tanzlwd and the Titgelied, the Heldeidied and the
religious allegory are each parodied in their turn. But there is an
element of satire in Der Ring which has hitherto been overlooked, in
spite of the large amount of space allotted to it in the poem. X
than 633 lines are devoted to a description of the wedding feast of
Bertschi and Matzli, and this description is a skilful, if somewhat coarse
satire on one of the most popular forms of didactic literature of that
day, namely, the sets of rules for conduct familiar to us under the name
f h oft tuht and tiscltzucht
FoL 30 L ' I. 10 1 we read:
Ze stett da spraeh fro RicliteiiiHchand ;
1 1 eh iuerch, ir seicz zu hof bekant,
Bar iimb ich euwer wirdi pitt,
Lert in hnfzuuhl u.\wh tin i nit. 3
To which Lastersak replies:
L 26. 'Also mag icb Bertsehhi sagin,
Wil er ttich nach ziichten haben,
Dtt mug er leriien, BIO man spricht,
Bey seyuer hochzeit, ob sey geachicht.'
Shortly after this follows the description of the wedding feast at
which Bertschi was to learn good manners. Every possible rule of
conduct is broken by the wedding guests and each breach of etiquette
is described with great minuteness by the author.
There ran be no doubt as to which of the many codes of rules in
Latin and in Gorman still extant Heinrich Wittenweiler had before
I Ed, Bibt. tie* Literar. Vtreim zu Stuttgart, xmi r 1850.
JESSIE CROSLAND
357
him when he wrote Der Ring, Adolph Hauften, in his work Caspar
Scheldt, der Lekrer Fisclmrts 1 , speaking of the Latin poems Facetus
and Phagifacet us , my a: ' Diese lateinischen Sittenbuchlem gehen den
friiher dargestellten deutschen Anstandsregeln zeitlich und dein Gmde
der Entwickelung nach weit voraus, aber sie haben keinerlei Einfluss auf
diesen Zweig der deutschen Lehrdichtung, bevor sie am Ausgang des
xv. Jahrhunderts von einem Manne (Brant) in die deutsche Literatur
eingerUhrt wurden' etc. When treating of the tischzuchtm in various
languages and their relations to each other at some future date, I hope
to disprove more fully the truth of this statement ; for the present,
suffice it to say that Wittenweiler's Ring, which, under certain aspects,
belongs to this branch of literature, bvars indisputable traces of having
been influenced by both of them. Every broach of good manners
adduced by the author of the Ring is the transgression of a rule con-
tained in one or other of these Latin pooms. The guests omit to wash
their hands and clean their nails ; they all put their hands together
into the dish, they gnaw the bones, they place their elbows on the
table — in fact they do everything which the ' Grobianus ' of a century
later was instructed to do. But in addition to the breach of the more
ordinary rules which may be found in Other tischzuchten also, several
points are taken up to which special attention is paid in Facet us and
Pkagifaceius, but little or none in the other treatises on the subject.
In Facetus, for example, the rules for drinking are characteristic and
differ considerably from those given by the other poems, both Latin,
German and French. But these rule! are all familiar to the author of
the Ring,
Facct-us 1 ; Si te majori pe-luis faiuuletur aquoaa
Ad manicis ems tua sit muuti* offioiOMk.,
Qua torges mm paste mauus si< Lutes
Xec mappa tergan denies: oculos que fhientea, etc, j
cf. Der Ring, 34 d 8 f. :
Das (wasser) ga»s der dinner ym vil ©ben
V«>n bttband auf die ermel seiu
Nicht ins bek emu it hineyn...
Farindkm* der met kain taoeffa
Ze trUknen, durum b ei die pruoch
Zuo seiuer zwahel do gewan ils.w.
Again, Facetus :
Quando ciphuai capiea ! averso non bibe dorso ;
1 QueZtai utui PbfveAnnptit, Baft M, 108ft
a Ed. Octo Auct orts* etc. Lugduni, 1511), etc,
358 The Satire in Heinrich Wiiteniveiler s Ring
ct: Der Ring, 37* 88 f- :
I 'nth m derail »eu stiiod
f tiou eymer an deu tuutid
I* nd chert «ieh gen der wand von m
Fact'
Pooola si sumaa : intingas Inbra modestc ;
Qui prope fert naaurn non potum auxxut honeste;
c£ Ikr Ring, 35 b 3 f. :
Spy wolt den wirt nit schenden
Uad fa«8t dan - Inm^ pejus benden,
Muud n lid nass fcitiess Bey dar in
Also wol suiakt ir der wein.
Tin- comparison with Phagifaoettu alao offers striking points of
similarity. Under tin- beadrogc De laptu ciborum and De ovis come-
li$, the author, Reinem* 1 , had described the course of conduct to be
pursued should am pieru id limtl lie allowed to fall, and the pi
ninriiMT of eating a lightly-boiled egg, which should on no account be
swallowed whole. These points are developed at great length and with
evident pleasure by Wittenweiler.
Phtujifaviitts ; 4 De lupsu ciborum':
Est quando danda proficiacitur esca palato
Et cadit intnndoe i Undent oria hiatus,,.
Nee si enllapsum, quainvia dilexeris escam,
Restitnas disco nee avari deutibu» Offia
Frocedens tribllAfl ne culpa priure par
Posterior, tiatque pudor de aiuiplice duplex.
Cf. Der Ring, 36, 13 E :
Wan del «-inpnel
Auf die erdcii ah den> tisch
Es war gekauwen uder frinch
1>.<* M.'lmlt man wider anfheben
Und 66 hlD l'iir h eu alien legen,
Ea war dauu, duz H gtroffen war
Aui das ^waiui ym an gevai.
D&S moeht et tiehalten, ane zol
Gevieliu ym die Bp&DgU woL
Phagifacetits : * De ovis comedendis T :
Soito&k b d&bitur, galU&e nlius, ovuxs
Nod rotetrjl eo> naves quo more Caribdis
Imbibit, ut, quando sustto, respondeat echo
Ivtque gnla «trepitum qucrido roboante tumulta;
1 There is -some uncertainty tks to thf identity of ReJDtrui, whose name is niven bv the
initial letters of the opening lines o! the poem U ! Cf. Hist. L
Franc <% torn, Vffl, p. 68, and Reineri Pha§if*totum t etc., reeensuit Hugo Lemcke, 1880,
preface.
JESSIE CROSLAND 359
cf. Ring, 37 b 15 f. :
Damit die ayger warent brayt
Und fur die gesellen all gelayt....
Des nam de Chriembolt eben war
Und fasst da3 ay so ganc} und gar
Er warff es yeso in den mund
Und schlickt es eyn in einer stund.
Des war er gstorben an der 3eit
Do was ym der schlund so weit
Da) das ay yra durch den kragen
Ganczlich fuor bis in den magen.
In addition to these corresponding passages, both Phagifacetus and
Der Ring have a long and enthusiastic encomium on wine and its pro-
perties, in the former under the heading De potu et vino, in the latter
beginning with the line ' Wie schol aver sein das gtranch ? ' and finally,
in connection with drinking, in both poems the guests are instructed to
make supplication for ' Sant Johans segen.' Such a passage in praise
of wine as we get in Phagifacetus presents a striking contrast to the
cautions and limitations imposed on the drinker by the ordinary
tischzucht. Indeed, in this passage, as in others in the poem, a decided
tendency to parody some of the customary rules may be detected, and
it was only a step from the mild form of parody in the Latin poem to
the sharper satire of Heinrich Wittenweiler's Ring.
Jessie Crosland.
354
Shak$per*?8 Plays: An Examination
the greatness of separate scenes. The play as a whole is loose and
disjointed, badly put together, and lacking altogether the masterfulness
with which Shakspere was wont bo work out his dramatic ideas. The
characterisation is equally erratic, showing Shakspere (if we accept
the ordinary idea and throw all the blame on him) absolutely at his
worst. Consider the representation of Cloten. In I. 1 he is ' a thing
too bad for bad report/ and his showing in III. 5 and IV. 1 bears out
this description, yet in nr. 4 he is * that harsh, noble, simple nothing/
Emogea'a words am tint possibly apply to the Cloten of the play, any
more than the description of him in iv, 2 as 'so fell' or in iv. 3 as
'so needful for this present* can apply to the vain-glorious buffoon
of I. 2 and EL 1. Were one inclined to subordinate truth to a desire
to prove the correctness of this theory of accounting for the incon-
sistency in the drawing of Cloten, one might so vary the conclusion
come to OH considerations of style as to make one author responsible
for representing him as a buffoon and another for showing him ftS
a formidable person ; but in point of fact it is, if the apportion men t
of the play ventured on here be correct, Shakspere who speaks of
him both as ' too bad for bad report' and as a 'harsh, noble, simple
nothing/ Beaumont however is consistent, exhibiting him only as a
gross fool and heartless brute, while Massinger, who describes him as
'so fell/ tries to arconnt for the eon rage he shmvs by making him too
brainless to have 'apprehension of roaring terrors/ In III. 1, with
which Beaumont seems to have had nothing to do, he is represented
as manly and worthy of respect, generous and not boastful, a very
different person from the braggartly ass of i. 2 and 11. 1.
Son it came about that Shakspere *s work was twice patched it
is difficult to say. The 1600 quarto of Mitch Ado affords reason to
belieTO that Cymbeline was in existence at that early date, and it may
bi< that Beaumont's work was done for a revision in or about 1610,
when Dr Forman saw the play performed* (The Masainger revision
would of course be much later,) As against this, it is to be noted
that the ram in the Shaksperian portions i.s obviously of later date
than that occurring in plays dating 1600 or thereabouts, and therefore
there is more reasonableness in supposing that the revision of 1610
was done partly by Shakspere himself and partly by Beaumont, not in
conjunction, but separately, Shakspere perhaps beginning it, and ere
the work was finished retiring to Stratford and leaving the completion
of it to Beaumont. This theory niay help to account for Shakapen s
inconsistent characterisation of Ctotea.
The result of an examination of Cymbelive is, so far as concerns
E. H. C. OLIPHANT
Alassinger's connection, put forward confidently, but, so far as concerns
Beaumont, it is propounded with diffidence. It is essentially a play for
careful study, but study of thv radical type, the only type which should,
and the only type which does not, obtain in Shaksperian criticism*
There remains Winter's Tale, the only one of the supposed four
latest plays of Shakspere of which it can be said that the authorship
of no part of it has ever been questioned by any sane or reputable critic.
But the risk of being shut out from the ranks of the sane or reputable
must not prevent the investigator from giving it the closest of attention.
As a result, it is found that most of the scenes are entirely Shakspi a« /s.
and that there is none that does not show his touch, though in the
second scene of Act L, in Act DL, and in that part of in. 2 bet
Paulinas re-entry and the closing speech (and perhaps also in HI. 1)
there is in places an approximation to the style of Fletcher that setvefl
to show the correctness of Professor Thorndike's view as to the influence
of that writer on the older and greater man.
That the other three pin Mine, The Tempest, and Heart! VIII,
are amongst Shakspiv s latest ifl shows by a study of tin. 1 pails of them
that are clearly his; but these portions are vrvy different to the non-
Shaksperian passages, and seem to show that Shakspeiv's terse did not
degenerate to the extent supposed by some critics, If thr choice be
between a belief in the degeneracy of bhe master and the sacrifice of
certain portions of his later plays, it is a pleasure to find that careful
examination leads to the adoption of the view that portions of them
are non-Shaksperian rather than that Shakfipere'fl powers tell away
or that he deliberately adopted a manner of versification unnatural
to him. That he retained his powers in full is clearly enough shown
in Winters Tale and in lus portion of The Tempest, and that he * 1 ote
part of his later plays in his own style and part in imitation of y "linger
men is not to be thought of The influence of Fletcher, as shown in
parts of Winters Tale, is natural ; but to suppose that Shakspere was
the author of the portions of Cymbeline here ascribed to Massinger
implies eith« ikening of his powers or a deliberate descent to
a prosaic manner unnatural to him.
....
(To be continual )
362 Bibliographical Notes on Charles Sealsfield
in the English version, owing to the addition of a final chapter as already
mentioned, and the division of chapter 2 of the German work into 2
and 3 of the English, and of chapter 13 into 14 and 15.
In spite of the date 1828 on the title-page, the book was issued late
in 1827, as appears both from the records of the publisher and the
postscript to SealsfiekTs letter to Cotta dated June 4, 1827 (Faust, I.e.,
p, 203). It would seem that John Murray * sublet * the contract
The United States to Simpkin and Marshall.
Tokeah, or The White Rose.
The difficulty of finding Sealsfield s books through the usual channels
was already realised in 1877 by that indefatigable compiler, Koustantin
Wurzbach. To-day there is not a library anywhere, which is in posses-
sion of a complete set of Sealsfield's writings. One of the very r
of his works is Tokeah, Joseph Sabin's Biblwtheca Americana, Vol. x\\
mentions it as having been published at Philadelphia in 1829, The
same year is given in the copyright notice cm the reverse title-page of
the second American edition. Yet Sealsfield scholars and bibliographers
have invariably named 1828 as the year of publication. Failing,
evidently, of access to a copy either of the first or of th J edition,
fchey derived warrant for their date from the authm-'s statement in the
Introduction to Der Legitime uml die Repithlihtner, Vol l 9 p. \ui (c£ the
12mo edition): 'Einsig der Legitime mid der Republikaner wurde
zi i erst in dtii Vsretsiigiei] Staaten zu Philadelphia rev and
im Jahr 182K in zwei Diodes unter dem Titel 'Tokeah or The White
Rose"' heraufigegeben, aber bloss der erste Teil in der deutscl
Orell and Fiissli in Zurich 1838 efsehienenen Aurlage unveraadert
geleeeeOj der sweite Toil hingegen gamdich umgearbeitet. 1 Of alao
SealfiSeld'a letter to Brockhaoa (Hare Seal&field-Po&U, Vienna,
1879, p« 59). Tokeah is ool to be found in the lists and reviews for
1838; fllso with the biographical data, albeit these are largely eon-
]«vhiral, 1889 would comport much belter. I was therefore aoti
surprised to find the first novel of Sealsfield mentioned am -hi- rhe
publicationa 1 of 1889 in the North American Review, VoLxxvm (1888),
n, 545: N<>v*ls and Ifelea Tokeah or The White Rose, an American
oovel, Philadelphia, Carey, Lea and Carey, 2 vols,, 12mo.' A good c
of this extremely rare hook was recently acquired far the private library
of EVofeaeoi August Saner. It is, tor aught I know, the Bole copy that
can he located. Its title reads: Tokeah; or, The White Rose, \ Follows
OTTO HELLER
363
a motto from Goethe.) j In two volumes | Philadelphia: [ Carey, Lea
and Carey —Chestnut Street. | Sold in New York By G. ft C. Carvill,
— in Boston By Munroc & Francis. 1X29. Volume i contains 212 pe
Volume Ji 208. The copyright was effected OS January 14, 1829. The
designation of Tokeah as an 'Indian' or ' America n ' novel is a bit of
bibliographical supererogation, so far as the editio princeps is concerned
The second edition which is merely a pupular reprint in cheap pamphlet
form, but now equally ran-, is entitled: Tokeah | or | The White Rose |
An Indian Tale. (The Motto from Goethe.) By C. Sealsfield. S<v..ml
Edition. | Philadelphia [ Lea and Blanchard | 1845, I have like
found a hitherto unregistered English edition in three well printed
volumes: The ] Indian Chief; [ or, | Tokeah and The White Kosc ...A
Tale of the Indians and the Whites. | (The Motto from Goethe,) j
Philadelphia: Carey, Lea and Carey London: A. K. Newman Bad Co,
(The date has been erased. I have not yet been able to fix it.)
It would be well if these full descriptions should lead to the recovery
of further copies of Tokeah : for the novel is indispensable to the com-
parative study of the American and European Indian story/ That it
i> still playing an influential part, especially in juvenile fiction, is proved
by a number of quite recent reprints and ' Kearbeittingen/ even though
most of them are based on the German version, her Legitime and die
Re pah! lh mer. For example, in English: Tokeah, or The White Hose, by
Charlefl Sealsfield. London, G. XewneSj 1897. 2 vols, Svo. : being
09 — 70 of The Pmnjf Library of Famous Hooks. This edition is
unfortunately out of print, and extremely difficult to obtain ; there is a
copy in the Bodleian, but none in the British Museum. The following
from my own collection, apeak for the undiminished vitality of
the book in Germany: L Tokeah, Fiir die reifere Jugend l><
von II. Ludwig. Stuttgart, Thienemaim. 4 vols. (No dale.) 2. Toksah
Oder die weisse Rase, Fiir die Jugend bearheiht TOD P. UoritZ, Stlltt-
g-irt, Thienemaim. 4 vols. (No date.) 8. Tok*-ah. eta, in Die besten
fiofnaiti tier Wvhiitrrtttur (Vols. x — xn). Wien, Leipzig, K. Proohi
Teecherj in Schleaien, (No date: 1886.) 4. Tokeah, etc, Fivi fiir
die Jugend bearbeitel ron Ouetav Btioker. Stuttgart, Berlin, Leipzig,
I'ni'Hi Deutsche Verlagaamtalt (No di Tokeah, etc.,
berauegegeben von Pant Heiehen, in Charles s.alafield'a Wihl- tt
JiuiHttiie. ( Iross-Lichterfehle, \\ Piperaohe Verlagsbueh hand lung.
L900,) 0. Tnkeah s etc, in Klatsiichs Roman* (hr yVeltl iterator.
W&fUU Sammlumj Prurhaska.
K. Prochafika. (No date: 1904.)
vole. Wien, Leipzig, T-
25—2
364 Bibliographical Notes on Charles Seahjield
MoRTON\ UDER DIE BBO60H TOUR.
Another extremely difficult book to find is the first edition of
Morton. Faust, in his Johns Hopkins dissertation, givea the following
title: "1835. Morton, ocisr die grosse Tour, von i Verfasser des
men. Zurich, Orell, etc/ In Faust's Iter Dichter heider Hemi&phA
p. 105, the book is again called Morton, oder die gr08S€ Tour. But in
the subject-catalogues one searches in vain for ' Morton, * since, as a
matter of fact, the name of the principal character did not form part
of the title. Not many copies of the 1836 edition seem to be extant.
One of these was located for me by the Berlin ■ Auskunftsbureau ' in
the Royal Public Library at Dresden, whence >r A. R. Hohlfeld
(of Wisconsin) kindly sends rue a transcription of the title: Lei
bilder | aus | beiden Hemisphtae©. | Voro Verfasser | ties Legitimen,
dec Transatlantischen Reiseskizzen, | des Yirvy, etc, | Erster Theil |
Zurich | bei Orell, Fiissli uud Corop. | 1835. (Vol I, 183 pp., Vol IX,
20fi pp.) In both volumes the sub-title, printed on a special page,
reads merely: ' 1 >ie grosse Tour 1 /
By his tatber captious experimenting in the naming of his books
Sealsfield managed at first to break up the continuity between Trans-
utttuttische Rei*6aki&en (ia George BomvnFe, Esq, Bruutfakri) and its
sequel, Ralph Donghbys^ Esq. Rrautftihrt, when he conjoined the latter
story with Die grosse Tour as Lebensbilder aus beiden Hemiephti
To be sure, he did not intend to deny entirely the organic connection
between Howard and Doughby, for in the ediHo princeps, Doughby is
further described oder der Transatffintisrlten Reiseskizzen drittef TheiL
But the serial title Lebensbilder atts beiden Hemisphdren, erster Theil does
not make a duly clear allowance for Howard as an integral part of the
Belies. Apparently Sealsfield had conceived the ambitious design of a
brood panorama of life on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean t-
Mtinilled in a number of novels. Their collective name was to be
Lebensbilder arts beiden Hem\8ph&ren> and so far as they dealt with
American life solely, they were to be grouped together under the
>dary collective title Tron&Ulantieche Reiseskissm. But, as shown
above, the diacritical value of the threefold title was lost in the con-
fusion of the arrangement of 1836, The author abandoned the scheme
in its more ootnprehensire fenn, and in the second edition, after
separating out Morton, oder die grosse Tour as an independent novel,
1 Since writing this note, I have obtained possession of a oopy of the edition here
accurately described.
OTTO HELLER 365
dropped the general superscription Lebensbilder aus beiden Hemisphdren,
and combined, quite properly, Howard with the succeeding Reiseskizzen
in a set of six volumes under the new generic title Lebensbilder aus der
westlichen Hemisphdre.
Christophorus Barenhauter.
From Faust's list of Charles Sealsfield's works one gathers the false
impression that the almost unknown story Christophorus Barenhauter
and the well known George Howard's, Esq. Brautfahrt passed through
two editions within two years. I am in a position to correct the dates
and titles directly from the books themselves which Professor Faust has
generously contributed to my loan-collection of Sealsfieldiana. The
emendation would presumably have been made by Professor Faust
himself in his Der Dichter beider Hemisphdren, but for the regrettable
omission of a bibliography from that monograph.
The two last items on page 52 of Faust's dissertation read :
'1833. Transatlantische Reiseskizzen und Christophorus Baren-
hauter, vom Verfasser des Legitimen. Zurich, 1833-37. 6 vols. Orell,
Fiissli u. Cie.
1834. George Howard's Brautfahrt und Christophorus Barenhauter.
Bd. 1 und 2, Lebensbilder/
In accordance with the facts these items should be entered as follows :
1834. Transatlantische Reiseskizzen und Christophorus Baren-
hauter. Vom Verfasser des Legitimen und der Republikaner. Zurich,
bei Orell, Fiissli und Comp. 2 vols. (Transatlantische Reiseskizzen is
identical with the first edition of George Howard. A second edition of
George Howard did not come out till 1843; Christophorus Barenhauter
was never republished in book form.)
1835 f. Lebensbilder aus beiden Hemispharen. (The component
parts of the series, which, as is to be seen from the preceding note on
Morton, contains also the continuations of Transatlantische Reiseskizzen,
should be described volume for volume.)
Otto Heller.
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES.
Notes on the 'Interlude of Wealth and Health 1 /
Line 11. 'take ye care/ Read 'take ye keepe' to rime with
' a sleepe.' This can scarcely be a misprint, but suggests a deliberate
modernising of an expression already becoming obsolete.
LI. 37—39.
For in this realme welth should be
Yeth no displeasure I pray you hartely
But in the way of communicacion.
And for pastyme
Punctuate and read as follows :
For in this realme welth should be —
Beth not displeased, I pray you hartely ;
But in the way of Communicacion
And for pastyme.
If this emendation is correct, the imperative ' Beth ' indicates an early-
date of composition, i.e. about the fourteenth or fifteenth century. The
N. E. D. assigns this form only to these centuries.
L. 80. ' Thai ' = though. If this is not a misprint it must go back
to M. E. (mainly southern) ' theih/ ' thai/ ' ]>e},' etc. < 0. E. ' J>eah.'
Are any late examples of this form forthcoming ? I can find none later
than the fourteenth century. Davy, Chaucer and Gower have ' thogh/
'though* only; the London Records from 1430 — 1500, have 'thogh/
' though,' 'thow,' 'thof; also 'thaugh' (? < Angl. '>aeh'). Cf. Lekebusch,
Die Londoner Urkundensprache, pp. 71 — 72.
The leading English dialects according to Dr Wrights Index show
no form which presupposes M. E. ' theih,' etc. Accordingly if ' thai ' be
the true reading, it argues an early and probably a southern origin for
this interlude.
1 Malone Society Reprints, 1907.
Miscellaneous Notes
367
LI 89 — 90. ' bene* riming with ' at ene/ The archaic * bene 1 ^ ' be '
is probably without much importance, but 'at ene* (= c at once') Seems
distinctly old Cf. Stratmann-Bradley, s.v. 'IBne* 1 The phrase is not
exampled io the iV. E* D. 'Bene' riming with 'ene,' is a rhyme in
11 E. e: e, which may or may not be significant. M E* (eLoee) had
become i by tin- beginning of, or very early in, the sixteenth century.
L. 107. c rerhe ' (riming with 'wretch'): M. E. l rcchen/ l rokken/
The former is normal The N. E, D. gives 4 recti,* 'retch, 1 for the fifteenth
but not for th nth century. ' Rech ' appears to be the commoner
fifteenth century form.
LI 115, 126. 'goodes/ ' wayes/ The plural inflexion is syllabic.
In * wayes/ the -es is a sort of rime to 'peace' and ' richesse.'
L. 137. * Getteth, 1 a southern plural : so also 1. 650, ■ Handes doth. 1
L 245. 'both two* (O. E. A ba twa,' ett\\ The latest example of
this use in the X h\ IK is 1523, Lord Borners.
LI. 341 — :il^. 'were; nere: mar,' * Nere T is comparative (M. E.
' nerre , ). For l mar 1 read ' Bier, 1 Similarly in B89j l inarre ' rimes with
* were.' In 399 it rimes with 'war,' but l war ' is from ftf, E. *w
The latest example of the verb ' mar' (M. E. ' mom n,' ' marren '), with
a, not e T given in the JT, E. IK is dated L510, but if we are to judge
from the examples, a-formi beoome more eommoo from the fourteenth
century onwards. The rhymes seem to show that t wst i or m
was the original form in Wealth and Health and that 'mar' and 'mane'
modernised forms, Compare ako the rime * farre' ('far') with
' (verb) in J>42. The N. E> IX records no form of 'far' with e later
than the fourteenth century.
LI. 421, 622, 740. Similar conclusions are suggested by the fonn
4 inquire ' which ifl found in the rime time times, and on each occasion
with an e won) : ( 1 ) ' inquire ' riming with * degrot here,' i.e. ' the great
Lord 1 (Banoe'fl jargon)] (2) 'inquire' riming with ' heaarc' (adv.);
inquire" riming with 'apeare/ Obviously tin- original reading was
'inquire' or ' enquere/ The N. E. D. records forms with i from the
fifteenth century onwards. The only comparatively late examples of e-
in the A r . S, IK are from Spenser where we may haw to do with
a conscious archaism, and Butler, where the form is wanted for the sake
of a grotesque rime,
L. (J41L I note the word ' mell* which seems to represent 0. E.
Han* "to speak' rather than O. F. ' rnesler, etc. * to meddle.' The
latest Example of 'melt' < { meSlan * in the K E. D. is dated c. 1460.
The points noticed suggest, I think, if they fall far short of proving,
368
Miscellaneous Not**
that, the Interlude of Wealth and Health was written considerably earlier
than the date of the extent copy. The latter date is uncertain. The
tared to John Waley in the Stationers Register, as
Mr W* W. Gh early in the craft war which began on 19 July,
1557. 1 But Mr Grog seriously doubts whether the extant copy belongs
to the edition which Waley presumably printed. If it does, the printing
was delayed until after the accession of Elizabeth, i .e. for over a j
See line 959 ' Jesti preserue queue Elizabeth/ It seems probable, how-
» v. i. that when Waley entered Wealth and Health in the Register it w as
ma by any means | n<vv piere, At the sane- Mm. there was entered to
the same printer the interlude of Youth which is assigned, on various
grounds including linguistic, by the latest editors, IVof, Bang and
Mr KoEerrow, to the end of the fifteenth or beginning of the sixteenth
century (Bangs Materia lieu, XII, XJV), Wealth and Health probably
h< -lungs to the saon- time; but whereas the author of Youth was, as Prof
Bang thinks, a northern man, the writer of Wealth and Health seen
have been a native of the southern counties.
There is, however, in the interludes a cine which, if followed up,
might lead to more certain roenlta, 1 allude to the episode of the
drunken Fleming, Hanee* In the Morality Remedy Health,
Wealth and Liberty to the realm, not only by laying Ill-will and Shrewd
Wit by the heels, but by packing the undesirable alien Hanee out of
the kingdom. Hance seems to stand for aliens generally, as also Ebf
foreign countries that had impoverished England in any way. He fa a
bombardier, a musketeor, a shoemaker and, I think, a brewer (77*),
He is also the agent in conveying English wealth to Flanders (424).
If the reference in the last passage is to unfavourable commercial
relations, the time of the interlude is perhaps earlier than 1506, in
which year was concluded a commercial treaty so unfavourable to
Flanders that the Flemings termed it Intercur&wi Mains. As for the
employment of Flemish mercenaries as artillerymen and musketeer©,
the practice seems to have been instituted by the king-maker and
Edward III. When this interlude was written, the employment of
foreign artillerymen seems to have been a grievance (1415):
wvl ye QOt see
We hatne Knglisfa gunners yumv, there i^ no nome empty,
In line 758 we have something which looks like a definite allusion,
Bance says he has been thirteen years in England (*ic heb hore bin, this
darten yeore ') — apparently as a mercenary— for he goes on: 'ic can
Miscellaneous Notes 369
skote de coluerin.' Unfortunately I am unable to follow up these
various clues, and can merely suggest that the history of the Flemings
in England in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, if examined with
reference to hints supplied in Wealth and Health, might yield results
more or less conclusive for the dating of the interlude.
Mark Hunter.
' Irisdision/ in the Interlude of 'Johan the Euangelyst/
In the Modern Language Review for July, 1907 (p. 350), Dr Bradley
ingeniously conjectures that ' Irisdision ' is a misprint due to the com-
positor s misreading the MS. abbreviation ' Joh evan.' This is scarcely
probable, inasmuch as ' S. Johan the Euangelyste ' does not enter till
1. 230, where he describes himself. ' Irisdision ' had left the stage at
1. 190, with the words:
Nowe farewell syr and haue good daye
For I must goo another waye.
Besides, ' Irisdision ' is evidently the character of a mystic, as may be
seen by the first speech (which obviously belongs to * Irisdision/ though
headed 'Saynt Johan the Euangelyst'). This may be illustrated from
the works of Richard Rolle of Hampole (ed. C. Horstman).
L. 8. God tendeth ryght more the prayer with the hert of vs
Than the prayer of the mouth.
Cf. R. R., II, p. xi : ' Where is love ? " in the heart and in the will of
man, not in his hand or in his mouth." '
L. 13. As it rauysshet[h] the soule in to a blessed deserte.
Cf. R. R., II, p. viii : ' His place is the solitude, the desert... Christ is not
found in the multitude but in the desert : " In solitudine loquitur ad
cor."'
L. 14. It feleth no erthly thyng....
Cf. R. R., II, p. viii : ' The mind must be abstracted from visible things.'
L. 15. Thus fared Magdaleyne, etc.
Cf. R. R., II, p. ix : ' Maria (the contemplative) optimam partem elegit.'
L. 17. Nor the aungell at the sepulcre, loue so her constrayned.
Cf. R. R., I, p. 215 : 'All J>is reklessnes of all owtward thynges & also
370
Miscell
Of |>e angel I wordes was caused of |>e gret loue & desyre }>at scho had to
hir marster & hir lord Ihesu/
LI. 20—21. Who so wyll labour is this, must se his habytacyon
Be «olytary....
Of R. R., II, p. viii: 'The true contemplative must be solitary. QOl
conjoint (hod conjunctus, in congregatione et tumultu positus) of
M communis " ; — *' solus suscipiet quod conjunctus carebit.'"
L. 21. ...in Monle of gttftt quyetnesae.
0£ R. R, ii, p. viii; ' haec tria [i.e. fervor, canor, dulcor] ego expertufi
sum in menfe rum posse < I i u perstatere wvm magna qtm
L. -22. Thcrfoiv ener to the churche I do me dresse.
Cf, R. R„ n, p. viii: * Pax est in cella: nil exterius nisi bella/ /&., i r
p. 441 : ' sedebatn quippe is vna capella * ; 'dum enim in eadcm capella
sederem.'
What then is the explanation of the word ' Irisdision ' ? I can only
offer two suggestions, with neither of which I am altogether satisfied
Each involves the change of only one letter, and both depend upon
ages in the Vulgate version of the book of Revelation, It ma]
remarked that ' Irisdision V first speech begins and ends with a quota-
tion from the Vulgate (P$. xxxvm, 9, and P*. LXXXIV, 4), and that
allusions to the book of Revelation are frequent in his language (but
not in that of * S. Johan the Eiiangeh
1. Tho tii _i from which I suggest the name may have h
derived is Rev. x t 1, which reads in the Vulgate, 'Et vidi alium Angelina
Forte tn deseondentem de cash atnictum nube, el irw in capita ejus, 1 Is
it possible that * Irisdision * is a corruption of Iris de Sion, tl
being identified with their/* and d* 8ion being substituted for de CO
It may be noticed that l Syone ' OOCUm in 1. 82 as a synonym ol
and that the phrase de Simi is found in the Vulgate (e.g. Ps. XIX, 2, ' »t
do Siou tueatur te'). In t hat case the angel would i til the mystic,
as in R. R., ib p. ix, where he is said to be ' velut Seraphim succensue,'
and again, * have est pcrfectissima vita, sanetissima, et angel is simi llimn.'
2. The other passage from Revelation which suggests an alter-
native explanation is the beginning of eh. iv, w. 1 — 3, especially the
words veer tis'h'rtirt aptrtwn in ocBlo>..et in* erat in circuitu m
similis vision* smaragdina?.' Is ' Irisdision ' a corruption of I>
Cf, R. R., I. p. 441, 'usque ad \cm ostii celestis \t reuelata facie
oculus cordis super os contemplaretitr' ; and ' manente siquidem aperto
Miscellaneous Note*
371
ostio! Again (p, 436), we have '0 beata visio dei & gaudiorum cell I
We are told (i, p. 417) that ' contemplation is a sight, & \m\ see in til
heuen with |>aire gasteli iee f ; and (n, p, 75), * with his ghoostly eyen
than may he se in to the blysse of heuen.'
It is difficult also to accept Dr Bradley's suggestion that 'Actio/
another character in the interlude, ifl the same as ' Idelnesse ' and a
corruption of ' Accid * an abbreviation of ' * Accidia,' At L 541, II'ltH^s/
and ' Yuelt Counsayle ' go out together and ' Actio' enters, having * ben
longe awaye/ (In 1. 630, ' Ambo ' is a misprint fur 'Actio.') I tak* 1
* Actio' to be the representative of the active as opposed to the contem-
plative life (/3to9 irpaKTiKo^ and fftmpffrucif), Cf. the description of
the active life (R. R., l, p. 268), 'aetyf lyf almi longejj to worldly men &
wymmen whueh Bie lowed, ieschly, & boistous in knowyng of gostly
occupacion. ftbr )vi fele no sjnitnir ne deuoeion be feruour <>f l^ue as
o)mr men don, }>ei can no skile of hit, and ;it neuer^elee |>ei ban drede
of god & of ]>e peyno.s m| helle & Jwsrfore ]?ei tie synne, and J*ei haue also
desyre for to plese god & for to come to heuene. 1 How far the former
part of this description applies to 'Actio* may readily be seen by reading
the interlude. The latter part accounts for the rather sudden conversion
of Eugenic* and ' Actio' under the preaching of John the Evangelist,
W. H. Williams.
SHAKESPEARE, 'TroILI'K AXI> CrESSIDA,' III, iii, 101 — 3.
OlP like a gallant hotw Uu in fttet ranke T
Lie there fci p&vgiiient to die ul>jeet T aeons
O or run and faADlphd 0B«
Xc« •[■•■ i- t ho reading of the Rrst and Seemid Folios, These lines
are not in the Quarto, Tin ■'■im-ction ' ivare,' which is generally
accepted, was introduced by Haiuiier. In the first place, 'the abject
rear* must be understood as ' the rabble in the rear,' far it is plain that
the wltoit iv;ir raunot be pronounced 'abject/ and in the second place,
it is not clear why the idea of a horse should have occurred to the
speaker in the preceding line, rather than that of a soldier. Just aa
the abject soldiers who lay in the rear might have been opposed to the
gallant warrior in tho front rank, so the gallant steed ought to have
ben set over against the abject horse. Now ' neere/ read phonetically
— and those used to the spelling of the time will not raise an objection,
unless it be (bonded on title condemnation by Holofernee in Love's
372
ons Notes
Labours Lost, v, i, 25, of those * rackers of orthography ' who abbreviate
* neigh 1 into *ne* — would answer the purpose. The 'gallant hors
opposed to the abject neigher,' the brute that can do no better than
neigh,
J, DEK NT.
miakf:m'Eare, 'Antony ami ClsqpaTEA/ in, xiii. 158 — 167.
Art. OoU-Imrtad toward me?
Ah, dear t if I be so,
From my ool.i heart let heaven engender
And pottos it in the source ; and the first stone
Drop in my neck: as it determines so
Disserve my lift I The next Hiniianoi smite!
Till by d e gree s the m e mo ry of my womb,
Together with my hrave Egyptians all,
By the discandying of this pelleted storoL
Lie graveless, till the flies and gnats of Nile
Have buried them for prey,
>a.)
The commentators and editors have altered the punctuation of the
I Folio, which is nearly correct, and made nonsense of the passage,
and have then written notes and explanations endeavouring to make
of it. Fnnmss in his Variorum Edition of this play givefl the
following notes:
'next] In deciding the question of Cleopatra's sincerity or in-
sincerity in this seene, hafl full weight been given to the pathetic
tenderness of this word I — Ed.
the next Caesarian] Steevens: Cuesarioii was Cleopatra's son by
Julius Caesar. Irving Edition: Cleopatra appears to apply the name
to Antony's offspring as an indirect compliment; as if she had said,
this second Caesart son. [Or, rather, is it not a wilful and artful
oblivion that she had ever had any children of whom Antony was not
the father?— Ed.] 1
The First Folio give
Ahl Cold hearted toward trie?
QUo. Ah (Deere) if I be so,
PffOSQ my cold heart let Heauen ingender haile,
And pOJBOQ it in the sourse, and the first stone
Drop in my neck : as it determines so
DiasolttS my life, the next Caesarian smile,
Till by degrees the memory of my womW% / .
sirion smite 1 tag "Caesarian smile' is Hanmers obviously correct
• Tin ndatkm. A comma after ' determines,' a semicolon after ' life/ and a
comma alter ' next' would make the meaning perfectly apparent: 'Let
Miscellaneous Notes
373
the first hailstone drop in my neck, and as it falls, so end my life !«■;
the next hailstone smite CaeB&rion, my eldest son; let the following
hailstones slay my other children one by •►no ; then my brave Egyptians,
till hy the melting of this storm of hailstones all lie dead, unturned, prey
to the flies and gnats of Nile/
A. Joanna Partridge.
'Victoria/ * Exchange Ware' ani> ' Worke for Cutlers.'
See pages 141 and 177 of the present volume of this i
Dr Sidney Lee points out that Limey > comedy Le FidetU is another
«n of PasipialigiVs // Fidele.
The suggestion made on page 152, that those shows' were performed
in connexion with some of the longer pieces played before King James
on his first visit to Cambridge in 1015 derives support from Chamberlain's
letter to Sir I >. Carleton of March 16, Ifllf, quoted in Hawkins' edition
of Ignoramus (1787), p. xxviii, and elsewhere. Chamberlain wri
'the first night's entertainment [March 7] was a comedie made and
acted by St Johns men [(Veill's ^Emilia].., larded with pretty s!i
at the beginning and end. 1
G. C. Muoke Smith.
•To Appoint/
Milton, Sittfist.tn AgonistMi 878«
In the Modem Lanffuag* Review for ( fotober, 1907 (p, 74), Profefl
Q, Ci Hoorc Smith suggests that fin meaning of* appoint' in tins
passage is * prescribe or determine the course of/ 'pin down to b fixed
course*; I believe, however, that the N. E. IK explanation f arraign ' is
p rfectly correct, though the use of the word in this sense may be very
rare in English. The French rarb 'appointor/ 1 f E\ 'apointier/ if b i airij
I common legal term of which the following examples are given in H
Di&iomnairt G4&4ral Appoint^ que tea parties mettront leurs produc-
tious an grefie, 1 c Xea parties £tani appoh mettre leuxa pii
devant le mi/ Its most common oee appears to be in tl 'to
bring about i settlement, in a suit/ tv/, 'appointor mi proces/ Littre
defines 'appointement 1 as 'r&glement an justice par lequel, avaoi de
(aire droit am parties, le juge ordonne de produire pat eerit, on de
depths, i lee pikers but le bureau, on encore de prouverpar t&noins tee
fills art.iriilrV Among other meanings of ' apointier,' Godefroi gives,
374
Miscellaneous Notes
under one heading ordonner, commander, normuer pour faire une chose,
a usu} net un vendez-mus a y provoquer,' the last two of which correspond
to Milton's use of the word, viz., ' to arraign, challenge, call to account/
Ernest Week ley.
FRAGMENT of ax A\v,l<>-\ukma\ Life OV Edward the Confer-
A book recently came into my possession with fragments of the Life
of St Edward th< Confessor bound in as fly-leaves. The poem is
identical with that in the collection erf Anglo-Norman Lives of the
Saints preserved in a MS. in the Duke of Portlands Library at Wclbeck
Abbey 1 * The fragments, which have Unfortunately suffered consider-
ably at. the hands of the binder, rive a part of a prologue which the
Welbeck MS. does not contain. The MS. from which the sheets were
unt was q£ small format, piobably 8 in, by 6 UL, and might well have
belonged to a nunnery similar t<> that of Gaznpeeey, near Woodbridge,
which owned the Welbeck MS. The writing is of the thirteenth
century, and the initial letters are absent. Of the prologue, only one
column, cut down the middle by the sixteenth century binder, and ten
lines in sstenso remain. While it is often fairly simple to imagine what
the end of a line may be, it is almost impossible to conjecture the
beginnings of a whole series of lines. Fortunately the last ten lines of
the prologue are untouched, and 0&r very interesting date with regard
to the French of England in the last third of the thirteenth century--
It is clear from lines 11, 12 and 43 that the writer is a woman.
en faire ad vnlciv. Si j«»e rnrdre de« cases ne gart,
t a sun pa ne jnigue part a Bft part;
. .. ..t le l»Iaiiioninr. net) dei estre reprise,
lz fere e net funt. K- iiel puift bait BO nule guise,
— ...suffire eStoi 45 Qu'en Latin e*t nuiuinatif
,. al uiels quit pot ! Op fittJ rOmA&I m n-natif.
u»t le bieo Cut, un fcua iYunccis bai d'Auglctere
eta qm en ait: ECe oal alai uiun quere,
t a sa paisanoe, liafii mi ki ailun apris favez,
lo a bOBfl \ oil ..! 50 La u inenter iert, rarneadez.
e nn require
MM' -111 !
ne grace,
Ha li parfaoe.
1 Cf. Paul Mtyw in Vol. xxxni of the Sitioirt iitUmirt it Ut lntu.ee,
1 A point fating oi these OOmpositioni may be found in the fact that Saint
Richard whose life is contained in the Welbeck MS M waa canonised in 1262.
Miscellaneous Notes
375
Then without any further indication, other than a capital letter, the
space for which was left, the fragment continues for some 240 lines with
only verbal differences from the Welbeck MS.
I venture to think that the last ten lines of the prologue are a more
interesting instance of the debased stale of French in England in the
thirteenth century than any of those quoted in Paul's Gnuulriss, VdL I
(2nd ed.), pp* 4*56 rY. I hope shortly to publish the eomph
A. T. Baker.
Dante, 'De Viloaki Eloquextia,' i, vii.
O diaper luitum nostra {fern* peccatiw ! o th initio et mwqnain desinens
tatrix ! Nuiii fuerat satis ad tui oorropttonem quod per oriinn.i |m- arica-
tiutieiu eliminata, deliciarum exulabaw a putria ? Num satis, man satis, quod per
oiiiversalern familie tue luxuriem et trucitatem, unica reeenratfl domo, (gfrioquid tin
;im ei\'»t. catvK-lisriu) jierierat / et que commiaeras tu, animalia eelique terreqae jam
lii.'iiiikt 1 Quinm -atis aititerat I Bad, clout pvoVerbiaHtev did snlcf, tfow ante
tTtium ttftittihii( f toiaeni miawfiuii uialuisti venire ad equina.
The four words in italics have puzzled all who have dealt with them
from Giangiorgio Trissino to Signor Ro Rajna. Th» former renders
' Non andrai a ravallo anzi la torza/ These WOrdfl Tiatinally mean
1 You shall not go 0Q hOTQebftcik before 9 A.M.' What meaning Gian-
gio gives them does not appear. Fortunately, perhaps, fin him,
explanations formed dO part of h)B undertaking n nph-, how*
led 0116 or feWO modem editors, notably Witte (though he seems to
liavr recanted), to read terttom, against the one really authoritative MS.
Giuliani kept to ttrttHtn, and explained equitabis by a reference to the
chastisement of schoolboys: i Yon will not ge4 a honing till youi third
fault/ What he took to be the 'subaudite' noun to tertium he (!<ms not
say. Perhaps, like Signor Rajna, he thought that tertium w-<
udvrrk Ifc A. G. R Howell, in his note to th«' passage in his trans-
lation of the De Vulgari SloquerUia follows Giuliani, though from &he
>mi lading words of his not« be seetue to see that this tnterpretatioi]
makes notaeanse; the human race having already been 'horaed' pretty
I (ly in the Fall and the Deluge. To anyone who ever learnt to ride
in hie youth, the meaning is as elear <os day. How often we were told
by those interested in our progress, 'You will not ride till you have had
three falls*; and how tnu it, came, certainly in mv own caee, probably
in that of Boost I No doubt I (similar saying was current in Tnecany in
376
Miscellaneous Notes
Dante's day. The noun of course would be casum. With this the sense
is plain. Mankind has had the two spills above-mentioned; it n*
the third, that of Babel, to teach it wisdom.
I may remark that I sent this explanation to Signer Rajna some
years ago, but it did not seem to commend itself to him. I should like
to know how it strikes the readers of the Modem Language Review.
h may be worth noting that Folengo (Chaos, a iii, recto) quotes a some-
what similar proverb, but from the horses point of view: ( A1 poledro fu
sempre concesso fin a doi eapestri tompere*'
A. J. Butler.
The Almahac df 'Jacob mix Uaghib hen TibboN'
<LatiXK l PBOFAOnjS ') J & 1800,
All Dante students are familiar with the controversy whether
1300 or 1301 is the year indicated by internal evidence as that which
was assumed by Dante for the date of the Vision of the Divina
neditt. Though there are now scarcely any advocate* remaining
fie latter date, yet there are some who still maintain that there is
at least one of their astronomical arguments which holds the field. It
nmed on both sides that Dante's references to the positions of the
planets must mnvspond with their true places in the supposed
of the Vision. Now it is undeniable that Venus was in point of fact a
Morning Star :U Kaster 1301 and an Evening Star in 1300. And the
presence of Venus as a Morning Star is a conspicuous feature in the
splendid description of the Easter Dawn at the beginning of the
Pnrgatoiio. The advocates of 1300 have been obliged hitherto t<»
maintain that this may fairly be considered to be a purely ideal picture,
and therefore not necessarily subjected to such matter-of-fact conditions.
But an entirely new light has now been thrown upon this point by the
researches of Prof Boffito. He has discovered the actual Almanac which
was in general vogue in the early fourteenth century, and the one which
there is little reason to doubt was that likely to have been employed
by Dante. When we remember that the scene in Ptirg, i. is entirely
imaginary, and that Dante W&fl writing ten or twelve years after the
jate assumed for that scene, it is evident that, if he desired to conform
1 J. Boffito et C, Melzi cTEril : Almawch Dantit AUgherii $\vt Profhacii J>
Motiti*pe*Auhini Almanack pcqtttuwn *ul annum 1300 inchoatom. Nunc primum tditum
<ut Jtdim COditfi Laurentanti (PL xvm, sin. N. i). Florentine, apud L. S. Glsckhi.
KDOoocnn.
Miscellaneous Notes
377
to the astronomical conditions uf the period, he would have to consult
an almanac for that purpose. The remarkable point is that in this
contemporary Almanac to which Prof. Boffito has called attention,
Venus is in fact (though erroneously) recorded as a Morning Star in
1300.
The Almanac was written in Hebrew, but was immediately trans-
lated into Latin, and became very widely known. Prof. Boffito says that
it exists in 'innumeri codices/ many of them of the very beginning of
the fourteenth century. (There are us many as six 1 in the Bodleian
Library.) It was a 'perpetual Almanac'; i.e., the Tables of the position
of all the planets were constructed from 1300 onwards until in each
case the number of revolutions of the epicycle brought the Planet back
again (approximately) to the position which it occupied in 1300. so
that the Tables could (with slight corrections for which rules are given)
be used again continuously. The positions of the 'superior planets'
are given at intervals of ten -lays; those of the more swiftly-moving
* inferior planets ' at intervals of five days.
The periods of recurrence of the original position are of course
very different for the different ] >1 a nets. Thus the Tables have had to
be calculated in the case of Saturn for sixty years, in that of Jupiter
for eighty-four j^ears; in that of Man for eighty; ami in that of
Mercury for forty-seven: while in the case of VenitS I )lgbl ntfiee.
Now it is Curious thai in the original Hebrew Almanac the
Planetary Tables all begin from 1301, while in the Latin Version they
all begin from 1300 with the dSB&pthm uf Venn*, vvliirh still starts from
1301.. It is singular, however, that in the 'Preface' both of the
Hebrew and Latin Almanacs, it is stated that the Almanac has 1300
for its initial year. The result then is — however the strange difference
may have come about — that in the case of Venus alone the position
given in the firwt column is that for 1301 and it is correctly given for
that year; whereas in all other cases the first column represents 1800<
(In some MSS. the year 1800 l»as been erroneously inserted in tb-
Column for VeUUS,) What then could be mem natural than that ,-iny
one consulting the Almanac should fall into the error of supposing that
the figures which he found in tie first column of the Table of Venus
represented (as in the Cttfle of sS the o\ her planets) her position in 1800 I
If Dante m;ide this mistake, in a perhaps cursory inspection ■•! the
Pla
' Uf the six BodltUn MHS. referred to in the text, two QOOteJil Tables for the ' superior*
linnet* only. In tin- four, the T*bl6i for Venus be^in with 1301, and those for
tin- oilier Flftoeta with 1800.
M. L. R HI.
378 Miscellaneous Notes
\
I Almanac, he would find the position of Venus, say on April 10, tc
! about 20° within the sign of Pisces, and hence she was
I I Velando i Peaci ch' erano in sua scorta.
I
By consequence, as the Sun was in Aries, Venus would be a Mon
j i Star, visible before Sunrise, as Dante has represented her.
J This interesting discovery not only destroys the supposed survii
J! argument for 1301, but entirely transfers it to the other side. It affi
•I also an interesting illustration of the importance of interpreting as
nomical passages in Dante by contemporary evidence and ideas, rat
than by the Nautical Almanac.
E. Moore.
REVIEWS.
in
i
pr
Goe&ke$ Faust. Enter Teil Edited with introduction and commentary
by Julius Gobbel. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1907,
LSme, 3xi and 3S4 pp.
The most striking an- 1. 1 believe, most lasting impression of this new
edition of Goethe's FaxuA is one of independence and originality of
treatment. Here lie the elements of its strength; but hen also those
jf its weakness. Profei ebel has given us a bonk of strong oontrastSj
in which high lights and deep shadows lie doe tier.
The wry learned apparatus of annotations is proof that this edition
intended for strictly technical study primarily in the advanced and
miliary work of universil i. & Dndef these circumstances, one must-
regret that the editor has not ehos. n to present the still unsolved
problems of the BOOH) With BUch impartial objectivity as would afford a
Bur insight into the pros and cons. Such a method would have enabled
the student to judge for himself, without, of course, interfering with the
right of tin author to press his own poinl of view, The least that could
be expected in this direction would be careful bibliographical refer*
to the beet authorities defending views. These are but rarely
given, although in other respects the introduction and notes are bur-
dened with often tardetehed references and quotations. A few excellent
works are mentioned in the Preface (p. x). Of these, however, the
commentaries of Fried rich Vise her. Kuno Fischer and Bfinor also give
no hibliogrriphieal aid, whereas that given by Erich Schmidt is of almost
enigmatic brevity, A- a result, the studi m of Qoebel's edition is largely
cut off from the great body of detailed Fau$i -inn ism. a com]
bibliography WOulu, of COUTB6, have been out of the question ; hut that
valuable help ean be given in even small compass is proved by the
mi du'-tory bibliographies to the editions ofBreul (London, Bell, L&05)
and of Wirkewski (Leipzig, H< >>< 1906).
One of the moat valuable features of the present edition i> rhe
numerous parallels not only from Goethe's writings, but also from
contemporary authors; primarily Herder and Schiller. Much of this
material has been very well selected, ;is e.<j^ the notes on 1L 221 fit, !W0ff„
386 ff., 4ol eta There are other instances where more appropriate
quotations might have been given. In the note on L Tiiti, e.g., I fail to
be a ppro pri ateness of the two passages quoted, whereas 1 miss the
-2
380 Reviews
I;
excellent parallel from Herder on the interrelation of ' Wunder ' and
' Glaube ' quoted by Suphan (Goethe- Jahrbuch, 6, 310). Similar cases
ji are the notes on 1. 446 (cf. Herder, Samtl Werke, 6, 258), 1. 1112 (cf. the
parallels quoted by Schmidt and Witkowski), 1. 2358 (letter to Schiller
i 1 of April 28, 1798), etc. It is to be regretted that in his search for
parallels Goebel has neglected Wieland. For in more instances than have
"' been so far identified, phrases from Wieland, even though pitched in a
very different key, seem to have helped to influence Goethe's conceptions.
i, I refer not only to the above-quoted notes of Schmidt and Witkowski
m on 1. 1112, but also to the passages quoted by Seuffert in his edition
of the Fragment, p. iii ff. Quite unnecessary, on the other hand, are
most, if not all, of the numerous quotations from Middle High German
I sources or other early writers 1 , many of which are not even particularly
j to the point (see the notes on 11. 1042 ff, 2101 f., 2765, etc.). So, for
instance, Faust's dissatisfaction with human knowledge is commented
i on by quotations ranging from the thirteenth to the seventeenth century,
whereas Rousseau and his general influence on his age are not even
I mentioned. As a matter of fact, these medieval warnings against all
but scripturally sanctioned knowledge have nothing in common with
i Faust's despair at the insufficiency of what it is given to man to know.
If this characteristic storm and stress sentiment needs at all to be genea-
logically traced, why not go back to 1 Cor. 13, 9 ?
The most characteristic contribution of the edition to Faust criticism
consists, however, in the systematic effort to trace Goethe's indebted-
I ness to the alchemistic and spiritistic literature with which he was
likely to have become acquainted before 1772-3, when he came under
I Swedenborgs influence. Such an attempt is indeed welcome, for it has
j. never been adequately undertaken before. Following Diintzer, Loeper
| and others quoted some disconnected parallels. Then GrafFunder, in
i 1891, in his article on 'Der Erdgeist und Mephistopheles in Goethes
i Faust 1 made a more systematic investigation of those sources with which
| Goethe, according to his own testimony in Dichtung und Wahrheit,
j | became familiar during his second stay at Frankfurt, 1768 — 1770, or
,J shortly after. But the scope of Graffunder's investigation was limited,
i 1 and he neglected whatever had no direct bearing on the ' Erdgeist/
i'j j In 1894, Erich Schmidt directed attention to Swedenborg and, as a
result, Max Morris, in 1899, published his careful investigation of the
interrelation between the thought-world of Faust and that of the
Swedish ghost-seer. Unfortunately Morris, in his attempt to ascribe
everything in question directly to Swedenborg, made too light of the
evidence adduced by Graffunder. Even the highly suggestive passage
from van Helmont's Paradoxal-Discourse, which Graffunder had quoted
for the vision of the macrocosmos, found no favour with Morris. He
declared that any attempt to establish an alchemistic basis for the
1 These parallels suggest the characteristic manner of B. Hildebrand, to whose ' Hand-
exemplar* of Faust Ooebel states his indebtedness for a number of valuable hints and
references. It would have been interesting to know more in detail wherein we have to see
Hildebrand's ideas, as he himself has hardly published anything on the subject of Faust.
Reviews
381
opening monologue was doomed to failure, as such a basis did not exist.
This statement, however, reeta on an evident miseoneeption of alchemy
or at least of so-called alchemistic literature. It is true that the Faust
of the opening monologue has ceased to be an alchemist in the narrower
sense of the WOtd (that he had formerly been one is shown by II. 80S and
1050); the aid which he expects from magic is of a spiritistic character.
But alchemisttc teachings are inextricably bound up with astrological
speculation and a demonelogiaa] cosmogony, this being a natural result
of the fundamental belief in the spiritual inter-relations between the
stars, specially the seven planets (astrology), and the principal metak
ou the one hand (alchemy) and the sidenc or planetary spirits on the
*»ther (deinonology i Innumerable passages tn mi authors like Paracelsus,
Welling, van Helmoilt rind others could lie quoted in proof of the constant
and subtle interdependence of these three spheres, and Goethe might
have gathered almost all the elements of Faust's spirilisto from these
'alchemists/ At any rate, there can be no doubt that when, in 1772,
he actually became acquainted with Swedenborg, his earlier alcheniistic
studies had rendered him peculiarly susceptible to this influence, as at a
later date to that of Spinoza, and there is no special need of assuming
with Morris that it was just the influence of Swedenborg that induced
him to represent the magician Faust as primarily a conjurer of spirits.
NWj Uoehel assumes towards Morris and his theory the «^
tive attitude which Morris had taken up towards Graflunder. On p. 277
(joebe] says s 'The parallel passages quoted by Morris are, with one or
two exceptions, too general and far-fetched to prove his point. More-
over, it could easily be shown, if it weiv worth the while, that most of
the ideas which Morris claims as original with Swedenborg occur in the
alchemistic, cabalistic, and magic writings which fin. the studied/ But
Gfoebel is not satisfied with this assertion, in support of which h
to muster a g 1 deal <>f interesting material; he sets up a new idol in
the plart" of Swedenborg, namely, Ianihliehus, the Neoplatonic philoso-
pher of the fourth century, the pupil of Porphyry and, hence, indirectly
of Plot-inns: or rather, the treatise on theurgy, De Mi/sterHs Atgyjh tiorti til ,
which is generally ascribed to Iambi ichus, although his authorship is by
no iii'iuis certain, As Ooebel makes no reference whatever to the other
genuine writings of lamblichus, it is probably fair To assume that they
contain nothing that could be claimed to have influenced Goethe a
FaU8t, In the Preface (p. viii) Goebel states: I attach a certain
important c to m that lloethe must have known and used
Iandmenus" book De Mysteriis.' It seems natural, therefore, that in a
detailed review of the edition the attempt should be mads to test this
new theory , especially afl an 'ariier article by Ooebel {Proceedings ttfthe
Anwr, Phtlol. Assoc* for Ld05, pp. v — vi), I know, has not ted
to any discussion of tin* subject 1 ,
It is True, l?e know rliat < loethe, at an i-arly age, was attracted to the
1 (toebel (p. *2s9) refers to this article »s l a detailed account of Goethe** indebtedness
to lambliclm*.' In renlity it is u brief report of two pages, containing considerably less
ill than the Indodootioo and nolM of the pnmiji edition.
Bevii ws
study of Neoplatonisiii, nut otsly in 1768 aa Goebel assumes on p.
but as early as IT(i4-5 (cf. Weimar- Ausgahr, 27, 382), This early
study. h owe ver, concerned Plotinus and we find nowhere in Goethe's
writings or conversations any mention of lamblicho*. In fact, the
evidence of the well-known passage of the eighth book of Dicktuxg umd
\rheii i\*»> not point in this direction at all. Of the authors then
mentioned 1 , Goethe si Hal interest in Welling'a Opu
QabbalistiQum, the *b aa Humeri, Boerhave and Arnold; to the
same category belongs also Paracelsus who is frequently quoted by Goethe
and whoni, as we know from some of the entries of the Ephemeride*,
be specially studied, Lastly, it should not be overlooked thai
familiar with the Bible, the mystic suggestive
which for certain Faustiun thoughts and conceptions has not yet been
adequ atel y recog 1 1 i get I .
These sources should obviously be thoroughly investigated, before
explanations and 'influences' are looked for in oilier fields. This rule
Goebel, who certainly has delved deeper into these dark regions than
his predecessors, unfortunately does not observe; else he would nd
again and again refer to Iftmblkhus or even more remote sourc*
which can be just as well or even better traced to Goethe's actual
reading.
In speaking of Welling, Goethe himself (Hempel-Au 21, 1 18)
a the faet H ices his doctrine to the Neoplatoi
(Welling mentions P rod us, Porphyry, Plotinus, etc., but not Iainblichus),
and then continues: 'Gedachtea werk erwahnt seiner Vorganger mit
rielen Ehren, und wir wnrden dahei angeregt, jene Quellen selbst auf-
zusuchen. 1 But then he goes on: 'Wir wendeten una nun in die Werke
dee Theophraetus P&raoewus and Basilius Valentinus, nichl weni&
Heknont, Starckey and Andere, deren mehr oder weniger aui N
and Einbikhmg ben i hemic Lehreti and Vorschriften wif einzusehen und
zu befolgen suehteii. Mir wollte besonders die "Aurea ("anna Honuri 1
gefallem Hence, at the wry place where one might expect i>
refer to Neoplatonic studies, he does not do so; and the account which
I ■■" tbeJ on p. xxix gives of the passage m question is not an impartial
statement of the facts.
A^ sunn as we try to establish 'direct' coimoctinns between spiritis
concept-inns of the seventeenth or eighteenth century and Neoplatonic
speculation, we triad on very uncertain ground; not because the ©on-
nections themselves are doubtful, but because the possibilities of how,
in any given case, b connection may have been brought about are
bewildermgly numerous. Neoplatonic influences — partly introdu
through Jewish or Mohammedan philosophy, partly through the
Christian mysticism of the middle ages, partly through the Neoplatonic
revival of the Renaissance — are being gradually recognized aa of the
Utmost importance in shaping modern religious and philosophical
1 Welling, Puaoalsits, Bftoiiiuj Valeafcinra, van Heliuont, Btard
'•'/, ttcwrhave and Arnold* To kheii i shou II \ >e added Agrippn, already referred to m
the fourth book. Bwsdoabofg ami Spiuowi belong to a later period.
Revi
ews
383
thought. I need only refer to the overshadowing influence that scholars
like Drews or Pieavet have recently attributed to the dynamic pantheism
of Plotmuft, Guebel, of course, is not unaware of these intricate inter-
relations (e£ e.g., pp, xx, 280, 288, etc.); he himself repeatedly traces
certain teachings or Paracelsus and Agrippa to Iamblichus and, on the
other hand, emphasizes the influence Ot the men of the Renaissance
upon later eclectic writers like Welling, van Helmont and others, lie
proves that many point* ascribed by Morris extensively to the influence
of Bwedenborg, who stands at the ?ery end of the line in ouestinn, can
be explained equally well from other sources. But he does not &
to be willing to admit that, similarly, many ideas in Iamblichus may
have found their way into Goethe's Futtst through indirect channels,
Goebel admits th.it Uoetbe is not likely to have read the fairly difficult
Greek of De Mtfsfm'is and says (p, xxix) that* he seems bo hau-
[it] in Thomas (Jale's translation (London, 1674)V I do DOt lee why
just this inference should be drawn, Latin versions of Iamblichus,
generally together with analogous writings by Proclus, Porphyry, Mer-
enrius Trismegistus, etc, were repeatedly printed, e.jj., Venice 1497,
Bade 1632, London 1552, Rome L55& This point is not without
importance, for it proves that the book was widely known and easily
accessible during the Ren&ifieanee period, and that its teachings must
easily have found entrance into later books on magic.
The principal conceptions and expressions in Fnttst which to Goebel
suggest the direct infhu nee of D$ MysterHs" are the following: (1) the
character of the Earth-Spirit; (2) the of Mephistophelean
(3) Mephist< I relation to the Earth-Spirit; (4) the phenomena
attending the appearance of the Earth-Spirit; (5) the use or the moon-
light (I* 886 flf.)i (8) 'Seehnkraft' (L 424); (7) die heiTgen Ziehen'
(1. 127); (8) dies geheimnisTolle Buch' (1.419); (9)<der WVis,- (L 442),
(10) ' Dein Sinn ist BU ' (I, 444); (11) Morgenroj ' (1. 440) ; (12) ' Zwei
Sedan... 9 (L 1112); (18) 'die Liebe Gottea (1 1 186); (14) the attempt
to i rnnslate Jo&fi, I, 1; (IB) the prayer to the Earth-Spirit in'Watd
and Hoble. 1 The greal majority of these reforenoea belong bo the
opening monologue and are identical with those which Uoois has
attempted bo trace to Swedenborg, This is especially true of the fiisl
four itejiis. These are by far the moel interesting and I shall he obliged
to discuss them somewhat in detail.
With regard to 1, 2 and 3, Qoehd bases Ins argument chiefly on De
M'tsf,, !». B: p. r Detim immm Dominum Daemoimm, agitur eoium
daemonum propriorum] iuvocatio, qui et a principle sums eaique
Daemonem definivit... Semper enim in citibtta aacria inferior pef
1 As a matter of fact, Goebel doe« not seem to have quoted the text from tlvi» edition ;
for oo rhne Parthtj (Berlin, 1887) differ* from i.mie, Ooebei follows the
former It is h)bo to be regretted that the English translations occasionally Riven are
taken from the poor and awkward rendering of Thomas Taylor (Chiswick, I
iin language on this point. Hr QOt »»nly clniius * that Goethe
was well ioattiinted irith th< I i l&inblirhu* ' (p. *27*>> r baft that he 'carefully
studied [/>< My$teiii$] for thi conjuration of the Kurih-Spirit' (p. xW). Cf. al
288, 991, IO61
384
//, fl
superiorem invocatur: quare etiam ds Da Koonibas ut loquar, est onus
qmdeni eonxxD flux qui generationis el mundi prinoepe eat, tequ<
unamquemque Daeiaoaem suum <limit t it/ This lord of fk'nnnis.'
according to Qoebel (p. xlv) t 'is, without doubt, identical with the
Earth-Spirit,' by whom Mephistopheles is assigned to Pauat as his
'daemon proprius*' For Qoebel* with the majority of Faust cr;
assumes that, according to the plan of the Urfaust, Mephistophele>
to be a messenger of the Earth-Spirit, If however, Mephistophel
to be considered as a ' daemon proprius/ evil spirits must be able to act
in this capacity. This Qoebel asserts, He says: Tin demon which
this Spirit assigns to each individual may be eithergood or eviL* As a
matter of fact, the teaching of Iambliehus is very different. He beli
it is true, in the existence of evil demons, but he distinct! that
they cannot h daemones proprii/ Cf. De MtfSt, 9, 7: 'Introduces
uutein et in ipsis pugnam, taiwpiarn domirmntimu Daemonum alii boni,
alii mali sint T cum tamen mali spiritus nusquam praefeeturas habee
kg on to consider the relation in which Goethe intended the E
Spirit to stand to Mephistopheles, Qoebel continues: 'Following the
directions of Iambliehus, Goethe may have planned a scene in which the
Spirit... in forms Faust who his future companion is to be/ But this,
too, IS untenable. According to Iambliehus, the 'daemon propritlfl
assigned to the soul even before it enters the world of bodies. Cf. De
Mt/st., 9, b" : 'Hie igitur Daemon praeextiterat in par be, priue-
quam in genesis desoenderetanima; hie., statim animae adeet Jt \.quaequs
OOgitamilsab en prineipium habent, et ea agiunis quae nobis in mentem
is induxerit, denique eaten tin nos guberaat, quoad sacria perfect] pro
Daemons Deutn animae custodeni et ducem adipiscarnuiv In reading
this passage one is tempted to think of Goethe's beautiful lines:
TeflnehmoDd fiihren gate Geister,
Gslinde leiteod, hCSchste Meister,
Zu dein, dcr allea sehafft und sehuf,
but certainly not of Mephistopheles who in the Ur/attst appeals
more fiendish than in the later stages of the poem. If we are to find
in Mephistopheles a 'daemon proprius' in the sense of De Afysteriis, he
must be considered as a good spirit and as the custodian of Faust's soul
from the beginning. Such an assumption, however, is utterly impossible
and would deprive the psychological problem, even of the l r rfattst. of all
rational meaning.
Assuming, however, for argument's sake, that Goebel's explanation
of the relation of Mephistopheles to the Earth-Spirit be correct, then the
1 'Praefeotura,* with Iambliehus, is the term for the assigned power which a ' daemon
prnpnus' has over a human soul. The same view as to the * daemones proprii ' is also
held by Agrippa, whom Goebel does Dot quote in this connection, Cf, D? occulta ph\
oMfl, 3, 22 : * Triplex miiemijiio hornini daemon bonus est proprius custos.' This passage
is especially interesting, for it shows that Goethe was not bound to get * a of a
' dominus da* mnuum ' from Jaiublichus, but could have taken it from Agrippa, who
continues: "Daemon quicletn sacer ,.a superna causa, ab ipso daeinonuin praeside deo
dependent! animae rationali iMgnstBT- 1
AVi'/r K'S
385
latter is a 'dens/ i.e., one of tin: first rank in the hierarchy of spirits,
which Iamblichus generally enumerates in the following order: * dii t
archangel!, angeli, daernones, heroes, arehontee, animae/ The point is
of 80006 interest, for, according to Iamblichus, this hierarchy is not only
firmly established, but it must be carefully observed (see the passage
quoted above; 'Semper enim in ritibus sacris inferior per superiorem
invocatur/ 9. D). In another connection, however (p also p, 291 ) J
Qoebel maintains that 'the Earth-Spirit belongs bo the Arcfrontefi/
1m cause, according to De MysL, 2, 5, it is tiny who 'either give us the
government of mundane ooneenis or the inspection of material nan
This definition Qoebel requires in order to prove that 11. :i*230-l of the
prayer to the Earth-Spirit ('G&bst OUT die herrliehe Natur zum Konig-
rcich...') are also based on Lunblichtis. That is, according to De
Myst t 9, 9, the Karth-Spirit must be a 'dens 1 and according to 2, 5, he
must be an ' archon/ notwithstanding the fact that l lie two orders are
separated in the hierarchy of spirits by almost the entire length of the
Hue. Besides, an 'archon' could not possibly be a power that controls
and assigns demons. For these are themselves of a higher order. As
far as this point is concerned, it must therefore be maintained that the
assumed relation of Mephistopheles and the Earth-Spirit has no basis
whatever in De Master Us.
4 + The suae confusion appears in Goehels explanat ion of the
phenomena attending the appe&ranoe of the Earth-Spirit. On p, 2H9 ff,
Qoebel enumerates thirteen different phenomena (g.r/. t the darkenit
the moon, the darting of red flashes of light, the vapour and so forth, as
well as the various effects of the apparition upon Faust) and minutely
ich of them to some passage in De Mt/xferns. On examination
we find that four of them are attributed by Iamblichus to the dii; tiv*-
to the '.daemonee/ two to the 'heroes," one to the 'archontea' One,
finally, which is to explain the phrase; ' Es weht ein Sch&uer v.>m
Gewolh berab, 1 does not i -pir it-apparitions at all, but to dream-
visions ( /v Mtfsf. 8, 1*). In itself, of OGUTSe, it would not be Strang
;t poet should ohooee and connect elements that suit his purposes,
regardless of their original significance. Bui we must remember that
ton 2 of D* M on which Goebel in this case bases his argu-
ment, has no other purpose than to distinguish between the various
phenomena and influences connected with the different orders of spirits 1 .
Each chapter enumerates the different classes of spirits, explaining how
they are to be distinguished with regard to size, splendour, effect upon
the soul, etc. Such a mixing of the most heterogeneous of these
elements, as we should have to assume for Goethe's Earth-Spirit, would,
to say the least, be as foreign as possible bo the teaching of A M
whereas the account given by Qoebel tends bo produce the opposite
1 Cl Df Afyff,, S, I : 'Qnasii! aniin goo imticio cognoscamus aut Bonn Appnicre ant
angel um nut archangelum aut daemuutiii aut iHqQttfl prmi ipam ant aninmm. too igituir
verbo atatuo, eorum epiphaniaw respondere eoran , poU-statibus el apttftfio&ioei j
quale* tiniu sunt, to&M invocaulibus apparent. .Sed nt wingulfltiin hate dtttrmilMQI * .
and then follow! tin dOJCtripHOp of the different apparitions and the phenomena MMN
with tlu'io.
Revi\
impression. His method may be judged from the following instance,
I hi page 289 he says: 'The effect of the apparition upon the eonjum
thus described by Eamblichna, Sec, II, Cap, S: "Daemones horribiles
sunt...obstupefaciunt...videntn>us noxii occurrunt et doloi runt"
(**wie f a in meinem Herzen reisst"); Cap. o" ■ "omnes nostras boull
in propria principia restaurant ' r Zu neuen Uefuhlen
matter of feet, the last statement does not n laemones,' bi
1 dii/ of whom Iamblichus repeatedly tells as: 'Dii ordinem et
quietem in appuritionibus ostendiint..,pulchritwline inoomparabili fill-
gent, admiratione speetantes dengunt. divimun cjitoddaTn instillant
guudiuui.' If T under SUCb circumstances, Goethe's tndebto dness to De
Mifsterus is bo be made plausible, it must be shown that the individual
traits, taken by themselves, are of such a peculiar nature that Goethe
could not have easily found them elsewhere. This, however, is not the
In some instances, Morris has been able to quofc "1 or
even far better parallels from Bwedenborg 1 ; others can be readily found
in almost all books on magic; others again are so natural to the situatiuii
that there is no need of tracing them to any literary source at all
Tims, also with regard to the phenomena attending the apparition ol
the Earth-Spirit, the scene to which Goebel attaches mosl in |
in the attempt to prove his theory,! must insist that his deduction* »n
not convincing. At the same tune, several of the parallels which he
quotes in this connection are very interesting and instructive, and I do
not wish to deny all possibility of an interrelation between the descrip-
tions in De Mysteriu and the soene in Faust. Only, what similarity
there is, need not be! due to direct acquaintance on Goethe's part with
lamblichus and can. under no circumstances, be claimed as the result
of ' careful study ' of Ds Mydk
I shall have to be very brief in the discussion of the remaining
points. 5. The attempt to connect the moonlight seme (11, 368 ffl)
with lamblichus is particularly unfortunate. De Mtfst, 3, 14, to which
tinebel refers, reads: 4 Ideo congruenter illuminati turn tenefatfSS in
auxiliuni udseiseunt, turn lOlem, luriani (et ut verbo dicam) uni-
versum setheris fiilgorem ad illustrationein ruutuantur.' Thus, no
matter whether the scene in Faust took place in darkn sunlight,
or moonlight, or dawn, Goebel could, with equally convincing
trace it to lamblichus. The same i^ true of Welling, p. 41K (not I
to which Goebel also refers. Here, too, no greater impoi
to the moon than to the sun or any other planet. A real preference far
the moon I have found only in Agrippa, De qcc, pkitos., 2, 3*2, which
seems to have escaped GoeoeL The chapter treats De sole et lima,
eorumque magicis rationibttft/ Of the moon Agrippa says; Uotus ejus
nbservandus est, quasi omnium eonceptuum parentis.'
J Cf« f.tj. r I, 484 ('an mehier Sphere lang' gesogen*). It is again characteristic of
Goebel'* method tbat he passes over this expression without comment. For only Sweden*
borg hn* f so far, been shown to represent spiritual intercourse not only as 'attractio, but
also as • suctio.*
Reviews 387
But I am far from attributing even to this source Goethe's poetic use of
the moonlight motif, which, no doubt, had its origin in his own heart
during many a real moonlight-night.
6, 7. The belief in the supernatural powers of the • vis imagina-
tionis/ its essential difference from all processes of reasoning, and its
mysterious dependence upon the stars is at the basis of all theosophy
and magic. Goebel's own quotations on p. 278 show it. Whether lie
Myst., 3, 14 is actually the primary source of this theory or whether it
did not exist long before the time of Iamblichus, is quite immaterial to
the point in question. Goethe could not help getting this fundamental
idea from any one of his authorities, and the suggestive jmssage from
Welling (ed. 1760), p. 122, quoted in full, would have been more helpful
and more to the point than the one from Iamblichus. The same is true
concerning the ' heil'gen Zeichen ' of 1. 427.
8, 9. With regard to 'das geheimnisvolle Bueh von Nostradamus'
eigner Hand' (1. 419 f.) Goebel says: 'The opinion of K. Schmidt and
M. Morris, according to which Goetho really meant. Swedenborg \vlu»n
he wrote Nostradamus, seems to in<» absolutely wrong.' Hut he un-
hesitatingly adds: 'It is far more probable that the "geheimnisvolle
Buch " is Iamblichus' De Mysteriis.' Similarly he says of ' der Weise '
of 1. 442 : ' [Goethe's] veneration for him does not appear to have been
great enough 1 to justify the creation of a monument to him in Faust';
but he asserts on the next page : ' this philosopher (der Weise = philo-
sophus) is, in my opinion, none other than Iamblichus.' I must confess
that I am rather at a loss how to account for such reasoning. One may
readily admit that Schmidt and Morris have by no means proved that
Swedenborg was meant, but they have certainly succeeded in supporting
the assumption with a fair show of plausibility. I cannot see that
better arguments, in fact, that any arguments at all, point to Iamblichus.
10, 11. The lines, ' Dein Sinn ist zu ' and ' Auf, bade, Schiller/ etc.,
Goebel likewise claims should not be explained on the basis of Sweden-
borgian terminology. He is inclined to consider them, too, as a ' poetic
translation ' of a certain passage in De Mysteriis, although this seems
to me to be far less to the point than those which Morris cites from
Swedenborg. On the other hand, I again make the point, which
Goebel's own further quotations support, that the two symbols of
* unlocking ' and * illuminating * belong to the regular stock-in-trade of
almost all hermetic writings, in the very titles of which they frequently
play a prominent part. I refer to the excellent appendix (' Beitrag zur
feibliographie der Alchemic') to Herm. Kopp's Alchemie in alterer und
neuerer Zeit, Heidelberg, 1886, II, 308—396.
12. Of 1. 1112 ('Zwei Seelen wohnen, ach, in meiner Brust') Goebel
says that it was ' obviously suggested ' by De MysL, 8, 6 : * Homo duas
habet animas, quod ipsa Hermetis sacra scripta ostendunt/ This
passage is again without conclusive force, for it expresses a thought (the
1 The passage from Goethe's review of Lavater's Aunsichten in die Eurigkeit (W.-A.,
87, 261) which is generally referred to Swedenborg, Goebel, far less acceptably, desires to
refer to Klopstock.
388
Reviews
conflicting dualism of the soul of man) quite common bo the mysticism
of all ages and far older than Iambliehm I can here only bn<
to tin* instructive note Oil this line in the edition of Witkowski and to
the fact that even in flfl MysterHs the ' Hermetic writi referred
Hie quotation, as Goebel has it, is, moreover, marred
by an omission which gives the passage a different turn and one unduly
favourable to the construction Goebel puts on It He sai ding
to lamblichus, the dm soul oomee to us 'a prime intelligibili,' the other
'ex circuitu mundonim.' The text, however, reads: cuitn
coelestium mundorum ' ttV ri)$ t£p ovpavimv 7T€pt<f>op<; Brum the
stars. IL therefore, we aie told erf this second soul: 'mundoram qaoqae
ohteuiperat niotibus/ this does nor m<-au anything like * sieh an me
Welt klaminern ' in Goethe's sense, It simply means that this second
soul is 'subject to the motion of the stare 1 . Asa matter of fact, the
chapter, from which the passage is quoted, deals with the question
whether, or not, there exists a fateful dependence of the human soul
upon the heavenly bodies, and lamblichus answers the question by
saying that flu mie soul Ca primo intelligibili) is not dependent in this
bill that the second is. His statement lias no direct reference
the Faustian idea, so beautifully expressed in the poem Legend*:
Mit dem Haupt iia Hnaine! wrileml,
I'"ij1i1>ti, I'iUi.i. dlSSSF Erde
N \* ■ Ir-r/ieliemle t.-Jewult.
Besides, L^nccniing this two-soul-theory may be quoted from
PuruceJsu* arid Welling, t* • whom Goebel refers as little as to the qc
tions in the editions 01 Schmidt and Witkowski,
13, 14. Goebel (p. . V UU quotes passages from Agrippe and
lamblichus which may have aided, he thinks, in determining Goet)
have Faust attempt the translation of the Gospel of John. Again the
relation is far-fetched, and Qoebel, who generally quotes Herder freely,
does not even allude to the possible influence of Herder (cf. Suphan,
(foetlte-JlK, (5, 308). In 'die Liebe Gottea' of I. 1185 Goebel is not
willing to see an allusion to the amor intelleet uahV of Spinoza H e
refers it t<> he jtfysfc, ">, 29, where the religious effects of prayer are
described. He says: 'Instead of using theurgic prayers, Kaust, the
Christian "'magus," turns, erf course, to the New Testament/ If we
really assume this passage to have influenced the scene in Faust, Goethe
must be accused of having put the cart before the horse. For, with
him, 'die Liebe Gottes' is not the result, of turning to the Bible, but
rather the cause leading up to it.
16. Faust's fervent thanks to the Earth-Spirit for having grain
him insight into nature Goebel (p. 355) wishes also to trace to De
Mt/steriis, win re i :>, B) we learn of the ( archontes ' : ' vel praesidenf
rerum mundanarum exhihent, vel material! um stadium/ Granting
even that the Earth-Spirit could be one of the 'archontes' (see above,
5), I still fail to see any real resemblance. The Greek text
1 The translation by Tbomaa Taylor, which Goebel quo tea, is awkward ami oh
Reviews
389
{ap%ovT€<i Bi ijrot rijt/ wpo&Taaiav rmv wepitcoa piasv t) Tffv rant ivv\a>i'
ewtaraaiav ejxetpl^ouat) perhaps shows more plainly than tin Latin
translation that what is here meant is something quit ■ different from
the feeling of oneness with all nature expressed in the prayer.
In summing up the evidence which I have tried to examine with
all passihl and impartiality, I feel compelled to say that Goebel
has not been able to show plausible grounds for assuming that Goethe
knew be Mt/steinis, The must telling parallels which he is able to
adduce juv onoerned with the phenomena attending the apparition of
the Earth-Spirit, and even these cannot be considered reasonably
convincing. The idea that Goethe 'carefully studied 1 tin- book and
consciously used ir as a source, must be dismissed altogether.
There are a number of other instances, not involving IamUiehus,
where Qoebe] has fallen into the satne error of trying to prove tt..>
much by unduly straining his evidence. The moat objectionable ease
OOOOrs in the attempt to explain the much discussed u goldnen Eiiner'
of 1. 450. Unfortunately this point cannot be mad' clear in a word or
two. The passage lias puzzled commentators for a long time ami the
work from which Qoebel quotes is sufficiently care to permit but few
investigators to test the correctness oi his statement for themselves.
(iuobol claims that, according to the terminology of alchemy, 'the
'* Eimer" (urna) is not only the vessel in which the philosopher a stone
is made, but also a celestial body/ This ho tries feo prove by a quota-
tion from J, P. Faber, Cfupnische Schrifftett, Hamburg, 1713'. A
matter of fact, fairly extensive reading in alchemistic literature and the
examination of numerous ' lexica alchemiae' convince me that if the
word is ever so used, such use must bo exceedingly rare. I have dli
found * Eimer' in that sense. Besides, practically all writers on the
subject emphasize the tact that the vessel (generally called * Ei * or
'ovum") must be of glass-. The sentences, which Qoebel wrenches from
all context, in reality mean something entirely different from what they
are made to represent, They are taken from an abstruse section: 'Von
alien unil jeden Constellationen des Firmaments, aus weleheti Theileii
des Lichts selbige bestehen and was fin- Erfiffte sie baben.' The chapter
in question is entitled: 'Yondem Becheroder Eyiuerf Urna) dam 42sten
Qestim [i*e, t Sternbild] des Firmaments.' Each such chapter starts off
in a rather stereotyped manner, as e.g. 1, 175; 'Pegasus oder das
gefltigelte Pferd ist das Iflde Oestirn des Firmaments, ist nichfs anders
sis das Ueht der Xatur, welches aus dermis ton Massa der erst en Haterie
in die Hohe sublimiret, dem Firmament angehefffeet and in 20, Sterne
abgetht diet worden...* The Bams sort of statement ('Dieeer Kvm>
auch das Lii lit dor Xatur,./) is thus also made about the Ivvmer/
i.e., the constellation of that name, although Goebel, without a word of
comment, quotes it (incorrectly in some details) ss if it referred t<> the
akhemisl «r, bent upon explaining the beneficial influ-
enoes of bis r Eimer 1 ('mil duftenden Schwingen'), Goebel stops
1 I (jnotfl from fchi Sod id., 1 3
U tikkitm, Bibl. (1772 -74), i, 9, 234,
890
Rev
the quotation too sunn. It runs on: 'Dieses Gcstirn machet atxob eitele
nod liigenhafrto Uenechen, irie auch iinbestandige, ungesunde und
bischo, wie auch wollustige.'
These stater i it n ta about the climatic and psychic influences of a
given constellation are 'followed in each case by a mythc
trying to account for the existence of the constellation, and finally bv
an attempt to compare allegorically the constellation with some!
connected with alchemy. To account for the 'urna' in th< the
author tells the blood-curdling story of king Demiphon to whocn hie
aerated fsaeaia handed agoblel (Becher) from which he drank the
blood <>f his own daughter. Then the account continues: 'Jupiter aber
Imt dieeea (i.j-iss im Himmel baben wollen, daas ea dasell rdie
Gee time geaetset wttrde, damit die Kftnige hieraus lernen mtfehten, dasa
ihnen nicht zugelassen aey, ihre Unterthanen dergestalt si 'gen.
Der Eyincr ist also im Hinnnel, welch er die Kac [eler Bubenstiicke
in sieh enthalt, Dor Kvnur aber oder dor Becher, ist bei denen Chy-
misten unset* Gefias, worm imaer Stein gekochet wird.' The author
that is to say, easting about for something in alchemy that might be
said to represent the ' Elmer' of the heavens and the 'B< r his
story, chooses the 'ovurn ' of the alchemists because, Eta ho explain-
various prooeasee of the preparation <>f the philosophers' stone can be
compared with the pestilence, murders, wedding-leasts and blood-
drinking that play an unsavoury part in the story of Demiphon.
A- matter of fact, not even Faoer himself ever calls the alchemists 1
Eimer' or * urna, 1 and I think the above explanation plainly si
that the ' Eimer 1 actual!} referred to in Faber is anything but ' segen-
duftend.' It is difficult to take seriously the suggestion that (Joothe
could have based his vision on this source,
I >t real interest, however, among many others, is tie which
Goebd advances in explanation uf 11. 1042 ff, C Da ward ein roter Leu, 1
etc.). It is decidedly more to the point titan the comments of earlier
editors. But the Th&tfru/m Gk$micum t from which Goebel quote*
merely a compilation containing the works of various writers, and
( loebel should state that the passage in question occurs in the Congt
ParaceUioae Chemiae by Geraidus Dorneus. The original passage 1
found in Paracelsus 7 l)e Spirit ibus Ptanetarum and it is thus additional
proof that the whole extent of Paracelsian influence upon Goetl
Faust has not yet been recognised 1 .
This is one of those instanoes where, as I have state*! above, even
(ioebel has not made sufficient use of the alchemistic literatim- un-
questionably known to Goethe. I hope to publish soon some gleanings
1 1 '-in my reading in this literature and to show that it contains more
material of interest for the student of Faust and young Goethe than has
generally been believed, Goebel himself (p. xxx) points out that a
broader significance attaches to these questions, inasmuch as many of
the fundamental conceptions of alchemistic and spiritistic writers, like
1 Cf. Loeper'i* introduction, p. fcf, and E. Schxnidt'a aate on I. 1034.
Ri n ■*'<■«'.< 391
Paracelsus, Agrippa, Welting, van Helmont and others, show b decided
affinity to characteristic principles of the Sturm and Drang 1 ami of its
chief apostle Herder. (Joebels edition contains a great deal of new
material that is decidedly valuable in this rasp | it must be
acknowledged that be has gone considerably further afield than any of
his predi his results will modify, though Dot supersede, the one-
sided Swedenborgian theory toe exclusively adhered to of late.
In conclusion. I regrel bo be c>blige«l to call attention to one asp
of the edition, where the editor baa sorely tailed to meet reasonable
expectations. Wh ile the intn >d notion and th e tei t are ent i rely accept*
able with regard to all minor matters of accuracy, the proon of the
notes must have been read with unpardonable baste* Of the 137 p
of notes I have marked over eighty which are disfigured by enx>« of all
kinds, often three ot tour or more to a pegs. ( N'mnisr, the majority of
them are of a minor nature, readily corrected by the reader ; but there
are many that seriously affed the sense. In the following list I men! lod
but a lew of the most annoying,. I generally confine myself to giving
the corrected form, occasionally adding Uoebels reading in brad,
xxii f 2 £ b. : lein [sein]; xlv t 11: Welt- und Thatengcnius (cf. xlix
and 267); civil, 16: comma after 'veruehme*; I, 7: Th&ten-GenusB
(also >u other points Ooebel'a reading of the hrst paralipoinenon is not
in accord with the MS. T and the reading on p. 1 differs from that of
182); li, I haf'tig; lxi, 9: kunnen [ditrfen] ; 8,5; ench; 80,
1768: gehe&H; 178,3482: veraeih'; 229,5: dass; 253, 16: erschien;
268, 16: png'; 264, 23: 848 [48]; 267, 15: 122 [20]; B6T ( 16 tf:
the passage is incorrectly quoted; 271, 4 schlenderD [sehleudem];
272, H»: em Fdfst (there are numerous other errors in t&squotal
as in several of the following); 278, 18 f. h; 401 [401]: 274, I t b. :
418 [148]; 2755 8: keuscb; 278, IN: gsthao gleich als (also this
&ly quoted and unintelligible at the close); 279, 12:
ipsa; 280* 18: 489 [459]; 280, 16: oach [in] (numerous other
errors to this pat 281, 20: no comma after 'visiones*; 283,9:
aliipmm [alignam] ; 285, ltt tb.: die Holu ; 285, 9 tb.: wmi
V* uchtigkeit; 288, G: LXViii [lviii]; 2NJ>, 2; COUSpicitUT [oonecipitur],
289, 3: solem [solum]; 289, 8: Cap* 2 [4]; 289, 10: sensu et;
17: erwUhlen [erwahlen]; 290, G: docent [docet] ; 290, 15: pmnun-
: 290, 14 t: b. Quomodo [Unomodo]; 800, 7: 638 [688]; 80S
ex cireuitu ooeleetium mundornm; 805, 10: animaQuae; 807, 4, 8 tb,:
vermis [vermio], donee [donee]; 807, 2 f. k: instar [istarj ; 816, 18: io
[is]; 328, 22: 11, I3,g[9]; 829, 16: den [der]; 880, 14: ac comma
\i.lk"; 330,25: period after * rerrannt tb.: bier[wir];
11: eingesftunt; 841, 6, 1 I k : erfuhr, aufgeblihet, vom; 342,
S t b. : Stolberg; :U2, 5 I b. : all-; 848, 1 : 249512995]; 358. S t b. :
2989 [29361; 854, 13: lhr> E k: mundanamm [mundarum] ;
6: qui [<p»id]; 35G, 7: ad Bnumquemque dmdttit daemonem suum;
862, 10: constitnl B 4: ahnte; 865, 8 t k: auf; ; dieeen;
871,5: no comma: 871, 9£h.: Henisch; 371,7 tb.:
tdon; :i75 t 4: 4110; 37H, 1 1 : jebliebeo [gebliehen]; 378,7 f.b.and
Review*
379, 8: there is oe note on II. 3241 ff. : 371), 14: Lenore; 881, 15:
a : 381, 8 f. 1). : grasses; 382, 8 ft; : Machandelbaurn ; 382, 10 f. b. :
Phantasieen 383, "ii : batten; 384, 8 C b>: comma before 'Goeflu
Such an an ay of sins against one of the cardinal points erf BOWld
scholarship cannot be overlooked or made light of. In all other
however, I am glad to be able to state that the errors I have pom
out are those of a scholar overshooting his aim rather than not rising
to the demands of his task. The range of reading and of original
investigation represented by the edition most receive unstinted recog-
nition. The treatment, as I bare shown, not infrequently lays itself
open to tin charge of exaggeration rind is often deficient in impartiality,
but it is ik-vi t commonplace or trivial The future student OZ Faust —
not only in England and America, but in Germany as well— cannot
afford to overlook Corbel's work, even though he he n inent
with him on many points.
A. K. HOHLFELD,
The Syntax of the Temporal Gtwmin Old English Prose, By Akthtk
AievMs. { Vols Studies in English, Vol xxxu.) New York: H. Holt
and Ca, 1907. 8m x 4- 245 pp.
'The aim of this study is to treat exhaustively all the important
syntactical features of the temporal clause in all the prose monuments
of I fld English/ In this endeavour I>r Adams has succeeded admirably,
giving 11s an almost perfect basis, within the limits assigned, for wider
ge ne r a lization. About forty prose texts have been sifted, yielding
nearly nine thousand clauses which have the function of an advei
determinant of time. These have been analyzed with remarkable
. learn, ss of vision, and their significant elements classified as follows.
Chapter I presents the 'Connectives of the Clause/ Over two
hundred words or formuke are noted, a fact which emphasizes anew
the inherent variety and flexibility of our mother tongue, T
Dr Adams arranges under six cat* clauses d ting time when;
clauses denoting immediate sequence: clauses denoting duration, cla ii>**s
determining the time of an action by reference to a preceding action;
clauses determining the time of an action by reference to a subsequent
action ; clauses indicating the time of the termination of the action of
{h> main clause. Under each of these six groups are full citations
illustrating each separate connective, with brief but pointed discussion
of its origin, structure, syntactical, and stylistic value; also, where
possible, note is made of its parallel in cognate languages and in the
later stages of English itself.
In addition to this breadth of view, a commendable independence
marks these sections. I cannot forbear noting one instance, under
ftttaft, on page 100: 'This conjunction is, according to Sweet, com-
pounded of the preposition siti and its object in the dative. Others
regard Son as being the instrumental in a phrase of comparison. I
incline to the latter view; for BflWW does not become fiait until the later
Reviews
393
period of 0E. r and we have siffian in the earliest texts. Indeed I have
found but one instance of sifitSam in all OK, and that in a text the
language of winch is late: Sol 45, 10..., The fact that we
very rarely, find the relative [fo?] with Mff-ffaw, whereas we regularly
li:iv it With tvfter JSon Of OF Boji, lends support to the \'u -\\ that
the conjunction arose from a phrase of comparison.' This ehapt< i is
naturally the most useful, and justly occupies seven-eight lis oj the
whole volume,
Chapter 11 discusses 'The Mode in the Temporal Clause' in each
of the six types mentioned above, Here the author proves that the
indicative is the prevailing mode in the temporal clause, save in the
ft?r-type — those which determine the time of an action l>y reference to
a subsequent action, Furthermore, he shews thai the go-called modal
auxiliaries, ttnttftui. sv it lint, motan, and inflate retain their full verbal
' 'i i tent, and are not used as a mere paraphrase for the I ijrf at i ve« Sculan
and UfUlan alo&e show a tendency to heroine tense-auxiliaries.
Chapter III, which closes the study, is entitled ' Position of the
Clause and Word Order/ though under it are emhraced 'Sequence of
Tenses 1 and 'Negative.' The whole occupies hardly more than a p
its brevity and its dearth of results seem bo argue its inadequacy—
though it is perhaps unwarranted Id another than the author.
gppgrfUf, to say BO. However, 0HQ interesting, if not surprising, fact is
proved: otf (tick) clauses always follow their main clause.
Appendix I givi n-ven pages a vahiaM< nalytie index-list
oi all temporal clauses; Appendix Q enumerates all clauses containing
modal auxiliaries; Appendix III is a brief bibliography; Appendix IV te
an index of clauses quoted or referred to in the text— a helpful feature
worthj of imitation in all hooka of this kind; as is also Appendix V,an
alphabetical 'Index of Connectives 1 — over two hundred of them — with
-references to the body of the work, six tsareflilh compiled and
clearly printed statistical tables complete tic voluo
In all, the monograph ia s clear, complete, and vigorous handling of
a Held worthy of study. Its conclusions are definite, yet due
1 1 > data are of great practical value to the student of the lexical,
Laetical, or synonymic phenomena of the period
For adverse criticum fenere is little warrant in the book. What I
offer in the following paragraphs may aeein opoo to the charge of
cavilling. However, I find myself wishing that in the section-]
under the first chapter the ant Jen had indicated just what portions of
the split emu lei r . mid — l^Blton, stra ... nftust, < n., oOOOr within
the temporal clause, and what portions, if any, occur within the main
clause. A comma separating the subordinate connective proper from
its balancing element in the main clan need in the index-lists on
rould have easily served this end Usually s
glance will determine the function of each part of the connective, but
joually a vexing inoonsistency arises; as may In seen by comparing,
foi example on page 77— both parts of which on
vNiiiiin the temporal clause — with st88aft»»»sAttaft, on page 104 — "•
M. L. It. III.
-J-
394
Rem
part of which occurs within the subordinate clause, find the oth»
within the main clause*
The following omissions of passages more or less in point I have
observed, in comparing the boos with some casual
On page 17, under 5u So, one perhaps has a right to
the other peculiar forma of 'balance/ 5a, 5a 5a ..., 5>/. of I >te,
2.248.471: 'and le b&dens 5a Ba 5a be hine slean wolde 5d feoil he
underbade. 1 Also noteworthy is foi 5a ...,55 of tit* ait, 2.372. 27
* 5i/ 5a niaxinius Beds sws Bodlioe das word weopendum eagum
rcndon da hiedenan manege bo geleatan nam boom leaeum godfunJ
On page 88* to the ten 5^-elauses cited as temporal I am inclined to
add Wvlju 16414: 'arid s&fter dare bvsne, de god 8ylf oo A/faunc
BSAealde, Bt he hine for his halignes.se and tor his 099 human in
neradjrso gelogode, after dere bysene we ladjad and logjad cristenemeu
inio codes hose*' Tending to prove this clause temporal rather ths
appoaitioria] is line 25: 'be (tore bysene de god on Adam de,
fitt Ba he hine uydde ut of paradisic ho dare hysne we eac nydad nt da
h ' ray Dgodao oi godes cy rican. '
- r e 33, in support of the JW in the MS, T reading for i>\
168.2, 'da gelomp in seolfan tid, 5a KlOD done evning hilwade, dfl
wjra' — which Dr Adams is inclined to reject in favour of the 5fl of MESS.
B and — might well have been cited Mart 2. 10: 'on dam g
he m i- ■••lined da reteawdon swyle tacn BWyloe mannuni &r WBttm i
nsefre sidttni.
Ob page 81, to the unique example of nu temporal add Bitch H>
39 + 1: 'donne is u\\ to gedeencenne on daa halgan tid, nti we nine liohotnao
ehensiad mid fast en um and mid gebedum, dat we ear are mod
claensiafi ' ; and perhaps Wulf, 185.3: 'and da in. an yrmingaa
nellad atf dat gedencun lie his willan be Bumon tfele NU liig
eade magoo.'
On page 81, to the five cited examples of aona 5a add Matt, 2. 4;
'ond snttft 5a he acenned wres, heofonlic leoht scean ofer call dai-t land.*
Ami to the three instances of the periphrastic l ncbS
$,tti sona sum, 1 should be subjoined mick, Hum^ 87.16: ' nws 5i
ylding totion 5a deos hen \va?s gehyred, 15a sona seo unarimede menigo
oaligra sai i hi mid Drihtnes luese vva j ron of (tem cwicsusle ahafena (sic)/
On page 128, under the discussion of various peculiarities ^f the <.,«
fof clause, Berfe, 474. 17, u5 BcBti .,., o5 BMj should not have been
overlooked: 4 ond he blissade in don diet he oft fiwt in liehornan ge-
08 Sort befleseab da his geherend done Eaetordreg onl
In fact, the author would have added much to the completeness of his
hook by a careful consideration throughout of the 'balancing 9 adverbial
element, which he mentions, by the way, on page l.i.
On page 221. the omission of Chron. 48.4 from the index list of
t>5 tM cl a u s es is the only error that 1 have chanced upon in this
laborious yel al portion of the volume. The proof-reading is
everywhere excellent: 1 find the list of errata commendably shun,
having n o t i ced but the following : page i x t si tijgext io n fo r 8 ug
Reviews
395
page '20,/orLsolenne for forsttdetute; page 29, deobfa far deofta: page 46j
occur $ow/y for occurs ott/y: page 07 1 sono for mrci; page 77. wb,
the first iABan italicised instead of tin.- second; page 107.. tough far
*/< o twjr A ; pj ige 122, gejt vt not U fi 1 1 gw / i sd itoi is ; page 1 48 1 1 m wi far » i n tton\
Mge 156, den»thts for ami mere substitutes for Q 0161*0 sfthstitttte.
The book is a model of neatness unci perspicuity — rare virtues both in
works on syntax, I am acquainted with no other monograph so
4 comfortable' either for reading or for quick and accurate reference.
HrilERT Q. ShEAKIN.
Early English Lyrics: A mamas, Divine* Morctl and TririttL ChoeeQ
London : A. H. Bullen,
,'.
1907.
K Chambers and F. Sedgwick.
Svo. x + HM4- pp,
The value of this book is incalculable; it includes the beat of a
number of separate collections, which were not easily accessible; poems
of the great Harleiau MS. 2253, songs and carols edited by Wright for
the Percy Society and the Warton Club, and, fresh. -i oJ ail, the lyrics
of the Balliol Ms. printed by Fliigcl in Anglia, xxiv; with many other
things, full of the most delightful and varied music. Many of the poems
are well known, but they have never before been brought together in
such numbers nor in so pleasant a form.
It is ii pt a choice among them, but LXXXI : * The
■■>n hath borne my make away' is now | made known for the
riisl time; one of the incredibly beautiful things of the English ballad
style. A ballad of another sortj The Jolly Juggler (cl), had already
been brought out by Mr Sidgwiclc in his selection tit Popular Bail*
also published by Mr Mullen, but it is still comparatively little known,
and may be mentioned here for that apital specimen of an
old comic stony, in excellent lyric rhyme.
Mi B, EL I . -hauiberV essay has the same qualities as his hook on tie
Medieval Bta§e % and especially the right skill in selecting examples,
Hi- subject is one of the most dittieult, but i hough he pro fessi > to deal
only with 'some aspects of medieval lyric/ it will be found that he has
surveyed moel of the held. He has read Jeanroy and Garten Paris on
old French lyrical poeiiy; he has also read the French poems themai
and ot Iters, and has worked out a \^vy clear description of the difference
between * folk aid the COUrtlj lute ofthe tnuiveres with (wli
most important) a description of the intermediate sort of poetry, half
primitive, half courtly, to which the carols and ballads belong The
4 folk ' of ' fob and ' folk-lore ' is rather apt to become an abstract
and fixed idra ; Mr Chambers guards against this, and shows that there
is no absolute separation of ranks in medieval poetry, though there are
the two extremes, the 'folk, 1 on the one hand, the sophisticated literary
artist, on the other, The English lyrics ofthe middle ages are popular
in the same leme as the Elizabethan drama; ages of literary tradition
and artifice contribute to the beanty of their popular v
\Y R Keu.
396 Reviews
English Miracle Plays and Moralities. By E. Hamilton Moore.
London and Manchester: Sherratt and Hughes, 1907. 8vo.
pp. 199.
' The book is intended mainly for those who have neither time nor
inclination for private research, and is thus rather popular than
scholastic, in view of which fact, the majority of extracted passages have
been modernised in spelling and occasionally in phrase. At the same
time, for the benefit of those who wish to further investigate the subject,
a short list of the best authorities on English Mysteries and Moralities,
will be found appended at the end of the volume/
These sentences from the ' foreword,' with their doubtful style and
punctuation, perhaps sufficiently characterize the work. Something
might certainly be said for normalizing the rather erratic language of
the early drama, but we wish the author had kept his fingers off Chaucer.
The essentially popular nature of the book is seen most clearly from the
eccentric ' Students' List ' appended, which recommends among other
things the inaccurate and modernized reprints of the so-called Earlv
English Drama Society and the exceedingly bad translation of ten
Brink's History of English Literature in Bonn's Library. The Earlv
English Text Society, by the way, has only issued the first half of the
Chester Plays, so that the Shakespeare Society edition is not yet
superseded. We have noticed quite a number of curiosities in the
text. There is the obsolete and illegitimate distinction drawn between
Miracles and Mysteries (p. 13), and the equally obsolete treatment of
the debat called the Harrowing of Hell as ' The first English Mystery
Play '(p. 23). The MS. of the Coventry Guild Plays is said to have
perished in the fire at Birmingham (p. 40), whereas it is extant and has
recently been re-edited. The Vice is said to be a degenerate Devil
(p." 58), which suggests that Mr Moore has not consulted the more
recent of the ' Authorities ' he enumerates, and is further made the
father of the Harlequin, who certainly belongs to Italian tradition.
Finally, we may point out that the last two lines of p. 95 properly belong
to the middle of p. 121, and that a footnote has crept into the middle
of p. 101. The author's intention to write a popular account of the
religious drama is a laudable one, but we cannot help thinking that its
popularity would not have suffered from its being carried out in a some-
what more scholarly (we will not say 'scholastic') manner, and printed
with a little more ordinary care.
W. W. Greg.
All Fooles and the Gentleman Usher. By George Chapman". Edited
by T. M. Pakuott (Belles Lettres Series, Sect. in). Boston : Heath
and Co.; London: G. G. Harrap, 1907. 8vo. xlviii 4-308 pp.
While scholars have spent well-directed labour upon the text of
Marlowe, Webster, Beaumont and Fletcher, Massinger and Ford the
lie
views
397
plays of the noblest soul and must original thinker aiming the drama
of that age 1 1 fared comparative neglect There is no edition of
Chapman a works worthy of the name. With Professor Koas's Hussy
iyAmbaii and The Revenge of Bung D'A mboi9 s Dr Lehman's Chabot, and
the book now to be noticed, there comes promise of better da\
Ptofosoo r Parrott. is well*equipped for his task. Throughout this
edition of Chapman's two finest comedies there is abundant evidence of
deep study and true appreciation of the author. At the very beginning
of the book, for instance, the 'Biography' achieves its professed purpose
of giving a inure connected view of Chapman's work than is usually
afforded. In fact this brief chnmiele is full of sim, riuVisoi. and
wherever Professor Parrott expresses disagreement with hie predeoeasons
he does so only when be feels sure of his ground Tie n is an absence
of haste, a convincing tone of deliberation, in all his judgments* He
does not believe that Chapman withdrew from the stage about the end
of the sixteenth century to devote hi nisei f to his translation of Horner,
though ho admits that he severed his connection with Henslovve. l It is
more likely,' he says, ' that... Chapman simply transferred his services as
playwright from Henslowe's company to the Chapel Boys, who were
playing at the private theatre in Blackfriara from L588 to 1603/ lb-
shares the growing disbelief in Chapman's authorship of Alpkonsue 9 hoA t
on the other hand, la believes* on evidence which h<- baa set forth at
large in Modern Philology far July 1906, thai s " Giles Gfooseoapm
mainly, if not entirely , by that dramatist He Shirley's revising
hand in Chabot and can trace Chapman's manner in the last act of
The Bali Revenge for Honour is dismissed from the canon by a
footnote,
In his ' Introduction ' the editor not only deals critically with the
two reprinted pla\s. bnl skilfully braces tie- development of Chapman's
art as a comic dramatist, and proceeds to evolve hia theory of comedy
aa compared with that of contemporary writers. The result of the I
attempt is not entirely satisfactory! Professor Parrott rightly ace
Chap defective construction and a devotion to fcype in cnaracteri-
/.a i ion, though even here his judgment is modified by remarkable
ptrana; oat when he tells us that Chapman's comic excellence Lies
in action, and yet comments upon a notable absence of art ion in one of
liis most admirable comedies, }ft>nstettr //O/mv. as well as in the less
important Sir Qih oe islafl moralising on the danger of
generalisations. It is only fair to add that he finds reason for believing
thai Chapman himself was dissatisfied with Sir G >o#aca/'//c and
offers a likely conjecture to account for the emptiness of action in the
comic scoms of Monsieur IFOlive* The 'Introduction 1 concludes with
a diffident but suggestive remark on the possible influence of Chapman
upon Fletchers romantic oomedi
The ' Notes for the roost part fulfil their functions satisfactorily by
showing Chapman u borrowings, explaining obscure allusions
and elucidating difHcult \ jrse there is room for differ-
ences of opinion* and a few <>t the explanations .appear to me less than
398
Reviews
satisfactory. For example, when Valerio complains, A. F. 9 II, i, 53, that
he receives begging messages from
such gallants
As I protest I saw but through a grate,
he does not mean merely that he has seen them from a door, or at a
distance, but that he has caught sight of them peering into the street
through the well-known grating of the Counter. Then, the explanation
of A. F., iv, i, 86 — 92 is as obscure as the text it professes to elucidate,
and Collier was probably right when he proposed the substitution of
'crater' for 'creator' —
as many drops of blood
Issuing from the crater of my hart,...
A.F, iv, i, 410:
And yee shall see, if like two partes in me
I leave not both these gullers wits imbrierd ;...
is certainly a crux, and the editor is not incautious in suspecting cor-
ruption. Am I too desperate in suggesting 'two faste in ice'? Turning
now to The Gentleman usher, one cannot but feel that the note on I, ii,
95 is incomplete. Strozza compares the Duke to ' the English signe of
great Saint George.' By ' signe ' of course he means symbol, but there
is also a reference to a common type of sign-board, or perhaps to some
London sign -board of particular notoriety. The jest is emphasised by
Strozza's subsequent words (146), 'I hope Saint Georges signe was
grosse enough.' In G. U., v, i Professor Parrott, apparently, has found
evidence of Bassiolo's recourse to liquor only in his pronunciation of
'Gosh hat' (26) and 'shay' (32); but his language and conduct through-
out the scene are eloquent of intoxication until he is suddenly sobered
by the unexpected approach of the Duke. Most admirers of Chapman
will be surprised to find the claims of Margaret and Strozza to the right
of individual action regarded as results of Chapman's love of paradox
(note on G. U., v, ii, 36) rather than as inevitable illustrations of his
nobly independent attitude towards the outer world, his knowledge that
the virtuous man can accept no lawgiver but his own soul. Bussy and
Byron arrogate to themselves similar rights, but they are not 'virtuous.'
Love triumphs in the person of Margaret, whereas the failure of a
loveless self-sufficiency is shewn in the crashing falls of the arrogant
favourite and the domineering upstart.
Professor Parrott 's 'Bibliography' is fuller than the case actually
demands, since it records a number of works which do not deal directlv
with All Fooles or The Gentleman Usher. However, recognising the
comprehensive principle of compilation, one may regret the exclusion
of Lowell's Old English Dramatists, Mr Deighton's disappointing but
not negligible The Old Dramatists: Conjectural Readings, Professor
Williams' Specimens of the Elizabethan Drama, Dr Carpenter's Metaphor
and Simile in the Minor Elizabethan Drama, Dr Lehman's edition of
Chabot (which may have appeared after the bibliography was in type?),
and perhaps a few other works. The annotation of the bibliography is
invaluable.
Reviews
399
rhi i Oimmuj ! is fairly long, and yet a few forma haw been omitted
for which an editor oi h-ss scholarly at tainrnents might justly have [omul
place. ' Nodle' (A. F, r iv, i, 274) is unfamiliar, and ' conduct-am (.11, i,
140) is strange; 'coines' ((?. L r „ II, i f 4) might QOl ivadilv he recogin^ d
•oyness/ and the exclamation 'filood' or *slud/ which occurs at least
6ve times in The Gentleman Cs/ter, is at (east curious. When a
admitted to the glossary oeenn more than onee in the text, a reference
should be Bfiveu to eacn example. Thus Professor Parrott notes that
'cofinkiade (—^fieroe') ocean tn A. F., nr, i. 236 4 but does not tell us
that it is also to be found in 0. U.. i\\ i, 4ft So, too, we should be told
that 'president 1 (*•* precedent') appears in 0, U., v, ii, 9. 'Hud
again, should have two references Occasionally <>m hesitates a! the
editors definitions (are smock-far* s ' efleuiinute faces or simply hand-
some faces? And should we not be told that * smock T is a variant of
'smag'?) — and now and then - » 1 1 * fc fools that an explanation is ineomploie
(is 'marked" a sufficient synonym for 'tasted'?); but »n the whole
it is impossible not to feel tha i\ deal has been put into a small
comp
Professor Parrott hsfl spared DC pons to present an accurate text,
and it is not likely that many errors will be found in it. He has been
fortunate, too, in obtaining assistance from several scholars whose names
are prominent in thr annals of textual criticism. Many of the emend*-
tione are extremely happy. Others, again, are hardlj aaiy, In
A. F ti ii, i r 1 ! ►S and 201 His verb is altered from pivsotit to past, though
there is dramatic exc the original reading, and the editor notes
that 'Chapman himself may haw D66I1 responsible tor the loose con-
struction*' In A. F u 1 1, i, 406—407, a speech:
u\ will you he&re
The WSnl royOS ni Italy f
it harmonizes with
413. In each case
is transferred from Dariotfeo to Valeria, though
Dariotto's later n of opinion, n, i, 4IJ
Dariotto's premature frankness is checked by Cornelia In v, ii T To
Dariotto receives honourable amende by having assigned to him a line
which has hitherto belonged bo Qaudio:
\{i | . fcO ||*T t|!
Possibly Claadio is merely proposing the terms of the hich
Dariotto is to drink. In A, F>, v, ii, ->4."> ami 34b' Professor Parrott
adopts an extraordinary emendation suggested by the jBTsw English
Dictionary, For the ' irreuitable of the (}*\ he reads ' irrefutable.' Bat
thi uoid 'irrenitable' and 'ineui table' would fit the
I, In t'r /'.. i, i, 261 —264 there is an ironical passage
ol arms Iiy which both Medico and Professor Parrott are deceived,
;l by, inv K bn>uh?iwiomft
Pi*, To nunc bul on, my 1<
.!/• •■■/. Not imto moo.
Pin, Why, then, you wrong ma
it, my loraa
400
Reviews
To render this passage intelligible Professor Parrott assigns Medic
speeches to Vincentio and Vincentio's to Medice, and gives a long nc
to explain the situation he has thus created. It seems to me tl
Vincentio and Strozza jostle in pretended competition for the best vi
of Medice in his gorgeous raiment, and feign to quarrel. Medice
flattered, and patronizingly acts the peacemaker. A choice has to
made between two stage-directions in G. U., II, i. Surely Strozza
present from the beginning of the scene, though he is ' close ' or «
cealed. The direction Enter Strozza after line 27 looks like an int
polation by somebody who saw Strozza's speech just below and hadi
noticed the previous mention of his name. In G. U., in, ii, 242 :
a good legge still, still a good calfe, and not slabby now hanging, I warn
you;...
the reading ' flabby ' is taken from Pearson's Reprint. But apparen
in Yorkshire 'slabby' means 'slight in construction; thin, unsubstanti
(English Dialect Dictionary, vol. v), and the term may have been cum
slang when the play was composed. Other emendations which, thou
not demonstrably wrong, may be discarded as unnecessary are those
A. F., ii, i, 420, in, i, 350, v, i, 71, and G. U. f I, i, 177, n, i, 44, ill,
206— 2C7 and iv, iii, 72. In A. F t I, i, 185 :
But her unnurishing dowry must be tolde
Out of her beauty,
it is perhaps as well to accept the reading of the majority of t
quartos, but it should be pointed out that ' unusering ' (i.e., * unusurii
accumulating no interest ') is not impossible.
For* shew/ in A. F., II, i, 288:
I have a shew of courtyers haunt my house,
In shew my friends, and for my profit too;...
Professor Parrott suggests 'crew.' But 'shew' has probably been cauj
from the following line, and most likely we should read 'sort/ as
line 307, 'a sort of corporals.' In A. F. v, ii, 2, ' wasecotes ' shoi
almost certainly be ' wastcotes.' We have ' wastcote ' in line 17, a
the confusion of e and t is a common printer's blunder.
Professor Parrott has one editorial failing, which is at once amia
and exasperating. He has an inordinate craving for minutely expli
stage directions. He expands the old directions, and is liberal in t
invention of new. He states the obvious at great length, and lea^
nothing to be surmised by common sense. Even when a scene, in whi
only two persons participate, closes with an Exeunt, he must needs a
the names of the two who are to leave the stage. Similarly we are U
that ' Vincentio overheares [them]* and an act ends with the superfluom
complete direction 'Exeunt [omnes]! No doubt he can suggest a furth
emendation of ' Exit [Sarpego, Nymph, Sylvan and the two Bugs] '
G. U., n, i, 299.
In accordance with the precedent set by previous editors in i
series, an attempt has been made to define the location of each seer
Reviews
401
Professor Parrot t fully recognises the difficult points which
his author sometimes neglected to settle for himself As a rule, the
scene before the mind's eye of the playwright was the bare platform of
the theatre, and the attempt of editors to set limits which were seldom
recognised by Elizabethan dramatists is inspired by the convention* of
a theatre where canvas and paint and a receding Stage online the
vagrant imagination. A certain scene in Hevu Is Rope of Lui
represents, by degrees. Kerne and the Camp and all the country between,
If. as Professor l'urrott indicates, Act IV, scene i oi' All Footes ihA Street
m Flu retire before the House of GtataftfO, one can only wonder at that
passion for the simple life which leads a lawyer and his client to execute
the business of a divorce in so public a place.
Professor Parrott's addition to the admirable Bdtm Lettres Series is
as good as any of its predecessors, and that is saying a great deal. To
the publishers one may hint that a limited edition of the series on a
page of twice the present size would be acceptable.
J. Le Gay Breret<>\.
Type* <>f Tragic Dm mo.
a nil GOn 1808.
By C. E Vui.iiaN. London: Macmillan
viii -f 275 pp,
What Pro fessor \ uighan is most to be envied for in this series
of lectures on Tragedy, delivered before a popular audience is the
University of Leeds, is the freshness and independence of his method
of approach He ttai ded in throwing off in great measure the
lurid, ii ^ if iraditioual opinion and in setting forth a standpoint which
is, in the best sense, individual and original To be able to face the
old, well-worn problems of the function of tragedy, of 1 olaSSIC law and
romantic 1 lawlessness, or the respective merits of the great dramatists
of the past, and treat them as if the va>1 body of Krvnch, Italian,
man and English critics had no ver sifted and rooaono d and N»t m
judgment, is a faculty which descrve> ill respect in these days when
historical tradition lies heavier than ever on our criticism* It is coin-*
parativelv easy To arriv -ults which command attention, by
accumulating the judgments of the past, summarising them and adding
one's own small quota; but it is difficult to set purpoeelj aside what
others h&ve thought, and to attempt to build ap anew from the
beginning. Professor Vaughan has chosen the harder task And he
is to be congratulated on coming out of the ordeal he has imp
upon himself SO well. That he invariably succeeds in carrying con-
viction, or that his own judgment is always strong enough to stand
alone against the verdiet of tradition, he would himself be the \-^ bo
elaim ; but he h.is not seen the literature which he passes in review
through other peopl- botes, and that is 8 very preemus quality.
In his treatment of the Greek drama, he appeal's bo have mads
greater oonoi the traditional point of dew, or rather to ourrenl
opinion, than in the I moat of the 'moderns 1 1 but this was
402 Reviews
perhajis inevitable. Whether it is altogether wise to bring the Greek
dramatists before a modern tribunal, to compare their works with Shake-
8[>earc and Ibsen, and judge them by modern notions and standards, is
open to very serious question. The temptation to employ such com-
pirative criticism is, of course, greatest in discussing Euripides, and
it has surely, in his case, been overdone to the detriment of right
thinking. Words like ' realism,' ' naturalism/ ' romanticism/ applied to
Greek tragedy, only lead to misunderstandings — Professor Vaughan's
own conception of the character of Euripides' Medea (pp. 69 f.) seems
to me a case in point — and obscure the processes of literary evolution.
But the lecturers justification in the present case is obviously the fact
that he had a popular audience before him.
Professor Vaughan's familiarity with the modern literatures from
which he selects his types, or at least with the spirit of these literatures,
is not always sufficient to allow him to run counter to established
opinion with impunity; his remarks too often take on the semblance
of paradox — an impression which is accentuated by a somewhat liberal
use of superlatives. His unmeasured encomium of Alfieri, for instance,
would hardly be endorsed by the best modern Italian criticism, and
I can imagine the ordinary cultured German of to-day rubbing his
eyes when he reads Professor Vaughan's opinions of Lessing's Emilia
Ualotti (p. 7) and Schiller (pp. 202 ff). But his standpoint is frankly
that of the critic whose basis is English literature; assuredly his
hearers would not have thanked him had he only served up to them
the opinion of Italians about Alfieri, of Spaniards about Caldertfn, or of
Germans about Schiller. Exception to this statement might be taken
in the case of Racine, who is treated from a point of view which
deviates less from French opinion than one might have expected from
a critic representing the English outlook on poetry. At the same time,
it is doubtful whether finality is to be hoped for from a criticism
that sets aside the views of foreign critics about their own poets ; it is
still more doubtful whether a critic is at liberty to ignore, as Professor
Vaughan is inclined to do, the standards and criteria whereby the
continental literatures are themselves measured. To take only one
case, which has worked extraordinary havoc in English criticism of
foreign poetry, the use of the catchwords 'classic' and 'romantic/ This
point is the more serious here, as it is made a kind of pivot round
which the main thesis of Professor Vaughan's lectures turns. He
accepts the English conception of these words, a conception which
has been arrived at by the historical conditions of English literature,
and which defines — a little vaguely, it is true — certain contrasting
phenomena in English poetry : but he proceeds to apply this English
conception without modification or explanation to the French and
German drama, forgetting that the word ' romanticism ' connotes quite
different things in continental literatures. 'Romantic Revolt/ a phrase
which Professor Vauriian uses, I think, more than once, expresses an
exclusively English iaea ; if it conveys any meaning to a German at all,
it will be associated by him w T ith the year 1798, while the Frenchman
Re
mews
103
will think at cmoe of 1827. The result ia a contusion which would
make it difficult to render these lectures comprehensible to oontini
readers without at least preceding them by a careful explanation of tbe
particular use of the word ' romantic 1 in England,
These, however, an defects — it" they are defects, and not merely
dinVivneos of opinion between cidtio and oritioised — which are in-
separably bound up with Professor Yaughans method and point of
view; they aye oj sin unt compared with the qualities which I
emphasised at the outset, freshness and originality. His «olatne is
suggestive and delightful reading; it retains the charm of actual
lectures, and yet avoids the disin jes that so often arise when
a book is put together out of matter originally intended for oral
delivery.
.! G. RoiiERTBOK
Francois Rabelais, By Arthur Tilley {French Hen **f Letters.
Edited by A. J&BSC?). Now York and London; J. B. Lippincotl
I fc, 1907, Bra. 888 pp.
A la fin de 1'ete 1902] un certain nombie d'auditeurs franyais el
et rangers, qui commentaient I'cBUVrs de Rabelais a L'Eeole pratiqu-
Hautes Ktudes de la SofbO&H£ BOOS la direction tin profess* nr Lefi
eurent HdeV de so grouper pour oontinuer lee recherehes commence
itendre teur champ d'investigatioiL L< Soci£t£ des Etudes Rabelai-
si-ma > se ferouva fondtej et, eomme le non de Rabelais est tin des cinq
on ni goni-s ilojit luriiv- malit^ 6carte touts Ld&ede rivalites Rationales,
elle ivneontm d&a SB oaunaiiee d»- pr&neui appuia pr&s des 6rudita des
deux inondrs. Aiijoiird'hui, apres cinq ans d efforts, le livre de ML Tilley
lui permet pom la premiere fois de tneaurer le chernin paroouru
tout en emunerant Bos oonqudtes* de voir oe qui lui reste a d&xmvrir
dans la vie mvsteriense or agitee dti grand Tmirangeau. Cost mi
trquable expos£ des oonns aoquisea, concu <l;m> an humble
esprit de method) \ et iedigo dans une langue dout on tie sail rait trap
appn'vier la clai
Mais oe nVst pas asscz de feliciti t M Tillev At^ QOU8 avoir donno
edeganto .t bis oompl&te miss au point de la question Rabelaieienne,
rju olle etait a la fin de 1907, II taut lui BtfTOlt gti *\ \ avoir U
le fruit de sss recherchee peraonneUes, ei 1 appui de conjectures, parfbta
os£es mais bonjoura ing&nieusea, qui suggereront certainement de
nouveaux rapprochements el am&neroni plus d'une d&ouverte.
Le fait vient d> produire pour une des plus utiles byp<
du livre, le sliouf de Rabelais a Paris d* 1528 I 1680. Personne ne
Tignore, la jeunesso de maitiv Francois, jusipi'u Hm matriculation a
Moutpelli ingulierenient obscun, A pari les renseignementfl but
boo mage'A rfontenay le Com tits des l< I deaprtfl
de Bud/6, Am} Tiraqueau et Bouchard, autaat dire que nous ne aavons
1
404 Reviews
rien. Je crois avoir demon tre\ — mais M. Tilley ne pouvait en 1907 avoir
connaissance d'un article paru en mars 1908, — que Ton ne pent plus
faire etat de la pretendue signature de 1519 mise au jour par Benjamin
Fillon sur un acte d'achat des Cordeliers. J'ajouterai que le depart de
Rabelais du couvent de Fontenay, sous le coup des persecutions relatees
dans la lettre de Bude du 27 Janvier, 1524, ne me parait pas tres prouve.
L'illustre erudit felicite au contraire son jeune correspondant d 'a voir
retrouve ses livres et le calme de ses cheres etudes. II a fort bien pu
rester chez ses Cordeliers un an, deux ans encore — ne serait ce que pour
attendre la delivrance de l'indult papal l'autorisant a chancer d'ordre —
et cela aiderait naturellement a combler les six annees qui separent la
lettre de Bude* de rinscription a Montpellier.
Apres son entree dans la congregation de St Benoit, il est probable
que Rabelais fut plus attache a la personne de l'eveque Geoflroy d'Estissac
qu'a l'abbaye ou il avait pris l'habit, et qu'il sejourna plus volontiers a
Fontaine le Comte, pres d'Antoine Ardillon, a l'Hermenault ou a Liguge,
qu'a Maillezais. C'est de cette epoque heureuse et exempte de soucis dans
les Thelemes poitevines que datent sans doute les premieres Etudes de
medecine de Rabelais a l'Universite de Poitiers. Vers 1528 ou 1529,
selon M. Tilley, il serait venu habiter Paris pour accomplir ses trois
annees scolaires de lectures, *a l'ordinaire,' indispensables pour prendre le
degri de bachelier. Si, des son arrivee a Montpellier, il obtint le grade
envie, c'est qu'il avait satisfait au reglement dans la seule Universite de
France dont la Faculte de Montpellier reconnut l'enseignement, c'est a
dire a Paris.
Or, ce sejour dans la capitale, logique, probable, necessaire meme
pour expliquer les innombrables allusions du Second livre, vient de
recevoir une curieuse confirmation dans une remarque du professeur
Lefranc, a son cours du College de France, sur l'hotel ou college Saint
Denis, demeure de Pantagruel : 'De faict, arrive a Paris [l'anglois Thau-
maste] se transporta vers Thostel dudict Pantagruel qui estoit loge a
Thostel Sainct Denis' (liv. n, ch. 18). C'etait une maison qui servait
depuis le XIIP siecle de residence aux abbes de St Denis, au coin de
la rue des Grands Augustins et de la rue Saint Andre des Arts, Elle
recevait en meme temps des novices de l'ordre de St Benoit qui venaient
poursuivre leurs etudes a Paris. Par une coincidence remarquable les
abbes de Saint Denis etaient avant 1505 Antoine de la Haye, eveque
de Maillezais, puis Pierre Gouffier, abbe de Saint Maixent, et son frere
Aimery Gouffier, mort en octobre 1528. Rabelais, benedictin et moine
de Maillezais, devait done trouver au college de Saint Denis une
hospitalite toute indiquee, et M. Lefranc en a conclu tres justement
que s'il a choisi cette demeure pour y loger son heros, c'est qu'un
souvenir personnel lui rappelait la maison et le jardin ou Pantagruel ' se
pourmenoit avec Panurge philosophant a la mode des Peripateticques.'
Toutes les conjectures de M. Tilley n'ont pas, comme de juste, autant
de bonheur. Mais rien n'est plus ingenieux que ses deductions pour fixer
l'epoque precise de la redaction de Pantagruel et de Gargantua, quoi-
qu il ait tire, a mon sens, un argument trop important pour fixer
Reviews
405
lachevement du premier livre avam G \ tier 1534 de Llafaeence < lv touts
mention du premier voyage i Rome. Dea quatire adjoins en Italic, qui
rayonnerent d'un si vil eclat sur sa earriero, rien on prcsque Hen, ne so
1 eric to dans I'osuvxe de Rabelak, La Sciomachie, ennuyeuae comma un
proofs verbal, des lettaee si e&chea que M. Tilley, bien gratuitement seloo
mot, les suppose retnaniees, des breves mentions de la Colonne Trajane,
de l'Arc de Septime E t dee obelisques : vuilu le bilan de 06 qu'a
inspire an grand ♦ ; rii\ain la vflle Ateroelle! On aveuera que a f il efti
vu Rome avant 1534, il aurait ]ju ne paa on parlor davantage dana
(ittrtfatttiiti.
Faut-il done en conelure, avee M. Tilley, que ['imagination de
Rabelais n'6tait paa I impreaaiona du moade ext&rieur,
que 1'ecrivain, romiiir nous le diriuiis aujoutdliui, netait pas un'visuel"?
A mon avis, e'est se niontrer severe. Un style tout en images, en 00m-
iaona, eu metaphores, boujoura justes, toujoura pittoreaquea, fcoujours
oolordeSj euppoee au contraire use rape faculty d*£vocation, un veritable
amour dee 'choaea vnos," Haaa Rabelais, bout en pouasant juaqu'fc la
miuutia le scrupule de la vent« : dana aa iniae en acfeiie, y cherche avant
tout la vie en mouveinent, faction sous toutos 806 formes. II tie deerit
paa poUT le plaisir de deerire, il ne point pas pour lo plaisir de peindro, ot,
— le Jim »t dut-il paraitiv un pen gTOB — il ne fait pas preuve de gouts at do
Gonnaiaaancea anistiques bieu profondea, Consolooa nous en penaant,
avec M. Tilley, qail possedait an plus haut point le sens musical, bien
qu'un catalogue de musicions. dans le prologue du livre IV ne soil paa
une pn i ' oncluante !
II a bieu fhllu que IL Tillev aborcUU le probl&rae d»* ['authenticity
du cinqui&me Livre, 11 la fait avec toute la aagacit4 qtfil avail d£ji
apportee a Is diacuaeion dans deux articlea paras dana cette revue. La
question etant loin d'etre resoluo, il est inutile dentier dft&S le detail
J u du lb at I tependani, on pent ae demander li M. Tillev ne fait paa txop
bon marehe <les argument- iin- hi §tyl< II DH6 96mble qu'apraa avoir
tair nvs juatement reasortir a quel poinl Rabelaia a pouaae fart de
dunner h ehaetin de & le langage que oais
ae d&nentir, il aurait pu constater qu'fl ne reate run de cette admirable
entente du dialogue au cinqui&me livre, Bvidemmenfc, tant que la
preuve decisive pour ou oontre lauthenticit^ naura pas vu le jour, un
poun.i oomtne HL Tilley, ne voir la que dea raiaons ' aubjecti vee, Mais
si Rabelais out redige I'ceuvre pustbinno qu'un lui attribue, n
trouverait on pas oette quality mattreaae et bien d'autrea que IL Tilley
a eu raisun d<- mettreen liuiii'i' : la prodigieuse richeaaedu vocabulaire,
U ihutaisi^ exuberanie, la griseiie au sun dea coots e1 a I'barmonie de la
p£riode I
Jaitne beftUOOUp rhabilite avee htqueile Bt, Tilley a rapprocb^ *Us
faite de rilistuire geni ; ia]e lea prineipaux r\ ■» n< -m^iits de la vie de
elaia. Lea biographea out nop aouvent perdu de vue nela-
tion indispensable entiv Tcerivain el BOO temps. Je eieis eependant
quil ne tiiiidtait paa rattacher aui fluctuations d< la politique reli-
gieuae lea moindi lila de la oafritoe d<' mattre iTranfoick Certea,
406
Rem
belaia a Gadt preuve boat" (Tune rircozupectioti que l"«-xil do
XI arm,. !• Uurlh i (I*- holet • t bien d'autres raiaona suffiraient a juf
On congoit qn'il dftl songer plus d'une fois k metfcre la frontiers em
lul el laSorbonne, Mais courat-il vntiment tent de dangers? Beatidoup
oonnaissaienl I'huin&njste et le savant: bien pen Pan tear de iinrgantua
de PantaantA Ceux qui aavaient que maitre AJcofi
le merleem aba .In Bel lay ne faiaaient qu 'un, voyaient dans son livre un
amusement d*honn£tea geps, un divertissement d mper, Le bon
Rabelaj dangereux pour pereonne. A peine tronvait on pair
qu'il parlait, el surtout qu'il eerivait fcrop.
La biographic et I'Atade des cinq livres tiennent plus dee deux tiers
de I'&ude de XL TUley* Mais lantern* n'a pas voulu sen tenir a
I 'analyse de Pcauvre. En deux chapitrcs- 1'Art et le Philosophic i
Rabelais, j] nous a daoni un jugetnent < jui prendre place it c<
tie ceux de BrunetiiTf. de Faguet 3 de Gebbatt et de Stapfer J v
releve une utile remarque contra la recherche abusive dee sources et
dee emprunta a laquelle n Kvrent certaina critiques trop minntieiuc.
La moindre d»iancc, la plus petite analog, devieni sous tear
plume un plagiat. Cast exager& L/cBuvre de Rabelais contieni
u'emprunta indiniablea et dob deguises, pour qu'il soit inutile den
Allonger complaiwunment la lisle,
Louona fealement If. Tilley d'avoir renonc4 a {'interpretation aba-
cunse et aymboUoue telle que ta eomprenaient les commentatetira du
XVIir el du XIX" siecie. JVivnUf que jamais voulu le voir aller plus
loin dans tviir ?oie. La jeune reine Niphleseth lie me bit nvillemi'nt
BOnger a Marie Stuart, et en depit de I'autoritd de dti Pavilion, j'ai
peine a identifier frfereJean des Entommeures avec Buinard, prieurde
raise. Toutee cea interpretations, {'experience le prouve, tombent
one a une pour faire place a des elements i*£els. Jamet H raver, par
ex< m pie, oik Ion croyait voir Jacques Carrier, devient un parent tie
Rabelais, paiaible marinier de la Loire que maltre Francois trouve
plaiaanl d'embarquer dans un periple autotir du monde ! N'eat pas une
belle leron tie prudence, et ne vaut-il pas mieux sabs tenir que de
risqaer des rapprochements aussi aujeta a caution {
Je sins henivux tie ne pus retrouver ilans la figure du grand ccri vain,
que none trace XL Tilley le Solon contrefeisant l'ivresse pour en dego
ioncitoyena, le Bmtnfl feignant la folie pour enseigner dee v/;
dangexeuses, aussi faux, a mon point de vue, que l'ivrogne et le bouflbn
de l,i Pleiade, Le tire de Rabelais nest pas an masque. I
nature mcme. Son genie est fait de belle humour. Mais jaurais ainie
voir XL Tilley prendre plus cr&nement son parti des grasses plaisantei
seniles a pit ines mains dans les cinq tivree el ne pas chereher a rexcuaer
d avoir dootij libre tours a sa jovialite d^bordante. 11 ne s'agit la ni d'un
complaisant Stalage de cotmai8tancesjjjV''diraK-s t ni d'un artifice litters
ni d'un sacrili^ ir du jour pour aider a la vente <lu rouian. Disona
le sans ruugir. Si Ralielais n etale en dix ou dotize chapitrea et sem4 un
Sen parteut daus son ueuvre une telle avalanche de mots de gueule et
"l^cenites boiitfonneSj c T est que c^etttit la, cornme le rire r un des c6
Rev*-
407
<lt wm I/art tfatteint pas a un tel accent de rfno6rit&
> Comme les moinee, wee qui il a v«5a one inoitie de sa vh\ oomme les
lmkleeins, avec qui il a passe Pant re moitie, Rabelais ahuait lee equi-
v ot j lies enormes sur les organes de la digestion et de la generation,
source petit-etre impure inais a coup sur iriepuisablr dtt rire depuie
gafiUtta jusquu J/, de PourceoMgna&
Un livi« . comrae celiii de M.Tilloy ne re p;<*< sans quelques lapsm
queli j lies fautes ii*vol<*titnirt*s. LautettV ne 10 « n voudra pafl de lea lui
signaler, ne serai t ce qu 'en viie dime seoonde Edition que je eonhaite tribe
proohaine. Le portrait t qui serf, u juste bitre de frontispice, fait partie
de la Chronologic coll4e et aon ooUifyi p. 17 et 142, lire Que de Vede
au lieu de Vede: p. 17, la Deviniere etait 1 1 n hien patrimonial d'Antoine
Rabelais, et nun de sa femme ; p. 28, Jean Boucliet ne s etait pas retire
a Poitiers wrs 151B pom la bonne raiaon qu'il a'avait que fort peuquitte
cette ville depuis aa naissance et qu'il y nabita pour am si din- tuute si
vie; p. SS el 171, lire Briand \ lu lieu de Briaiul de Vallee; p. 37,
Bridot/e ne devrait pas etie trad nit. cest un noni qui existe encore 60
[ > i"iitnu et dont l'ldentite se revelera un j<>ur en lautre: p. 79, la mention
du titre de docteur ne prouve riao pour la date da la eeconde enppliqBe
an pane, car Rabelais, selon I'usage du tempo sintitnlait ain-i alori
quil n etait que bachelier (voir art, Plattard, EL EL H., V, 270); p 861 Ifl
bibliographic de M. Plan est de 1904 et Don de I sj>4,
Cea v^tilles et qnelquee autrec relevtea par M. Flatten! dans son
article de la Revue des fitudes Rab&Utmifm** (V, p. 180), nVnlevent
rien h la valour de {'ensemble. C'eet a la foia an livre de bonne foi et
de critique judicietiset I tout Faauvre d'uu lot t re sinc&rement
<q <iis de aoftre grand remain fran$au at, ooo l*on parle ton jours
bien dee oboeee al di que I'on aima, il ne faut paa s'&onnerqne
M. Tilley ait ecrit le tneillnir oiivrage que nous avion* enOOfti sur
Rabelais.
Hknki Clouzot
MINOR NOTICES.
Mr A, G, IPteeni Bowell, already known to readers of recent Fran-
n literature by his excellent little Introduction to Ifr Heywood's
translation of the Fiurettt, giws us ;i wry readable and tasteful
rendering of the two Lives of St FrancU o/AsiiM bjf Brother Thom&a <*/
I '.', I London, Methaeu and Co., 190T). The volume is adorned with
i reproauctioi] ol A. della Etobbia's Si Francis, and Is famished with an
Introduction and an Index* In the Introduction the most important
recent critical investig Mr Howell gives due weight
to Tatnassm ]^iM<nis/ but decides in favour of more
traditional viewa, Tbe od is that oflVAlenjon (1906).
408
Minor Notices
i ;
! :
La Vita Nuova e II Canzoniere di Dante Alighteri (Florence, Barb
1908) is the latest volume added to Barbara's dainty miniature ser
Edizione Vade Mecum. The type, though small, is wonderfully cl
and readable, and the text adopted — following Dr Moore s example-
that of Fraticelli, which was justified for popular use by so recen
critic as Barbi. In the Canzoniere only the admittedly authei
poems have been printed, Canzone xvii, Ballate viii and ix, i
Sonnetti xxii — xxvi being appended as of doubtful authentic
There is an Index of first lines.
L. R.
Dr Erich Walter's Adolf Friedrich Graf von Schack als Vbersei
(Breslauer Beitrdge zur Literaturgeschichte, X, Leipzig, M. Hesse, 19(
is a useful study of one aspect of a writer who has been rather und
depreciated as a literary dilettante. The treatise falls into two m
parts, the first affording a survey of Graf Schack's interest in vari
lands and literatures, the secona dealing with his translations, wh
are grouped according to the ' kinds/ into * Drama/ ' Epos/ ' Lyrik ' a
' Prosa.' Thus Schack's translations from the Spanish and Old Engl
drama are discussed side by side. Considering that the intrinsic val
of Schack's work as literature was inferior to its importance in drawi
the attention of his countrymen to new poets and literatures,
w r ould have seemed preferable to arrange the investigation according
the literatures. On the whole, Dr Walters results, which virtua
corroborate the general impression left by Schack's work as a translat
hardly justify so long and detailed a publication; much of his book,
belonging to the philological workshop, might with advantage ha
been curtailed or omitted.
J. G. B.
The publication of The Journal of English and Germanic Philolot
w r hich was founded and edited by the late Professor Gustaf E. Karste
has, we understand, been taken over by the University of Illinois. T
editorial supervision has for the present been placed in the hands
Dr Chester N. Greenough, Professor of English, and Dr O. E. Lessir
Professor of German. The forthcoming issue of the Journal (Vol. v
No. 2) will form a memorial to Professor Karsten, and, with tl
exception of a short biography, is to consist wholly of articles by hii
We are glad to be able to announce that with the October numb
The Modern Language Review will be very considerably enlarged
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it at a special subscription price of 7s. 6rf. The Hon. Secretary of tl
Association is Mr G. F. Bridge, 45, South Hill Park, Hampstea
London, N.W., to whom applications for membership should
addressed.
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Aarne, A., Vergleichende Marchonforschungcii. (Memoiros de la societe" finno-
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Ker, W. P., Epic and Romance : Essays on Mediaeval Literature. 2nd ed.
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Allan, A., Studi sulle opere poetiche o prosastiche di G. Carducci. Turin,
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410
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